NEUTRALITY.--WHISKEY INSURRECTION.--WAYNE'S SUCCESS AGAINST THE
INDIANS.
While the neutrality of the United States, so jealously guarded by
Washington, was endangered by the intrigues of the French minister, it
was put to imminent hazard by ill-advised measures of the British
cabinet. There was such a scarcity in France, in consequence of the
failure of the crops, that a famine was apprehended. England, availing
herself of her naval ascendency, determined to increase the distress
of her rival by cutting off all her supplies from abroad. In June,
1793, therefore, her cruisers were instructed to detain all vessels
bound to France with cargoes of corn, flour, or meal, take them into
port, unload them, purchase the cargoes, make a proper allowance for
the freight, and then release the vessels; or to allow the masters of
them, on a stipulated security, to dispose of their cargoes in a port
in amity with England. This measure gave umbrage to all parties in the
United States, and brought out an earnest remonstrance from the
government, as being a violation of the law of neutrals, and
indefensible on any proper construction of the law of nations.
Another grievance which helped to swell the tide of resentment against
Great Britain, was the frequent impressment of American seamen, a
wrong to which they were particularly exposed from national
similarity. To these may be added the persistence of Great Britain in
holding the posts to the south of the lakes, which, according to
treaty stipulations, ought to have been given up. Washington did not
feel himself in a position to press our rights under the treaty, with
the vigorous hand that some would urge; questions having risen in some
of the State courts, to obstruct the fulfilment of our part of it,
which regarded the payment of British debts contracted before the war.
The hostilities of the Indians north of the Ohio, by many attributed
to British wiles, still continued. The attempts at an amicable
negotiation had proved as fruitless as Washington had anticipated. The
troops under Wayne had, therefore, taken the field to act offensively;
but from the lateness of the season, had formed a winter camp near the
site of the present city of Cincinnati, whence Wayne was to open his
campaign in the ensuing spring.
Congress assembled on the 2d of December (1793), with various causes
of exasperation at work; the intrigues of Genet and the aggressions of
England, uniting to aggravate to a degree of infatuation the
partiality for France, and render imminent the chance of a foreign
war. Washington, in his opening speech, after expressing his deep and
respectful sense of the renewed testimony of public approbation
manifested in his re-election, proceeded to state the measures he had
taken, in consequence of the war in Europe, to protect the rights and
interests of the United States, and maintain peaceful relations with
the belligerent parties. Still he pressed upon Congress the necessity
of placing the country in a condition of complete defence. One part of
his speech conveyed an impressive admonition to the House of
Representatives: "No pecuniary consideration is more urgent than the
regular redemption and discharge of the public debt; in none can delay
be more injurious, or an economy of time more valuable." The necessity
of augmenting the public revenue in a degree commensurate with the
objects suggested, was likewise touched upon.
The choice of speaker showed that there was a majority of ten against
the administration, in the House of Representatives; yet it was
manifest, from the affectionate answer on the 6th, of the two Houses,
to Washington's speech, and the satisfaction expressed at his
re-election, that he was not included in the opposition which, from
this act, appeared to await his political system. Notwithstanding the
popular ferment in favor of France, both Houses seem to have approved
the course pursued by Washington in regard to that country; and as to
his proclamation of neutrality, while the House approved of it in
guarded terms, the Senate pronounced it a "measure well-timed and
wise; manifesting a watchful solicitude for the welfare of the nation,
and calculated to promote it."
Early in the session, Mr. Jefferson, in compliance with a requisition
which the House of Representatives had made, Feb. 23, 1791, furnished
an able and comprehensive report of the state of trade of the United
States with different countries; the nature and extent of exports and
imports, and the amount of tonnage of the American shipping:
specifying, also, the various restrictions and prohibitions by which
our commerce was embarrassed, and in some instances, almost ruined.
"Two methods," he said, "presented themselves, by which these
impediments might be removed, modified, or counteracted; friendly
arrangement or countervailing legislation. Friendly arrangements were
preferable with all who would come into them, and we should carry into
such arrangements all the liberality and spirit of accommodation which
the nature of the case would admit. But," he adds, "should any nation
continue its system of prohibitive duties and regulations, it behooves
us to protect our citizens, their commerce, and navigation, by counter
prohibitions, duties, and regulations."
With this able and elaborate report, Jefferson closed his labors as
Secretary of State. Washington had been especially sensible of the
talents and integrity displayed by Jefferson during the closing year
of his secretaryship, and particularly throughout this French
perplexity, and had recently made a last attempt, but an unsuccessful
one, to persuade him to remain in the cabinet. The place thus made
vacant was filled by Mr. Edmond Randolph, whose office of
Attorney-General was conferred on Mr. William Bradford, of
Pennsylvania.
The report of Mr. Jefferson on commercial intercourse, was soon taken
up in the House in a committee of the whole. A series of resolutions
based on it, and relating to the privileges and restrictions of the
commerce of the United States, were introduced by Mr. Madison, and
became the subject of a warm and acrimonious debate. The report upheld
the policy of turning the course of trade from England to France, by
discriminations in favor of the latter; and the resolutions were to
the same purport. The idea was to oppose commercial resistance to
commercial injury; to enforce a perfect commercial equality by
retaliating impositions, assuming that the commercial system of Great
Britain was hostile to the United States--a position strongly denied
by some of the debaters.
Though the subject was, or might seem to be, of a purely commercial
nature, it was inevitably mixed up with political considerations,
according as a favorable inclination to England or France was
apprehended. The debate, which had commenced on the 13th of January,
(1794,) was protracted to the 3d of February, when the question being
taken on the first resolution, it was carried by a majority of only
five, so nearly were parties divided. The further consideration of the
remaining resolutions was postponed to March, when it was resumed,
but, in consequence of the new complexion of affairs, was suspended
without a decision.
The next legislative movement was also productive of a warm debate,
though connected with a subject which appealed to the sympathies of
the whole nation. Algerine corsairs had captured eleven American
merchant vessels, and upwards of one hundred prisoners, and the
regency manifested a disposition for further outrages. A bill was
introduced into Congress proposing a force of six frigates, to protect
the commerce of the United States against the cruisers of this
piratical power. The bill met with strenuous opposition, but was
eventually passed by both Houses.
In the course of this session, fresh instances had come before the
government of the mischievous activity and audacity of Genet; showing
that, not content with compromising the neutrality of the United
States at sea, he was attempting to endanger it by land. From
documents received, it appeared that in November he had sent
emissaries to Kentucky, to enroll American citizens in an expedition
against New Orleans, and the Spanish possessions; furnishing them with
blank commissions for the purpose. It was an enterprise in which the
adventurous people of that State were ready enough to embark, through
enthusiasm for the French nation and impatience at the delay of Spain
to open the navigation of the Mississippi. Another expedition was to
proceed against the Floridas; men for the purpose to be enlisted at
the South, to rendezvous in Georgia, and to be aided by a body of
Indians and by a French fleet, should one arrive on the coast. A
proclamation from Governor Moultrie checked all such enlistments in
South Carolina.
Documents relating to these transactions were communicated to Congress
by Washington early in January. But, though the expedition set on foot
in South Carolina had been checked, it was subsequently reported that
the one in Kentucky against Louisiana, was still in progress and about
to descend the Ohio. These schemes showed such determined purpose, on
the part of Genet, to undermine the peace of the United States, that
Washington, without waiting a reply to the demand for his recall,
resolved to keep no further terms with that headlong diplomat. In a
cabinet council it was determined to supersede his diplomatic
functions, deprive him of the consequent privileges, and arrest his
person; a message to Congress, avowing such determination, was
prepared, but at this critical juncture came despatches from
Gouverneur Morris announcing his recall. Mr. Fauchet, secretary of the
executive council, was appointed to succeed him.
About this time vigilance was required to guard against wrongs from an
opposite quarter. We have noticed the orders issued by Great Britain
to her cruisers in June, 1793, and the resentment thereby excited in
the United States. On the 6th of the following month of November, she
had given them additional instructions to detain all vessels laden
with the produce of any colony belonging to France, or carrying
supplies to any such colony, and to bring them, with their cargoes, to
British ports, for adjudication in the British courts of admiralty.
Captures of American vessels were taking place in consequence of these
orders, and heightening public irritation. They were considered
indicative of determined hostility on the part of Great Britain, and
they produced measures in Congress preparatory to an apprehended state
of war. An embargo was laid, prohibiting all trade from the United
States to any foreign place for the space of thirty days, and vigorous
preparations for defence were adopted with but little opposition.
On the 27th of March, resolutions were moved that all debts due to
British subjects be sequestered and paid into the treasury, as a fund
to indemnify citizens of the United States for depredations sustained
from British cruisers, and that all intercourse with Great Britain be
interdicted until she had made compensation for these injuries, and
until she should make surrender of the Western posts.
The popular excitement was intense. Meetings were held on the subject
of British spoliations. 'Peace or war' was the absorbing question.
While the public mind was in this inflammable state, Washington
received advices from Mr. Pinckney, the American minister in London,
informing him that the British ministry had issued instructions to the
commanders of armed vessels, revoking those of the 6th of November,
1793. Lord Grenville also, in conversation with Mr. Pinckney, had
explained the real motives for that order, showing that, however
oppressive in its execution, it had not been intended for the special
vexation of American commerce. Washington laid Pinckney's letter
before Congress on the 4th of April. It had its effect on both
parties; Federalists saw in it a chance of accommodating difficulties,
and, therefore, opposed all measures calculated to irritate; the other
party did not press their belligerent propositions to any immediate
decision, but showed no solicitude to avoid a rupture.
The war cry, however, is too obvious a means of popular excitement to
be readily given up. Busy partisans saw that the feeling of the
populace was belligerent, and every means were taken by the press and
the democratic societies to exasperate this feeling; according to them
the crisis called, not for moderation, but for decision, for energy.
Still to adhere to a neutral position would argue tameness--cowardice!
Washington, however, was too morally brave to be clamored out of his
wise moderation by such taunts. He resolved to prevent a war, if
possible, by an appeal to British justice, to be made through a
special envoy, who should represent to the British government the
injuries we had sustained from it in various ways, and should urge
indemnification.
The measure was decried by the party favorable to France, as an undue
advance to the British government; but they were still more hostile to
it when it was rumored that Hamilton was to be chosen for the mission.
A member of the House of Representatives addressed a strong letter to
the President, deprecating the mission, but especially the reputed
choice of the envoy. Hamilton, aware of the "collateral obstacles"
which existed with respect to himself, had resolved to advise
Washington to drop him from the consideration and to fix upon another
character, and recommended John Jay, the chief justice of the United
States, as the man whom it would be advisable to send.
Mr. Jay was the person ultimately chosen. Washington, in his message,
thus nominating an additional envoy to Great Britain, expressed
undiminished confidence in the minister actually in London. "But a
mission like this," observes he, "while it corresponds with the
solemnity of the occasion, will announce to the world a solicitude for
a friendly adjustment of our complaints and a reluctance to
hostility." The nomination was approved by a majority of ten Senators.
The French government having so promptly complied with the wishes of
the American government in recalling citizen Genet, requested, as an
act of reciprocity, the recall of Gouverneur Morris, whose political
sympathies were considered highly aristocratical. The request was
granted accordingly, but Washington, in a letter to Morris, notifying
him of his being superseded, assured him of his own undiminished
confidence and friendship. James Munroe was appointed in his place.
[The discontents in the western part of Pennsylvania excited by the
excise law, now broke out into open insurrection.] We have already
mentioned the riotous opposition this law had experienced. Bills of
indictment had been found against some of the rioters. The marshal,
when on the way to serve the processes issued by the court, was fired
upon by armed men, and narrowly escaped with his life. He was
subsequently seized and compelled to renounce the exercise of his
official duties. The house of General Nevil, inspector of the revenue,
was assailed, but the assailants were repulsed. They assembled in
greater numbers; the magistrates and militia officers shrank from
interfering, lest it should provoke a general insurrection; a few
regular soldiers were obtained from the garrison at Fort Pitt. There
was a parley. The insurgents demanded that the inspector and his
papers should be given up; and the soldiers march out of the house and
ground their arms. The demand being refused, the house was attacked,
the out-houses set on fire, and the garrison was compelled to
surrender. The marshal and inspector finally escaped out of the
country; descended the Ohio, and, by a circuitous route, found their
way to the seat of government; bringing a lamentable tale of their
misadventures.
It was intimated that the insurgent district could bring seven
thousand men into the field. Delay would only swell the growing
disaffection. On the 7th of August, Washington issued a proclamation,
warning the insurgents to disperse, and declaring that if tranquillity
were not restored before the 1st of September, force would be employed
to compel submission to the laws. To show that this was not an empty
threat, he, on the same day, made a requisition on the governors of
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia, for militia to
compose an army of twelve thousand men.
The insurgents manifesting a disposition to persevere in their
rebellious conduct, the President issued a second proclamation on the
25th of September, describing in forcible terms, the perverse and
obstinate spirit with which the lenient propositions of government had
been met, and declaring his fixed purpose to reduce the refractory to
obedience. Shortly after this he left Philadelphia for Carlisle, to
join the army, then on its march to suppress the insurrection in the
western part of Pennsylvania. On the 10th, the Pennsylvania troops set
out from Carlisle for their rendezvous at Bedford, and Washington
proceeded to Williamsport, thence to go on to Fort Cumberland, the
rendezvous of the Virginia and Maryland troops. He arrived at the
latter place on the 16th of October, and found a respectable force
assembled from those States, and learnt that fifteen hundred more from
Virginia were at hand. All accounts agreed that the insurgents were
greatly alarmed at the serious appearance of things. At Bedford,
Washington arranged matters and settled a plan of military operations.
The governors of Virginia, Maryland and Pennsylvania, were at the head
of the troops of their respective States, but Governor Lee was to have
the general command. This done, Washington prepared to shape his
course for Philadelphia.
Washington pushed on for Philadelphia, through deep roads and a three
days' rain, and arrived there about the last of October. Governor Lee
marched with the troops in two divisions, amounting to fifteen
thousand men, into the western counties of Pennsylvania. This great
military array extinguished at once the kindling elements of a civil
war, "by making resistance desperate." At the approach of so
overwhelming a force the insurgents laid down their arms, and gave
assurance of submission, and craved the clemency of government. It was
extended to them. A few were tried for treason, but were not
convicted; but as some spirit of discontent was still manifest,
Major-general Morgan was stationed with a detachment for the winter,
in the disaffected region.
It was with great satisfaction that Washington had been able to
announce [in his speech at the opening of Congress, Nov. 9th]
favorable intelligence of the campaign of General Wayne against the
hostile Indians west of the Ohio. That brave commander had conducted
it with a judgment and prudence little compatible with the
hare-brained appellation he had acquired by his rash exploits during
the Revolution. Leaving his winter encampment on the Ohio, in the
spring (of 1794), he had advanced cautiously into the wild country
west of it; skirmishing with bands of lurking savages as he advanced,
and establishing posts to keep up communication and secure the
transmission of supplies. It was not until the 8th of August that he
arrived at the junction of the rivers Au Glaize and Miami, in a
fertile and populous region, where the Western Indians had their most
important villages. Here he threw up some works, which he named Fort
Defiance. Being strengthened by eleven hundred mounted volunteers from
Kentucky, his force exceeded that of the savage warriors who had
collected to oppose him, which scarcely amounted to two thousand men.
These, however, were strongly encamped in the vicinity of Fort Miami,
a British post, about thirty miles distant, and far within the limits
of the United States, and seemed prepared to give battle, expecting,
possibly, to be aided by the British garrison.
On the 20th, being arrived near the enemy's position, his advanced
guard was fired upon by an ambush of the enemy concealed in a thicket,
and was compelled to retreat. The general now ordered an attack of
horse and foot upon the enemy's position; the Indians were roused from
their lair with the point of the bayonet; driven, fighting for more
than two miles, through thick woods, and pursued with great slaughter,
until within gunshot of the British fort.
In his official address to Congress, Washington had urged the adoption
of some definite plan for the redemption of the public debt. A plan
was reported by Mr. Hamilton, 20th January, 1795, which he had
digested and prepared on the basis of the actual revenues, for the
further support of public credit. The report embraced a comprehensive
view of the system which he had pursued, and made some
recommendations, which after much debate were adopted.
So closed Mr. Hamilton's labors as Secretary of the Treasury. He had
long meditated a retirement from his post, the pay of which was
inadequate to the support of his family, but had postponed it, first,
on account of the accusations brought against him in the second
Congress, and of which he awaited the investigation; secondly, in
consequence of events which rendered the prospect of a continuance of
peace precarious. But these reasons no longer operating, he gave
notice, that on the last day of the ensuing month of January he should
give in his resignation.
Hamilton was succeeded in office by Oliver Wolcott, of Connecticut, a
man of judgment and ability, who had served as comptroller, and was
familiar with the duties of the office. Knox likewise had given in his
resignation at the close of the month of December. "After having
served my country nearly twenty years," writes he to Washington, "the
greatest portion of which under your immediate auspices, it is with
extreme reluctance that I find myself constrained to withdraw from so
honorable a station. But the natural and powerful claims of a numerous
family will no longer permit me to neglect their essential interests."
Knox was succeeded in the war department by Colonel Timothy Pickering,
at that time Postmaster-General.