WASHINGTON'S SECOND TERM.--DIFFICULTIES WITH THE FRENCH AMBASSADOR.
It was after a long and painful conflict of feelings that Washington
consented to be a candidate for a re-election. There was no opposition
on the part of the public, and the vote for him in the Electoral
College was unanimous. In a letter to a friend, he declared himself
gratefully impressed by so distinguished and honorable a testimony of
public approbation and confidence. George Clinton, of New York, was
held up for the vice-presidency, in opposition to John Adams; but the
latter was re-elected by a majority of twenty-seven electoral votes.
The session of Congress opened on the 5th of November. The continuance
of the Indian war formed a painful topic in the President's address.
Efforts at pacification had as yet been unsuccessful; two brave
officers, Colonel Hardin and Major Trueman, who had been sent to
negotiate with the savages, had been severally murdered. Vigorous
preparations were therefore making for an active prosecution of
hostilities, in which Wayne was to take the field. The factious and
turbulent opposition which had been made in some parts of the country
to the collection of duties on spirituous liquors distilled in the
United States, was likewise adverted to by the President, and a
determination expressed to assert and maintain the just authority of
the laws. In a part of the speech addressed to the House of
Representatives, he expressed a strong hope that the state of the
national finances was now sufficiently matured to admit of an
arrangement for the redemption and discharge of the public debt.
The address was well received by both houses, and a disposition
expressed to concur with the President's views and wishes. The
discussion of the subjects to which he had called their attention,
soon produced vehement conflicts of opinion in the House, marking the
growing virulence of parties. The Secretary of the Treasury, in
reporting, at the request of the House, a plan for the annual
reduction of so much of the national debt as the United States had a
right to redeem, spoke of the expenses of the Indian war, and the
necessity of additional internal taxes. The consideration of the
report was parried or evaded, and a motion made to reduce the military
establishment. This gave an opportunity for sternly criticising the
mode in which the Indian war had been conducted; for discussing the
comparative merits and cost of regular and militia forces, and for
inveighing against standing armies, as dangerous to liberty. These
discussions, while they elicited much heat, led to no present result,
and gave way to an inquiry into the conduct of the Secretary of the
Treasury in regard to certain loans, which the President in conformity
to acts of Congress, had authorized him to make; but concerning the
management of which he had not furnished detailed reports to the
legislature. The subject was opened by Mr. Giles, of Virginia, who
moved in the House of Representatives a series of resolutions seeking
information in the matter, and who followed his resolutions by a
speech, charging the Secretary of the Treasury with official
misconduct, and intimating that a large balance of public money had
not been accounted for. A report of the Secretary gave all the
information desired; but the charges against him continued to be urged
with great acrimony to the close of the session, when they were
signally rejected, not more than sixteen members voting for any one of
them.
Washington, though he never courted popularity, was attentive to the
signs of public opinion, and disposed to be guided by them when right.
The time for entering upon his second term of Presidency was at hand.
There had been much cavilling at the parade attending his first
installation. To guide him on the coming occasion, Washington called
the heads of departments together, and desired they would consult with
one another, and agree on any changes they might consider for the
better, assuring them he would willingly conform to whatever they
should advise.
They held such consultation, and ultimately gave their individual
opinions in writing, with regard to the time, manner, and place of the
President's taking the oath of office. As they were divided in
opinion, and gave no positive advice as to any change, no change was
made. On the 4th of March, the oath was publicly administered to
Washington by Mr. Justice Cushing, in the Senate Chamber, in presence
of the heads of departments, foreign ministers, such members of the
House of Representatives as were in town, and as many other spectators
as could be accommodated.
It was under gloomy auspices, a divided cabinet, an increasing
exasperation of parties, a suspicion of monarchial tendencies, and a
threatened abatement of popularity, that Washington entered upon his
second term of presidency. It was a portentous period in the history
of the world, for in a little while came news of that tragical event,
the beheading of Louis XVI. An event followed hard upon it to shake
the quiet of the world. Early in April intelligence was received that
France had declared war against England. Popular excitement was now
wound up to the highest pitch. What, it was asked, were Americans to
do in such a juncture? Could they remain unconcerned spectators of a
conflict between their ancient enemy and republican France? Should
they fold their arms and look coldly on a war, begun, it is true, by
France, but threatening the subversion of the republic, and the
re-establishment of a monarchial government?
Many, in the wild enthusiasm of the moment, would at once have
precipitated the country into a war. Fortunately this belligerent
impulse was not general, and was checked by the calm, controlling
wisdom of Washington. He was at Mount Vernon when he received news of
the war, and understood that American vessels were already designated,
and some even fitting out to serve in it as privateers. Hastening back
to Philadelphia, he held a cabinet council on the 19th of April to
deliberate on the measures proper to be observed by the United States
in the present crisis; and to determine upon a general plan of conduct
for the Executive.
In this council it was unanimously determined that a proclamation
should be issued by the President, "forbidding the citizens of the
United States to take part in any hostilities on the seas, and warning
them against carrying to the belligerents any articles deemed
contraband according to the modern usages of nations, and forbidding
all acts and proceedings inconsistent with the duties of a friendly
nation towards those at war." It was unanimously agreed also, that
should the republic of France send a minister to the United States, he
should be received.
No one at the present day questions the wisdom of Washington's
proclamation of neutrality. It was our true policy to keep aloof from
European war, in which our power would be inefficient, our loss
certain. The measure, however, was at variance with the enthusiastic
feelings and excited passions of a large portion of the citizens. They
treated it for a time with some forbearance, out of long-cherished
reverence for Washington's name; but his popularity, hitherto
unlimited, was no proof against the inflamed state of public feeling.
The proclamation was stigmatized as a royal edict; a daring assumption
of power; an open manifestation of partiality for England and
hostility to France. Washington saw that a deadly blow was aimed at
his influence and his administration, and that both were at hazard;
but he was convinced that neutrality was the true national policy, and
he resolved to maintain it, whatever might be his immediate loss of
popular favor. His resolution was soon put to the test.
The French republic had recently appointed Edmond Charles Genet, or
'Citizen Genet,' as he was styled, minister to the United States. He
was represented as a young man of good parts, very well educated, and
of an ardent temper. A letter from Gouverneur Morris [at that time
minister to France] apprised Mr. Jefferson that the Executive Council
had furnished Genet with three hundred blank commissions for
privateers, to be given clandestinely to such persons as he might find
in America inclined to take them.
Genet's conduct proved the correctness of this information. He had
landed at Charleston, South Carolina, from the French frigate, the
Ambuscade, on the 8th of April, a short time before the proclamation
of neutrality, and was received with great rejoicing and extravagant
demonstrations of respect. His landing at a port several hundred miles
from the seat of government was a singular move for a diplomat; but
his object in so doing was soon evident. It is usual for a foreign
minister to present his credentials to the government to which he
comes, and be received by it in form before he presumes to enter upon
the exercise of his functions. Citizen Genet, however, did not stop
for these formalities. Confident in his nature, heated in his zeal,
and flushed with the popular warmth of his reception, he could not
pause to consider the proprieties of his mission and the delicate
responsibilities involved in diplomacy. The contiguity of Charleston
to the West Indies made it a favorable port for fitting out privateers
against the trade of these islands; and during Genet's short sojourn
there he issued commissions for arming and equipping vessels of war
for that purpose, and manning them with Americans.
In the latter part of April, Genet set out for the north by land. As
he proceeded on his journey, the newspapers teemed with accounts of
the processions and addresses with which he was greeted, and the
festivities which celebrated his arrival at each place. On the 16th of
May he arrived at Philadelphia. His belligerent operations at
Charleston had already been made a subject of complaint to the
government by Mr. Hammond, the British minister; but they produced no
abatement in the public enthusiasm.
On the following day, various societies and a large body of citizens
waited upon him with addresses, recalling with gratitude the aid given
by France in the achievement of American independence, and extolling
and rejoicing in the success of the arms of the French republic. On
the same day, before Genet had presented his credentials and been
acknowledged by the President, he was invited to a grand republican
dinner, "at which," we are told, "the company united in singing the
Marseilles Hymn." On the 18th of May, Genet presented his letter of
credence to the President: by whom, notwithstanding his late
unwarrantable proceedings at Charleston, he was well received.
Washington taking the occasion to express his sincere regard for the
French nation.
The acts of this diplomatic personage at Charleston had not been the
sole ground of the complaint preferred by the British minister. The
capture of the British vessel, the Grange, by the frigate Ambuscade,
formed a graver one. Occurring within our waters, it was a clear
usurpation of national sovereignty, and a violation of neutral rights.
The British minister demanded a restitution of the prize, and the
cabinet were unanimously of opinion that restitution should be made;
nor was there any difficulty with the French minister on this head;
but restitution was likewise claimed of other vessels captured on the
high seas and brought into port by the privateers authorized by Genet.
In regard to these there was a difference of sentiment in the cabinet.
Hamilton and Knox were of opinion that the government should interpose
to restore the prizes; it being the duty of a neutral nation to remedy
any injury sustained by armaments fitted out in its ports. Jefferson
and Randolph contended that the case should be left to the decision of
the courts of justice. If the courts adjudged the commissions issued
by Genet to be invalid, they would, of course, decide the captures
made under them to be void, and the property to remain in the original
owners; if, on the other hand, the legal right to the property had
been transferred to the captors, they would so decide.
Seeing this difference of opinion in the cabinet, Washington reserved
the point for further deliberation; but directed the Secretary of
State to communicate to the ministers of France and Britain the
principles in which they concurred; these being considered as settled.
Circular letters, also, were addressed to the governors of several
States, requiring their co-operation, with force, if necessary, to
carry out the rules agreed upon.
Genet took umbrage at these decisions of the government, and expressed
his dissatisfaction in a letter, complaining of them as violations of
natural right, and subversive of the existing treaties between the two
nations. His letter, though somewhat wanting in strict decorum of
language, induced a review of the subject in the cabinet; and he was
informed that no reason appeared for changing the system adopted. He
was further informed that, in the opinion of the executive, the
vessels which had been illegally equipped should depart from the ports
of the United States.
Genet was not disposed to acquiesce in these decisions. He was aware
of the grateful feelings of the nation to France; of the popular
disposition to go all lengths, short of war, in her favor; of the
popular idea that republican interests were identical on both sides of
the Atlantic; that a royal triumph over republicanism in Europe would
be followed by a combination to destroy it in this country. The
people, he thought, were with him, if Washington was not, and he
believed the latter would not dare to risk his popularity in thwarting
their enthusiasm. He persisted, therefore, in disregarding the
decisions of the government, and spoke of them as a departure from the
obligations it owed to France; a cowardly abandonment of friends when
danger menaced.
Another event added to the irritation of Genet. Two American citizens,
whom he had engaged at Charleston to cruise in the service of France,
were arrested on board of the privateer, conducted to prison, and
prosecutions commenced against them. The indignant feelings of Genet
were vented in an extraordinary letter to the Secretary of State. When
speaking of their arrest, "The crime laid to their charge," writes
he--"the crime which my mind cannot conceive, and which my pen almost
refuses to state--is the serving of France, and defending with her
children the common glorious cause of liberty." The lofty and
indignant tone of this letter had no effect in shaking the
determination of government, or obtaining the release of the
prisoners. Washington confesses, however, that he was very much
hurried and perplexed by the "disputes, memorials, and what not," with
which he was pestered, by one or other of the powers at war. It was a
sore trial of his equanimity, his impartiality and his discrimination,
and wore upon his spirits and his health.
In the latter part of July, Washington was suddenly called to Mount
Vernon by the death of Mr. Whiting, the manager of his estates. During
his brief absence from the seat of government, occurred the case of
the Little Sarah. This was a British merchant vessel which had been
captured by a French privateer, and brought into Philadelphia, where
she had been armed and equipped for privateering; manned with one
hundred and twenty men, many of them Americans, and her name changed
into that of _Le Petit Democrat_. This, of course, was in violation of
Washington's decision, which had been communicated to Genet.
General Mifflin, now Governor of Pennsylvania, being informed, on the
6th of July, that the vessel was to sail the next day, sent his
secretary, Mr. Dallas, at midnight to Genet, to persuade him to detain
her until the President should arrive, intimating that otherwise force
would be used to prevent her departure. Genet flew into one of the
transports of passion to which he was prone; contrasted the treatment
experienced by him from the officers of government, with the
attachment to his nation professed by the people at large; declared
that the President was not the sovereign of the country, and had no
right, without consulting Congress, to give such instructions as he
had issued to the State Governors; threatened to appeal from his
decision to the people, and to repel force by force, should an attempt
be made to seize the privateer.
Apprised of this menace, Governor Mifflin forthwith ordered out one
hundred and twenty of the militia to take possession of the privateer,
and communicated the circumstances of the case to the cabinet.
Mr. Jefferson now took the matter in hand, and, on the 7th of July, in
an interview with Genet, repeated the request that the privateer be
detained until the arrival of the President. Genet, he writes,
instantly took up the subject in a very high tone, and went into an
immense field of declamation and complaint. Jefferson made a few
efforts to be heard, but, finding them ineffectual, suffered the
torrent of vituperation to pour on. When Genet had subsided into
coolness, Jefferson pressed the detention of the Little Sarah until
the President's return; intimating that her previous departure would
be considered a very serious offence. Genet made no promise, but
expressed himself very happy to be able to inform Mr. Jefferson that
the vessel was not in a state of readiness; she had to change her
position that day, he said, and fall down the river, somewhere about
the lower end of the town, for the convenience of taking some things
on board, and would not depart yet. Jefferson was accordingly
impressed with the belief that the privateer would remain in the river
until the President should decide on her case, and, on communicating
this conviction to the governor, the latter ordered the militia to be
dismissed.
Washington arrived at Philadelphia on the 11th of July, when papers
requiring "instant attention" were put into his hands. They related to
the case of the Little Sarah, and were from Jefferson, who, being ill
with fever, had retired to his seat in the country. Nothing could
exceed the displeasure of Washington when he examined these papers. In
a cabinet council held the next day, it was determined to detain in
port all privateers which had been equipped within the United States
by any of the belligerent powers. No time was lost in communicating
this determination to Genet; but, in defiance of it, the vessel sailed
on her cruise. It must have been a severe trial of Washington's spirit
to see his authority thus braved and insulted, and to find that the
people, notwithstanding the indignity thus offered to their chief
magistrate, sided with the aggressors, and exulted in their open
defiance of his neutral policy.
Fresh mortifications awaited him, from the distempered state of public
sentiment. The trial came on of Gideon Henfield, an American citizen,
prosecuted under the advice of the Attorney-General, for having
enlisted, at Charleston, on board of a French privateer which had
brought prizes into the port of Philadelphia. The populace took part
with Henfield. He had enlisted before the proclamation of neutrality
had been published, and even if he had enlisted at a later date, was
he to be punished for engaging with their ancient ally, France, in the
cause of liberty against the royal despots of Europe? His acquittal
exposed Washington to the obloquy of having attempted a measure which
the laws would not justify. It showed him, moreover, the futility of
attempts at punishment for infractions of the rules proclaimed for the
preservation of neutrality; while the clamorous rejoicing by which the
acquittal of Henfield had been celebrated, evinced the popular
disposition to thwart that line of policy which he considered most
calculated to promote the public good. Nothing, however, could induce
him to swerve from that policy.
Hitherto Washington had exercised great forbearance toward the French
minister, notwithstanding the little respect shown by the latter to
the rights of the United States; but the official communications of
Genet were becoming too offensive and insulting to be longer
tolerated. Meetings of the heads of departments and the
Attorney-General were held at the President's on the 1st and 2d of
August, in which the whole of the official correspondence and conduct
of Genet was passed in review; and it was agreed that his recall
should be desired. It was proposed that a publication of the whole
correspondence, and a statement of the proceedings, should be made by
way of appeal to the people. This produced animated debates. Hamilton
spoke with great warmth in favor of an appeal. Jefferson opposed it.
"Genet," said he, "will appeal also; it will become a contest between
the President and Genet."
Washington, already weary and impatient under the incessant
dissensions of his cabinet, was stung by the suggestion that he might
be held up as in conflict with Genet, and subjected, as he had been,
to the ribaldry of the press. At this unlucky moment Knox blundered
forth with a specimen of the scandalous libels already in circulation;
a pasquinade lately printed, called the Funeral of George Washington,
wherein the President was represented as placed upon a guillotine, a
horrible parody on the late decapitation of the French King. "The
President," writes Jefferson, "now burst forth into one of those
transports of passion beyond his control; inveighed against the
personal abuse which had been bestowed upon him, and defied any man on
earth to produce a single act of his since he had been in the
government that had not been done on the purest motives. He had never
repented but once the having slipped the moment of resigning his
office, and that was every moment since. In the agony of his heart he
declared that he had rather be in his grave than in his present
situation; that he had rather be on his farm than to be made emperor
of the world--and yet, said he, indignantly, they are charging me with
wanting to be a king!
"All were silent during this burst of feeling--a pause ensued--it was
difficult to resume the question. Washington, however, who had
recovered his equanimity, put an end to the difficulty. There was no
necessity, he said, for deciding the matter at present; perhaps events
would show whether the appeal would be necessary or not."
Washington had hitherto been annoyed and perplexed by having to manage
a divided cabinet; he was now threatened with that cabinet's
dissolution. Mr. Hamilton had informed him by letter, that private as
well as public reasons had determined him to retire from office
towards the close of the next session; probably with a view to give
Congress an opportunity to examine into his conduct. Now came a letter
from Mr. Jefferson, dated July 31st, in which he announced his
intention to withdraw; "at the close of the ensuing month of
September, I shall beg leave to retire to scenes of greater
tranquillity, from those for which I am every day more and more
convinced that neither my talents, tone of mind, nor time of life fit
me."
Washington was both grieved and embarrassed by this notification. Full
of concern, he called upon Jefferson at his country residence near
Philadelphia; pictured his deep distress at finding himself, in the
present perplexing juncture of affairs, about to be deserted by those
of his cabinet on whose counsel he had counted, and whose places he
knew not where to find persons competent to supply; and, in his
chagrin, again expressed his repentance that he himself had not
resigned as he had once meditated. The public mind, he went on to
observe, was in an alarming state of ferment; political combinations
of various kinds were forming; where all this would end he knew not. A
new Congress was to assemble, more numerous than the last, perhaps of
a different spirit; the first expressions of its sentiments would be
important, and it would relieve him considerably if Jefferson would
remain in office, if it were only until the end of the session.
Washington had the highest opinion of Jefferson's abilities, his
knowledge of foreign affairs, his thorough patriotism; and it was his
earnest desire to retain him in his cabinet through the whole of the
ensuing session of Congress; before the close of which he trusted the
affairs of the country relating to foreign powers, Indian
disturbances, and internal policy, would have taken a more decisive,
and it was to be hoped agreeable form than they then had. A compromise
was eventually made, according to which Jefferson was to be allowed a
temporary absence in the autumn, and on his return was to continue in
office until January.
In the meantime Genet had proceeded to New York, which was just then
in a great agitation. The frigate Ambuscade, while anchored in the
harbor, had been challenged to single combat by the British frigate
Boston, Captain Courtney, which was cruising off the Hook. The
challenge was accepted; a severe action ensued; Courtney was killed;
and the Boston, much damaged, was obliged to stand for Halifax. The
Ambuscade returned triumphant to New York, and entered the port amid
the enthusiastic cheers of the populace. On the same day, a French
fleet of fifteen sail arrived from the Chesapeake and anchored in the
Hudson river. The officers and crews were objects of unbounded favor
with all who inclined to the French cause. In the midst of this
excitement, the ringing of bells and the firing of cannon announced
that Citizen Genet was arrived at Powles Hook Ferry, directly opposite
the city. There was an immediate assemblage of the republican party in
the fields now called the Park. A committee was appointed to escort
Genet into the city. He entered it amid the almost frantic cheerings
of the populace. Addresses were made to him, expressing devoted
attachment to the French republic, and abjuring all neutrality in
regard to its heroic struggle.
In the midst of his self-gratulation and complacency, however, he
received a letter from Mr. Jefferson (Sept. 15), acquainting him with
the measures taken to procure his recall, and inclosing a copy of the
letter written for that purpose to the American minister at Paris. It
was added, that, out of anxious regard lest the interests of France
might suffer, the Executive would, in the meantime, receive his (M.
Genet's) communications in writing, and admit the continuance of his
functions so long as they should be restrained within the law as
theretofore announced to him, and should be of the tenor usually
observed towards independent nations, by the representative of a
friendly power residing with them.
The letter of the Secretary of State threw Genet into a violent
passion, and produced a reply (Sept. 18), written while he was still
in a great heat. Unfortunately for Genet's ephemeral popularity, a
rumor got abroad that he had expressed a determination to appeal from
the President to the people. The spirit of audacity thus manifested by
a foreign minister shocked the national pride. Meetings were held in
every part of the Union to express the public feeling in the matter.
In these meetings the proclamation of neutrality and the system of
measures flowing from it, were sustained, partly from a conviction of
their wisdom and justice, but more from an undiminished affection for
the person and character of Washington; for many who did not espouse
his views, were ready to support him in the exercise of his
constitutional functions.