JAY'S TREATY.--PARTY CLAIMS.--DIFFICULTIES WITH FRANCE.--FAREWELL
ADDRESS.
Washington had watched the progress of the mission of Mr. Jay to
England with an anxious eye. He was aware that he had exposed his
popularity to imminent hazard, by making an advance toward a
negotiation with that power; but what was of still greater moment with
him, he was aware that the peace and happiness of his country were at
stake on the result of that mission. It was, moreover, a mission of
great delicacy, from the many intricate and difficult points to be
discussed, and the various and mutual grounds of complaint to be
adjusted. Mr. Jay, in a letter dated August 5th, 1794, had informed
him confidentially, that the ministry were prepared to settle the
matters in dispute upon just and liberal terms; still, what those
terms, which they conceived to be just and liberal, might prove when
they came to be closely discussed, no one could prognosticate.
At length, on the 7th of March, 1795, four days after the close of the
session of Congress, a treaty arrived which had been negotiated by Mr.
Jay, and signed by the ministers of the two nations on the 19th of
November, and was sent out for ratification. Washington immediately
made the treaty a close study; some of the provisions were perfectly
satisfactory; of others, he did not approve; on the whole, believing
the advantages to outweigh the objections, and that it was the best
treaty attainable, he made up his mind to ratify it, should it be
approved by the Senate.
As a system of predetermined hostility to the treaty, however, was
already manifested, and efforts were made to awaken popular jealousy
concerning it, Washington kept its provisions secret, that the public
mind might not be preoccupied on the subject. In the course of a few
days, however, enough leaked out to be seized upon by the opposition
press to excite public distrust, though not enough to convey a
distinct idea of the merits of the instrument.
In the course of this month arrived Mr. Adet, who had been appointed
by the French government to succeed Mr. Fauchet as minister to the
United States.
{Illustration: FROM HOUDON'S BUST. Vol. IV.}
The Senate was convened by Washington on the 8th of June, and the
treaty of Mr. Jay was laid before it, with its accompanying documents.
The session was with closed doors, discussions were long and arduous,
and the treaty underwent a scrutinizing examination. The twelfth
article met with especial objections.
This article provided for a direct trade between the United States and
the British West India Islands, in American vessels not exceeding
seventy tons burden, conveying the produce of the States or of the
Islands; but it prohibited the exportation of molasses, sugar, coffee,
cocoa, or cotton, in American vessels, either from the United States
or the Islands, to any part of the world. Under this article it was a
restricted intercourse, but Mr. Jay considered the admission even of
small vessels, to the trade of these islands, an important advantage
to the commerce of the United States. He had not sufficiently adverted
to the fact that, among the prohibited articles, cotton was also a
product of the Southern States. Its cultivation had been but recently
introduced there; so that when he sailed for Europe hardly sufficient
had been raised for domestic consumption, and at the time of signing
the treaty very little, if any, had been exported. Still it was now
becoming an important staple of the South, and hence the objection of
the Senate to this article of the treaty. On the 24th of June
two-thirds of the Senate, the constitutional majority, voted for the
ratification of the treaty, stipulating, however, that an article be
added suspending so much of the twelfth article as respected the West
India trade, and that the President be requested to open, without
delay, further negotiation on this head.
In the meantime the popular discontent which had been excited
concerning the treaty was daily increasing. The secrecy which had been
maintained with regard to its provisions was wrested into a cause of
offence. Such was the irritable condition of the public mind when, on
the 29th of June, a Senator of the United States (Mr. Mason of
Virginia) sent an abstract of the treaty to be published in a leading
opposition paper in Philadelphia. The whole country was immediately in
a blaze. Beside the opposition party, a portion of the Cabinet was
against the ratification. Of course it received but a faltering
support, while the attack upon it was vehement and sustained. The
assailants seemed determined to carry their point by storm. Meetings
to oppose the ratification were held in Boston, New York,
Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Charleston. The smaller towns throughout
the Union followed their example. In New York a copy of the treaty was
burnt before the governor's house. In Philadelphia it was suspended on
a pole carried about the streets, and finally burnt in front of the
British minister's house, amid the shoutings of the populace. The
whole country seemed determined, by prompt and clamorous
manifestations of dissatisfaction, to make Washington give way.
He saw their purpose; he was aware of the odious points of view on
which the treaty might justly be placed; his own opinion was not
particularly favorable to it; but he was convinced that it was better
to ratify it, in the manner the Senate had advised, and with the
reservation already mentioned, than to suffer matters to remain in
their present unsettled and precarious state. Before he could act upon
this conviction a new difficulty arose to suspend his resolution. News
came that the order of the British government of the 8th of June,
1793, for the seizure of provisions in vessels going to French ports,
was renewed. Washington instantly directed that a strong memorial
should be drawn up against this order; as it seemed to favor a
construction of the treaty which he was determined to resist. While
this memorial was in course of preparation, he was called off to Mount
Vernon.
The opposition made to the treaty from meetings in different parts of
the Union gave him the most serious uneasiness, from the effect it
might have on the relations with France and England. His reply (July
28th) to an address from the selectmen of Boston, contains the spirit
of his replies to other addresses of the kind: "Without a predilection
for my own judgment I have weighed with attention every argument which
has at any time been brought into view. But the constitution is the
guide which I never can abandon. It has assigned to the President the
power of making treaties with the advice and consent of the Senate. It
was, doubtless, supposed that these two branches of government would
combine, without passion, and with the best means of information,
those facts and principles upon which the success of our foreign
relations will always depend; that they ought not to substitute for
their own conviction the opinions of others, or to seek truth through
any channel but that of a temperate and well-informed investigation.
Under this persuasion, I have resolved on the manner of executing the
duty before me. To the high responsibility of it, I freely submit, and
you, gentlemen, are at liberty to make these sentiments known as the
grounds of my procedure. While I feel the most lively gratitude for
the many instances of approbation from my country, I can no otherwise
deserve it than by obeying the dictates of my conscience." Never,
during his administration, had he seen a crisis, in his judgment, so
pregnant with interesting events, nor one from which, whether viewed
on one side or the other, more was to be apprehended. It was a crisis,
he said, that most eminently called upon the administration to be wise
and temperate, as well as firm. The public clamor continued, and
induced a reiterated examination of the subject; but did not shake his
purpose.
The difficult and intricate questions pressing upon the attention of
government left Washington little mood to enjoy the retirement of
Mount Vernon, being constantly in doubt whether his presence in
Philadelphia were not necessary. In his letters to Randolph, he
requested to be kept continually advised on this head. "I do not
require more than a day's notice to repair to the seat of government."
His promptness was soon put to the test. Early in August came a
mysterious letter, dated July 31, from Mr. Pickering, the secretary of
war. "On the subject of the treaty," writes Pickering, "I confess I
feel extreme solicitude, and for a _special reason_, which can be
communicated to you only in person. I entreat, therefore, that you
will return with all convenient speed to the seat of government. In
the meanwhile, for the reason above referred to, I pray you to decide
on no important political measure, in whatever form it may be
presented to you."
The receipt of this enigmatical letter induced Washington to cut short
his sojourn at Mount Vernon, and hasten to Philadelphia. He arrived
there on the 11th of August; and on the same day received a solution
of the mystery. A despatch written by Fauchet, the French minister, to
his government in the preceding month of November, was placed in
Washington's hands with a translation of it made by Mr. Pickering. The
despatch had been found on board of a French privateer, captured by a
British frigate, and had been transmitted to the ministry. Lord
Grenville, finding it contained passages relating to the intercourse
of Mr. Randolph, the American secretary of State, with Mr. Fauchet,
had sent it to Mr. Hammond, the British minister in Philadelphia. He
had put it into the hands of Mr. Wolcott, the secretary of the
treasury, who had shown it to the secretary of war and the
attorney-general; and the contents had been considered so
extraordinary as to call forth the mysterious letter entreating the
prompt return of Washington.
The following passages in Fauchet's intercepted despatch related to
the Western insurrection and the proclamation of Washington: "Two or
three days before the proclamation was published, and of course before
the cabinet had resolved on its measures, the secretary of State came
to my house. All his countenance was grief. He requested of me a
private conversation. It is all over, he said to me; a civil war is
about to ravage our unhappy country. Four men, by their talents, their
influence, and their energy, may save it. But debtors of English
merchants, they will be deprived of their liberty if they take the
smallest step. Could you lend them instantaneously funds to shelter
them from English prosecution? This inquiry astonished me much. It was
impossible for me to make a satisfactory answer. You know my want of
power and deficiency in pecuniary means.... Thus, with some thousands
of dollars, the Republic could have decided on civil war or peace.
Thus _the consciences of the pretended patriots of America have
already their price_."
The perusal of the letter gave Washington deep perplexity and concern.
He revolved the matter in his mind in silence. The predominant object
of his thoughts recently had been to put a stop to the public
agitation on the subject of the treaty; and he postponed any new
question of difficulty until decided measures had laid the other at
rest. On the next day, therefore, (12th,) he brought before the
cabinet the question of immediate ratification. It was finally agreed
to ratify the treaty immediately; but to accompany the ratification
with a strong memorial against the provision order. The ratification
was signed by Washington on the 18th of August.
His conduct towards Randolph, in the interim, had been as usual, but
now that the despatch of public business no longer demanded the entire
attention of the cabinet, he proceeded to clear up the doubts
occasioned by the intercepted despatch. Accordingly, on the following
day, as Randolph entered the cabinet, Washington, who was conversing
with Pickering and Wolcott, rose and handed to him the letter of
Fauchet, asking an explanation of the questionable parts. Randolph
appears to have been less agitated by the production of the letter,
than hurt that the inquiry concerning it had not first been made of
him in private. He postponed making any specific reply until he should
have time to examine the letter at his leisure; and observed on
retiring, that, after the treatment he had experienced he could not
think of remaining in office a moment longer.
In a letter to the President the same day he writes: "Your confidence
in me, sir, has been unlimited, and I can truly affirm unabused. My
sensations, then, cannot be concealed, when I find that confidence so
suddenly withdrawn, without a word or distant hint being previously
dropped to me. This, sir, as I mentioned in your room, is a situation
in which I cannot hold my present office, and therefore I hereby
resign it. It will not, however, be concluded from hence that I mean
to relinquish the inquiry. No, sir; very far from it. I will also meet
any inquiry; and to prepare for it, if I learn there is a chance of
overtaking Mr. Fauchet before he sails, I will go to him immediately.
I have to beg the favor of you to permit me to be furnished with a
copy of the letter, and I will prepare an answer to it; which I
perceive that I cannot do as I wish, merely upon the few hasty
memoranda which I took with my pencil....
"I here most solemnly deny that any overture came from me, which was
to produce money to me or any others for me; and that in any manner,
directly or indirectly, was a shilling ever received by me; nor was it
ever contemplated by me, that one shilling should be applied by Mr.
Fauchet to any purpose relative to the insurrection."
Washington, in reply, observes: "Whilst you are in pursuit of means to
remove the strong suspicions arising from this letter, no disclosure
of its contents will be made by me; and I will enjoin the same on the
public officers who are acquainted with the purport of it.... No man
would rejoice more than I to find that the suspicions which have
resulted from the intercepted letter were unequivocally and honorably
removed."
Mr. Fauchet, in the meantime, having learnt previous to embarkation,
that his despatch had been intercepted, wrote a declaration, denying
that Mr. Randolph had ever indicated a willingness to receive money
for personal objects, and affirming that he had had no intention to
say anything in his letter to his government to the disadvantage of
Mr. Randolph's character.
Mr. Randolph now set to work to prepare a pamphlet in explanation of
his conduct. While thus occupied he addressed several notes to
Washington, requiring information on various points, and received
concise answers to all his queries. On one occasion, where he had
required a particular paper, he published in the Gazette an extract
from his note to Washington; as if fearing the request might be
denied, lest the paper in question should lay open many confidential
and delicate matters.
In reply, Washington writes: "That you may have no cause to complain
of the withholding of any paper, however private and confidential,
which you shall think necessary in a case of so serious a nature ...
you are at full liberty to publish, without reserve, _any_ and _every_
private and confidential letter I ever wrote to you; nay more, every
word I ever uttered to you or in your hearing, from whence you can
derive any advantage in your vindication."
The vindication which Mr. Randolph had been preparing appeared in
December. In this, he gave a narrative of the principal events
relating to the case, his correspondence with the President, and the
whole of the French minister's letter. He endeavored to explain those
parts of the letter which had brought the purity of his conduct in
question; but, as has been observed, "he had a difficult task to
perform, as he was obliged to prove a negative, and to explain vague
expressions and insinuations connected with his name in Fauchet's
letter."
Fauchet himself furnished the best vindication in his certificate
above mentioned; but it is difficult to reconcile his certificate with
the language of his official letter to his government. We are rather
inclined to attribute to misconceptions and hasty inferences of the
French minister, the construction put by him in his letter on the
conversation he had held with Mr. Randolph. The latter injured his
cause by the embittered feelings manifested in his vindication, and
the asperity with which he spoke of Washington there and elsewhere. He
deeply regretted it in after life.
After a considerable interval from the resignation of Randolph,
Colonel Pickering was transferred to the department of State, and Mr.
James McHenry was appointed Secretary of War. The office of
attorney-general becoming vacant by the death of Mr. Bradford, was
offered to Mr. Charles Lee of Virginia, and accepted by him on the
last day of November.
During the late agitations, George Washington Lafayette, the son of
the general, had arrived at Boston under the name of Motier,
accompanied by his tutor, M. Frestel, and had written to Washington
apprising him of his arrival. It was an embarrassing moment to
Washington. The letter excited his deepest sensibility, bringing with
it recollections of Lafayette's merits, services, and sufferings, and
of their past friendship, and he resolved to become "father, friend,
protector, and supporter" to his son. But he must proceed with
caution; on account of his own official character as Executive of the
United States, and of the position of Lafayette in regard to the
French government. Caution, also, was necessary, not to endanger the
situation of the young man himself, and of his mother and friends whom
he had left behind. Philadelphia would not be an advisable residence
for him at present, until it was seen what opinions would be excited
by his arrival; as Washington would for some time be absent from the
seat of government, while all the foreign functionaries were residing
there, particularly those of his own nation. Washington suggested,
therefore, that he should enter for the present as a student at the
University in Cambridge, Massachusetts, and engaged to pay all the
expenses for the residence there of himself and his tutor. It was
subsequently thought best that young Lafayette should proceed to New
York, and remain in retirement, at the country house of a friend in
its vicinity, pursuing his studies with his tutor, until Washington
should direct otherwise.
* * * * * * *
In his speech at the opening of the session of Congress in December,
Washington presented a cheerful summary of the events of the year.
First he announced that a treaty had been concluded provisionally by
General Wayne, with the Indians north-west of the Ohio, by which the
termination of the long, expensive, and distressing war with those
tribes was placed at the option of the United States.
A letter from the Emperor of Morocco, recognizing a treaty which had
been made with his deceased father, insured the continuance of peace
with that power.
The terms of a treaty with the Dey and regency of Algiers had been
adjusted in a manner to authorize the expectation of a speedy peace in
that quarter, and the liberation of a number of American citizens from
a long and grievous captivity.
A speedy and satisfactory conclusion was anticipated of a negotiation
with the court of Madrid, "which would lay the foundation of lasting
harmony with a power whose friendship," said Washington, "we have
uniformly and sincerely desired to cherish."
Adverting to the treaty with Great Britain and its conditional
ratification, the result on the part of his Britannic Majesty was yet
unknown, but when ascertained, would immediately be placed before
Congress.
"In regard to internal affairs, every part of the Union gave
indications of rapid and various improvement. With burthens so light
as scarcely to be perceived; with resources fully adequate to present
exigencies; with governments founded on the genuine principles of
rational liberty; and with mild and wholesome laws, was it too much to
say that our country exhibited a spectacle of national happiness never
surpassed, if ever before equalled?"
There was, as usual, a cordial answer from the Senate; but, in the
present House of Representatives, as in the last one, the opposition
were in the majority. In the response reported by a committee, one
clause expressing undiminished confidence in the chief magistrate was
demurred to; some members affirmed that, with them, it had been
considerably diminished by a late transaction. After a warm
altercation, to avoid a direct vote, the response was recommitted, and
the clause objected to modified. The following is the form adopted:
"In contemplating that spectacle of national happiness which our
country exhibits, and of which you, sir, have been pleased to make an
interesting summary, permit us to acknowledge and declare the very
great share which your zealous and faithful services have contributed
to it, and to express the affectionate attachment which we feel for
your character."
In February the treaty with Great Britain, as modified by the advice
of the Senate, came back ratified by the king of Great Britain, and on
the last of the month a proclamation was issued by the President,
declaring it to be the supreme law of the land.
The opposition in the House of Representatives were offended that
Washington should issue this proclamation before the sense of that
body had been taken on the subject, and denied the power of the
President and Senate to complete a treaty without its sanction. They
were bent on defeating it by refusing to pass the laws necessary to
carry it into effect; and, as a preliminary, passed a resolution
requesting the President to lay before the House the instruction to
Mr. Jay, and the correspondence and other documents relative to the
treaty.
Washington, believing that these papers could not be constitutionally
demanded, resolved, he said, from the first moment, and from the
fullest conviction of his mind, to _resist the principle_, which was
evidently intended to be established by the call of the House; he only
deliberated on the manner in which this could be done with the least
bad consequences. After mature deliberation and with the assistance of
the heads of departments and the Attorney-General, he prepared and
sent in to the House an answer to their request. In this he dwelt upon
the necessity of caution and secrecy in foreign negotiations, as one
cogent reason for vesting the power of making treaties in the
President, with the advice and consent of the Senate, the principle on
which that body was formed, confining it to a small number of members.
To admit a right in the House of Representatives to demand and have
all the papers respecting a foreign negotiation would, he observed, be
to establish a dangerous precedent.
After various further remarks, he concludes: "As, therefore, it is
perfectly clear to my understanding that the assent of the House of
Representatives is not necessary to the validity of a treaty; as the
treaty with Great Britain exhibits itself in all the objects requiring
legislative provision; and on these, the papers called for can throw
no light; and as it is essential to the due administration of the
government that the boundaries fixed by the constitution between the
different departments should be observed, a just regard to the
constitution and to the duty of my office, under all the circumstances
of this case, forbid a compliance with your request."
A resolution to make provision for carrying the treaty into effect,
gave rise to an animated and protracted debate. Meanwhile, the whole
country became agitated on the subject; meetings were held throughout
the United States, and it soon became apparent that the popular
feeling was with the minority in the House of Representatives, who
favored the making of the necessary appropriations. The public will
prevailed, and, on the last day of April, the resolution was passed,
though by a close vote of fifty-one to forty-eight.
For some months past, Mr. Thomas Pinckney had been solicitous to be
relieved from his post of minister-plenipotentiary at London, but the
doubtful issue of the above dispute, and the difficulty of finding a
fit substitute for him, had caused delay in the matter. Such a man at
length presented in Mr. Rufus King, of New York. Mr. King was
nominated to the Senate on the 19th of May, and his nomination was
confirmed. On the 1st of June this session of Congress terminated.
Shortly after the recess of Congress another change was made in the
foreign diplomacy. Mr. Monroe, when sent envoy to France, had been
especially instructed to explain the views and conduct of the United
States in forming the treaty with England; and had been amply
furnished with documents for the purpose. From his own letters,
however, it appeared that he had omitted to use them. Whether this
rose from undue attachment to France, from mistaken notions of
American interests, or from real dislike to the treaty, the result was
the very evil he had been instructed to prevent. The French government
misconceived the views and conduct of the United States, suspected
their policy in regard to Great Britain, and when aware that the House
of Representatives would execute the treaty made by Jay, became bitter
in their resentment. Symptoms of this appeared in the capture of an
American merchantman by a French privateer. Under these circumstances
it was deemed expedient by Washington and his cabinet to recall Mr.
Monroe, and appoint another American citizen in his stead. The person
chosen was Charles Cotesworth Pinckney of South Carolina, elder
brother of the late minister to London.
The period for the presidential election was drawing near, and great
anxiety began to be felt that Washington would consent to stand for a
third term. No one, it was agreed, had greater claim to the enjoyment
of retirement, in consideration of public services rendered; but it
was thought the affairs of the country would be in a very precarious
condition should he retire before the wars of Europe were brought to a
close.
Washington, however, had made up his mind irrevocably on the subject,
and resolved to announce, in a farewell address, his intention of
retiring. Such an instrument, it will be recollected, had been
prepared for him from his own notes, by Mr. Madison, when he had
thought of retiring at the end of his first term. As he was no longer
in confidential intimacy with Mr. Madison, he turned to Mr. Hamilton
as his adviser and coadjutor, and appears to have consulted him on the
subject early in the present year.
We forbear to go into the vexed question concerning this address; how
much of it is founded on Washington's original "notes and heads of
topics;" how much was elaborated by Madison, and how much is due to
Hamilton's recasting and revision. The whole came under the
supervision of Washington; and the instrument, as submitted to the
press, was in his handwriting, with many ultimate corrections and
alterations. Washington had no pride of authorship; his object always
was to effect the purpose in hand, and for that he occasionally
invoked assistance, to ensure a plain and clear exposition of his
thoughts and intentions. The address certainly breathes his spirit
throughout, is in perfect accordance with his words and actions. It
was published in September, in a Philadelphia paper called the Daily
Advertiser.
Congress formed a quorum on the 5th day of December, the first day of
the session which succeeded the publication of the Farewell Address.
On the 7th, Washington met the two Houses of Congress for the last
time. In his speech he recommended an institution for the improvement
of agriculture, a military academy, a national university, and a
gradual increase of the navy. The disputes with France were made the
subject of the following remarks: "While in our external relations
some serious inconveniences and embarrassments have been overcome and
others lessened, it is with much pain and deep regret I mention that
circumstances of a very unwelcome nature have lately occurred. Our
trade has suffered and is suffering extensive injuries in the West
Indies from the cruisers and agents of the French Republic; and
communications have been received from its minister here, which
indicate the danger of a further disturbance of our commerce by its
authority, and which are in other respects far from agreeable. It has
been my constant, sincere, and earnest wish, in conformity with that
of our nation, to maintain cordial harmony and a perfectly friendly
understanding with that Republic."
In concluding his address he observes: "The situation in which I now
stand for the last time in the midst of the representatives of the
people of the United States, naturally recalls the period when the
administration of the present form of government commenced, and I
cannot omit the occasion to congratulate you and my country on the
success of the experiment, nor to repeat my fervent supplications to
the Supreme Ruler of the universe and Sovereign Arbiter of nations,
that his providential care may be still extended to the United States;
that the virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved, and that
the government which they have instituted for the protection of their
liberties may be perpetual."
The Senate, in their reply to the address, after concurring in its
views of the national prosperity, as resulting from the excellence of
the constitutional system and the wisdom of the legislative
provisions, added, that they would be deficient in gratitude and
justice did they not attribute a great portion of these advantages to
the virtue, firmness and talents of his administration, conspicuously
displayed in the most trying times, and on the most critical
occasions. The reply of the House, after premising attention to the
various subjects recommended to their consideration in the address,
concluded by a warm expression of gratitude and admiration, inspired
by the virtues and services of the President, by his wisdom, firmness,
moderation and magnanimity; and testifying to the deep regret with
which they contemplated his intended retirement from office.
The reverence and affection expressed for him in both Houses of
Congress, and their regret at his intended retirement, were in unison
with testimonials from various State legislatures and other public
bodies, which were continually arriving since the publication of his
Farewell Address.
During the actual session of Congress, Washington endeavored to
prevent the misunderstandings, which were in danger of being
augmented, between the United States and the French Government. In the
preceding month of November, Mr. Adet, the French minister, had
addressed a letter to the Secretary of State, recapitulating the
complaints against the government of the United States made by his
predecessors and himself, denouncing the _insidious_ proclamation of
neutrality and the wrongs growing out of it, and using language
calculated to inflame the partisans of France; a copy of which letter
had been sent to the press for publication. One of the immediate
objects he had in view in timing the publication was supposed by
Washington to be to produce an effect on the presidential election;
his ultimate object, to establish such an influence in the country as
to sway the government and control its measures. Early in January,
1797, therefore, Washington requested Mr. Pickering, the Secretary of
State, to address a letter to Mr. Pinckney, United States minister to
France, stating all the complaints alleged by the French minister
against the government, examining and reviewing the same, and
accompanying the statement with a collection of letters and papers
relating to the transaction therein adverted to. The letter to Mr.
Pinckney, with its accompanying documents, was laid before Congress on
the 19th of January, (1797), to be transmitted to that minister.
In the month of February the votes taken at the recent election were
opened and counted in Congress; when Mr. Adams, having the highest
number, was declared President, and Mr. Jefferson, having the next
number, Vice-President; their term of four years to commence on the
4th of March next ensuing.
Washington now began to count the days and hours that intervened
between him and his retirement. On the day preceding it, he writes to
his old fellow-soldier and political coadjutor, Henry Knox: "To the
wearied traveller, who sees a resting place, and is bending his body
to lean thereon, I now compare myself.... The remainder of my life,
which in the course of nature cannot be long, will be occupied in
rural amusements; and though I shall seclude myself as much as
possible from the noisy and bustling world, none would, more than
myself, be regaled by the company of those I esteem, at Mount Vernon,
more than twenty miles from which, after I arrive there, it is not
likely that I shall ever be."
On the 3d of March, he gave a kind of farewell dinner to the foreign
ministers and their wives, Mr. and Mrs. Adams, Mr. Jefferson, and
other conspicuous personages of both sexes. "During the dinner much
hilarity prevailed," says Bishop White, who was present. When the
cloth was removed Washington filled his glass: "Ladies and gentlemen,"
said he, "this is the last time I shall drink your health as a public
man; I do it with sincerity, wishing you all possible happiness." The
gayety of the company was checked in an instant; all felt the
importance of this leave-taking.
On the 4th of March, an immense crowd had gathered about Congress
Hall. At eleven o'clock, Mr. Jefferson took the oath as Vice-President
in the presence of the Senate; and proceeded with that body to the
Chamber of the House of Representatives, which was densely crowded,
many ladies occupying chairs ceded to them by members. After a time,
Washington entered amidst enthusiastic cheers and acclamations, and
the waving of handkerchiefs.
At the close of the ceremony, as Washington moved toward the door to
retire, there was a rush from the gallery to the corridor that
threatened the loss of life or limb, so eager were the throng to catch
a last look of one who had so long been the object of public
veneration. When Washington was in the street he waved his hat in
return for the cheers of the multitude, his countenance radiant with
benignity, his gray hairs streaming in the wind. The crowd followed
him to his door; there, turning round, his countenance assumed a grave
and almost melancholy expression, his eyes were bathed in tears, his
emotions were too great for utterance, and only by gestures could he
indicate his thanks and convey his farewell blessing.
In the evening a splendid banquet was given to him by the principal
inhabitants of Philadelphia in the Amphitheatre, which was decorated
with emblematical paintings. All the heads of departments, the foreign
ministers, several officers of the late army, and various persons of
note, were present. Among the paintings, one represented the home of
his heart, the home to which he was about to hasten--Mount Vernon.