TOUR SOUTHWARD.--DEFEAT OF ST. CLAIR.--DISSENSIONS IN THE CABINET.
In the month of March, Washington set out on a tour through the
Southern States; travelling with one set of horses and making
occasional halts. The route projected, and of which he had marked off
the halting places, was by Fredericksburg, Richmond, Wilmington (N.
C.), and Charleston to Savannah; thence to Augusta, Columbia, and the
interior towns of North Carolina and Virginia comprising a journey of
eighteen hundred and eighty-seven miles; all which he accomplished
without any interruption from sickness, bad weather, or any untoward
accident.
He returned to Philadelphia on the 6th of July, much pleased with his
tour. It had enabled him, he said, to see, with his own eyes, the
situation of the country, and to learn more accurately the disposition
of the people, than he could have done from any verbal information. He
had looked around him, in fact, with a paternal eye, been cheered as
usual by continual demonstrations of a nation's love, and his heart
had warmed with the reflection how much of this national happiness had
been won by his own patriotic exertions.
A few weeks of autumn were passed by Washington at Mount Vernon, with
his family in rural enjoyment, and in instructing a new agent, Mr.
Robert Lewis, in the management of his estate; his nephew, Major
George A. Washington, who ordinarily attended to his landed concerns
being absent among the mountains in quest of health.
The second Congress assembled at Philadelphia on the 24th of October,
and on the 25th Washington delivered his opening speech. After
remarking upon the prosperous situation of the country, and the
success which had attended its financial measures, he adverted to the
offensive operations against the Indians, which government had been
compelled to adopt for the protection of the Western frontier. Some of
these operations, he observed, had been successful. Others were still
depending. A brief statement will be sufficient for the successful
operations alluded to.
Two expeditions had been organized in Kentucky against the villages on
the Wabash. The first in May, was led by General Charles Scott, having
General Wilkinson as second in command. The second, a volunteer
enterprise, in August was led by Wilkinson alone. Very little good was
effected, or glory gained by either of these expeditions. Indian
villages and wigwams were burned, and fields laid waste; some few
warriors were killed and prisoners taken, and an immense expense
incurred.
Of the events of a third enterprise, led by General St. Clair himself,
no tidings had been received at the time of Washington's opening
speech; but we will anticipate the official despatches, and proceed to
show how it fared with that veteran soldier, and how far he profited
by the impressive warning which he had received from the President at
parting.
The troops for his expedition assembled early in September, in the
vicinity of Fort Washington (now Cincinnati). There were about two
thousand regulars, and one thousand militia. The regulars included a
corps of artillery and several squadrons of horse. An arduous task was
before them. Roads were to be opened through a wilderness; bridges
constructed for the conveyance of artillery and stores, and forts to
be built so as to keep up a line of communication between the Wabash
and the Ohio, the base of operations. The troops commenced their march
directly north, on the 6th or 7th of September, cutting their way
through the woods, and slowly constructing the line of forts.
After placing garrisons in the forts, the general continued his march.
It was a forced one with him, for he was so afflicted with the gout
that he could not walk, and had to be helped on and off his horse; but
his only chance to keep his little army together was to move on. The
army had proceeded six days after leaving Fort Jefferson, and were
drawing near a part of the country where they were likely to meet with
Indians, when, on the 30th of October, sixty of the militia deserted
in a body; intending to supply themselves by plundering the convoys of
provisions which were coming forward in the rear. The 1st United
States regiment, under Major Hamtranck, was detached to march back
beyond Fort Jefferson, apprehend these deserters, if possible, and, at
all events, prevent the provisions that might be on the way, from
being rifled. The force thus detached, consisted of three hundred of
the best disciplined men in the service, with experienced officers.
Thus reduced to 1,400 effective rank and file, the army continued its
march to a point about twenty-nine miles from Fort Jefferson, and
ninety-seven from Fort Washington, and fifteen miles south of the
Miami villages, where it encamped, November 3d, on a rising ground
with a stream forty feet wide in front, running westerly. The militia
were encamped beyond the stream about a quarter of a mile in the
advance, on a high flat.
It was the intention of St. Clair to throw up a slight work on the
following day, [Nov. 4th] and to move on to the attack of the Indian
villages as soon as he should be rejoined by Major Hamtranck and the
first United States regiment. But about half an hour before sunrise,
just after the troops had been dismissed on parade, a horrible sound
burst forth from the woods around the militia camp, resembling, says
an officer, the jangling of an infinitude of horse-bells. It was the
direful Indian yell, followed by the sharp reports of the deadly
rifle. The militia returned a feeble fire and then took to flight,
dashing helter-skelter into the other camp. The first line of the
continental troops, which was hastily forming, was thrown into
disorder. The Indians were close upon the heels of the flying militia,
and would have entered the camp with them, but the sight of troops
drawn up with fixed bayonets to receive them, checked their ardor, and
they threw themselves behind logs and bushes at the distance of
seventy yards; and immediately commenced an attack upon the first
line, which was soon extended to the second. The great weight of the
attack was upon the centre of each line where the artillery was
placed. The artillery, if not well served, was bravely fought; a
quantity of canister and some round shot were thrown in the direction
whence the Indians fired; but, concealed as they were, and only seen
occasionally as they sprang from one covert to another, it was
impossible to direct the pieces to advantage.
St. Clair, who, unable to mount his horse, was borne about on a
litter, preserved his coolness in the midst of the peril and disaster,
giving his orders with judgment and self-possession. Seeing to what
disadvantage his troops fought with a concealed enemy, he ordered
Colonel Darke, with his regiment of regulars, to rouse the Indians
from their covert with the bayonet, and turn their left flank. This
was executed with great spirit: the enemy were driven three or four
hundred yards; but, for want of cavalry or riflemen, the pursuit
slackened, and the troops were forced to give back in turn. The
savages had now got into the camp by the left flank; again several
charges were made, but in vain. The contest had now endured for more
than two hours and a half. Half the army was killed, and the situation
of the remainder was desperate. There appeared to be no alternative
but a retreat.
At half-past nine, General St. Clair ordered Colonel Darke, with the
second regiment, to make another charge, as if to turn the right wing
of the enemy, but, in fact, to regain the road from which the army was
cut off. This object was effected. "Having collected in one body the
greatest part of the troops," writes one of the officers, "and such of
the wounded as could possibly hobble along with us, we pushed out from
the left of the rear line, sacrificing our artillery and baggage." It
was a disorderly flight. The troops threw away arms, ammunition, and
accoutrements; even the officers, in some instances, divested
themselves of their fusees. Fortunately, the enemy did not pursue
above a mile or two, returning, most probably, to plunder the camp.
By seven in the evening, the fugitives reached Fort Jefferson, a
distance of twenty-nine miles. Here they met Major Hamtranck with the
first regiment; but, as this force was far from sufficient to make up
for the losses of the morning, the retreat was continued to Fort
Washington, where the army arrived on the 8th, at noon, shattered and
broken-spirited. In this disastrous battle the whole loss amounted to
six hundred and seventy-seven killed, including thirty women, and two
hundred and seventy-one wounded.
[Washington was at dinner with company when the news of the disaster
reached him. An officer had dismounted at the President's door,
bearing despatches which he insisted should be placed in the
President's hands immediately. Washington, with an apology to his
guests, left the table to receive them, and presently returned,
resuming his seat without allusion to the incident. Mrs. Washington
held her drawing-room that evening, and Washington appeared in the
assembly with his usual serenity. At ten o'clock he and his secretary,
Mr. Lear, were alone.] The general walked slowly backward and forward
for some minutes in silence. As yet there had been no change in his
manner. Taking a seat on a sofa by the fire he told Mr. Lear to sit
down; the latter had scarce time to notice that he was extremely
agitated, when he broke out suddenly: "It's all over!--St. Clair's
defeated!--routed: the officers nearly all killed, the men by
wholesale; the rout complete; too shocking to think of, and a surprise
into the bargain!" All this was uttered with great vehemence. Then
pausing and rising from the sofa, he walked up and down the room in
silence, violently agitated, but saying nothing. When near the door he
stopped short; stood still for a few moments, when there was another
terrible explosion of wrath.
"Yes," exclaimed he, "HERE, on this very spot, I took leave of him; I
wished him success and honor. 'You have your instructions from the
Secretary of War,' said I, 'I had a strict eye to them, and will add
but one word, BEWARE OF A SURPRISE! You know how the Indians fight us.
I repeat it, BEWARE OF A SURPRISE.' He went off with that, my last
warning, thrown into his ears. And yet! To suffer that army to be cut
to pieces, hacked, butchered, tomahawked, by a surprise--the very
thing I guarded him against--O God! O God!" exclaimed he, throwing up
his hands, and while his very frame shook with emotion, "he's worse
than a murderer! How can he answer it to his country! The blood of the
slain is upon him--the curse of widows and orphans--the curse of
heaven!"
Mr. Lear remained speechless; awed into breathless silence by the
appalling tones in which this torrent of invective was poured forth.
The paroxysm passed by. Washington again sat down on the sofa--he was
silent--apparently uncomfortable, as if conscious of the ungovernable
burst of passion which had overcome him. "This must not go beyond this
room," said he, at length, in a subdued and altered tone--there was
another and a longer pause; then, in a tone quite low: "General St.
Clair shall have justice," said he. "I looked hastily through the
despatches; saw the whole disaster, but not all the particulars. I
will receive him without displeasure; I will hear him without
prejudice; he shall have full justice."
* * * * * * *
In the course of the present session of Congress a bill was introduced
for apportioning representatives among the people of the several
States, according to the first enumeration. The constitution had
provided that the number of representatives should not exceed one for
every thirty thousand persons, and the House of Representatives passed
a bill allotting to each State one member for this amount of
population. This ratio would leave a fraction, greater or less, in
each State. Its operation was unequal, as in some States a large
surplus would be unrepresented, and hence, in one branch of the
legislature, the relative power of the State be affected. That, too,
was the popular branch, which those who feared a strong executive,
desired to provide with the counterpoise of as full a representation
as possible.
To obviate this difficulty the Senate adopted a new principle of
apportionment. They assumed the total population of the United States,
and not the population of each State, as the basis on which the whole
number of representatives should be ascertained. This aggregate they
divided by thirty thousand: the quotient gave one hundred and twenty
as the number of representatives; and this number they apportioned
upon the several States according to their population; allotting to
each one member for every thirty thousand, and distributing the
residuary members (to make up the one hundred and twenty) among the
States having the largest fractions.
After an earnest debate, the House concurred, and the bill came before
the President for his decision. The sole question was as to its
constitutionality; that being admitted, it was unexceptionable.
Washington took the opinion of his cabinet. Jefferson and Randolph
considered the act at variance with the constitution. Knox was
undecided. Hamilton thought the clause of the constitution relating to
the subject somewhat vague, and was in favor of the construction given
to it by the legislature. After weighing the arguments on both sides,
and maturely deliberating, the president made up his mind that the act
was unconstitutional. He accordingly returned the bill with his
objections, being the first exercise of the veto power. A new bill was
substituted, and passed into a law; giving a representative for every
thirty-three thousand to each State.
Great heat and asperity were manifested in the discussions of Congress
throughout the present session. Washington had observed with pain the
political divisions which were growing up in the country; and was
deeply concerned at finding that they were pervading the halls of
legislation. The press, too, was contributing its powerful aid to keep
up and increase the irritation. Two rival papers existed at the seat
of government; one was Fenno's Gazette, of the United States, the
other was the National Gazette, edited by Philip Freneau. Freneau had
been editor of the New York Daily Advertiser, but had come to
Philadelphia in the autumn of 1791 to occupy the post of translating
clerk in Mr. Jefferson's office, and had almost immediately (Oct. 31)
published the first number of his Gazette. Notwithstanding his
situation in the office of the Secretary of State, Freneau became and
continued to be throughout the session, a virulent assailant of most
of the measures of government; excepting such as originated with Mr.
Jefferson, or were approved by him.
Heart-weary by the political strifes and disagreements which were
disturbing the country and marring the harmony of his cabinet, the
charge of government was becoming intolerably irksome to Washington;
and he longed to be released from it, and to be once more master of
himself, free to indulge those rural and agricultural tastes which
were to give verdure and freshness to his future existence. He had
some time before this expressed a determination to retire from public
life at the end of his presidential term. But one more year of that
term remained to be endured, and he congratulated himself with the
thought. He had confidential conversations with Mr. Madison on the
subject, and asked him to think what would be the proper time and mode
of announcing his intention to the public; and intimating a wish that
Mr. Madison would prepare for him the announcement. Mr. Madison
remonstrated in the most earnest manner against such a resolution,
setting forth, in urgent language, the importance to the country of
his continuing in the presidency. Washington listened to his reasoning
with profound attention, but still clung to his resolution.
In consequence of St. Clair's disastrous defeat and the increasing
pressure of the Indian war, bills had been passed in Congress for
increasing the army, by adding three regiments of infantry and a
squadron of cavalry (which additional force was to serve for three
years, unless sooner discharged), also for establishing a uniform
militia system. St. Clair resigned his commission, and was succeeded
in his western command by General Wayne, the mad Anthony of the
revolution, still in the vigor of his days, being forty-seven years of
age.
Washington's first thought was that a decisive expedition conducted by
this energetic man of the sword, might retrieve the recent frontier
disgrace, and put an end to the persevering hostility of the Indians.
In deference, however, to the clamors which had been raised against
the war and its expenses, and to meet what appeared to be the
prevalent wish of the nation, he reluctantly relinquished his more
energetic policy, and gave in to that which advised further
negotiations for peace; though he was far from anticipating a
beneficial result.
In regard to St. Clair, we will here add that a committee of the house
of Representatives ultimately inquired into the cause of the failure
of his expedition, and rendered a report, in which he was explicitly
exculpated. His adjutant general also (Winthrop Sargent), in his
private diary, testifies to St. Clair's coolness and bravery, though
debilitated by illness. Public sentiment, however, remained for a long
time adverse to him; but Washington, satisfied with the explanations
which had been given, continued to honor him with his confidence and
friendship.
Congress adjourned on the 8th of May, and soon afterward Washington
set off on a short visit to Mount Vernon. The season was in all its
beauty, and never had this rallying place of his affections appeared
to him more attractive. How could he give up the prospect of a speedy
return to its genial pursuits and pleasures from the harassing cares
and janglings of public life. On the 20th of May, he wrote to Mr.
Madison on the subject of their late conversation. He now renewed the
request he had made him, for advice as to the proper time and mode for
announcing his intention of retiring, and for assistance in preparing
the announcement. "In revolving this subject myself," writes he, "my
judgment has always been embarrassed. On the one hand, a previous
declaration to retire, not only carries with it the appearance of
vanity and self-importance, but it may be construed into a manoeuvre
to be invited to remain; and, on the other hand, to say nothing,
implies consent, or, at any rate, would leave the matter in doubt; and
to decline afterwards, might be deemed as bad and uncandid."
"I would fain carry my request to you further," adds he. "As the
recess [of Congress] may afford you leisure, and, I flatter myself,
you have dispositions to oblige me, I will, without apology, desire,
if the measure in itself should strike you as proper, or likely to
produce public good, or private honor, that you would turn your
thoughts to a valedictory address from me to the public." He then went
on to suggest a number of the topics and ideas which the address was
to contain; all to be expressed in "plain and modest terms." But, in
the main, he left it to Mr. Madison to determine whether, in the first
place, such an address would be proper; if so, what matters it ought
to contain and when it ought to appear; whether at the same time with
his [Washington's] declaration of his intention to retire, or at the
close of his career.
Madison, in reply, approved of the measure, and advised that the
notification and address should appear together, and be promulgated
through the press in time to pervade every part of the Union by the
beginning of November. With the letter he sent a draft of the address.
"You will readily observe," writes he, "that in executing it I have
aimed at that plainness and modesty of language, which you had in
view, and which, indeed, are so peculiarly becoming the character and
the occasion; and that I had little more to do as to the matter than
to follow the just and comprehensive outline which you had sketched. I
flatter myself, however, that in everything which has depended on me,
much improvement will be made, before so interesting a paper shall
have taken its last form." Before concluding his letter, Madison
expressed a hope that Washington would reconsider his idea of retiring
from office, and that the country might not, at so important a
conjuncture, be deprived of the inestimable advantage of having him at
the head of its councils.
On the 23d of May, Jefferson also addressed a long letter to
Washington on the same subject, [stating that, when Washington first
mentioned to him his purpose of retiring, he was silent, although he
felt all the magnitude of the event; because he reflected that, as the
nation would some day have to walk alone, if the essay should be made
while he were alive and looking on, they would derive confidence from
that circumstance, and resource if it failed. The public mind,
moreover, was then calm and confident, and in a favorable state for
making the experiment. This was now changed; the public mind had
become disturbed and excited. There was a determined purpose in many,
by the funding system, and other plans, "to prepare the way for a
change from the present Republican form of government to that of a
monarchy, of which the English constitution is to be the model." He
concluded by declaring the continuance of Washington at the head of
affairs to be of the last importance. The confidence of the whole
Union was centred in him. North and South would hang together if they
had him to hang on; and his being at the helm would be an answer to
every argument which might be used from any quarter, to lead the
people into violence or secession.]
The letter of Jefferson was not received by Washington until after his
return to Philadelphia, and the purport of it was so painful to him,
that he deferred from day to day having any conversation with that
statesman on the subject. In regard to the suspicions and
apprehensions which were haunting Jefferson's mind, Hamilton expressed
himself roundly in one of his cabinet papers: "The idea of introducing
a monarchy or aristocracy into this country, by employing the
influence and force of a government continually changing hands,
towards it, is one of those visionary things that none but madmen
could meditate, and that no wise man will believe. If it could be done
at all, which is utterly incredible, it would require a long series of
time, certainly beyond the life of any individual, to effect it--who,
then, would enter into such a plot? for what purpose of interest or
ambition?"
On the 10th of July, Washington had a conversation with Jefferson on
the subject of the letter; and endeavored with his usual supervising
and moderating assiduity to allay the jealousies and suspicions which
were disturbing the mind of that ardent politician. These, he
intimated, had been carried a great deal too far. There might be
_desires_, he said, among a few in the higher walks of life,
particularly in the great cities, to change the form of government
into a monarchy, but he did not believe there were any _designs_; and
he believed the main body of the people in the Eastern States were as
steadily for republicanism as in the Southern.
Hamilton was equally strenuous with Jefferson in urging upon
Washington the policy of a re-election, as it regarded the public
good, and wrote to him fully on the subject. It was the opinion of
every one, he alleged, with whom he had conversed, that the affairs of
the national government were not yet firmly established; that its
enemies, generally speaking, were as inveterate as ever; that their
enmity had been sharpened by its success and all the resentments which
flow from disappointed predictions and mortified vanity; that a
general and strenuous effort was making in every State to place the
administration of it in the hands of its enemies, as if they were its
safest guardians; that the period of the next House of Representatives
was likely to prove the crisis of its national character; that if
Washington continued in office, nothing materially mischievous was to
be apprehended; but, if he should quit, much was to be dreaded.
Mr. Edmund Randolph also, after a long letter on the "jeopardy of the
Union," which seemed to him "at the eve of a crisis," adds: "The fuel
which has been already gathered for combustion wants no addition. But
how awfully might it be increased, were the violence, which is now
suspended by a universal submission to your pretensions, let loose by
your resignation." Not the cabinet, merely, divided as it was in its
political opinions, but all parties, however discordant in other
points, concurred in a desire that Washington should continue in
office--so truly was he regarded as the choice of the nation.
But though the cabinet was united in feeling on this one subject, in
other respects its dissensions were increasing in virulence.
Washington had noticed this growing feud with excessive pain, and at
length found it necessary to interfere and attempt a reconciliation
between the warring parties. In the course of a letter to Jefferson
(Aug. 23d), on the subject of Indian hostilities, and the possibility
of their being furnished by foreign agents to check, as far as
possible, the rapid increase, extension, and consequence of the United
States, "How unfortunate then," observes he, "and how much to be
regretted that, while we are encompassed on all sides with armed
enemies and insidious friends, internal dissensions should be
harrowing and tearing our vitals. The latter, to me, is the most
serious, the most alarming and the most afflicting of the two; and
without more charity for the opinions and acts of one another in
governmental matters, or some more infallible criterion by which the
truth of speculative opinions, before they have undergone the test of
experience, are to be prejudged, than has yet fallen to the lot of
fallibility, I believe it will be difficult, if not impracticable, to
manage the reins of government, or to keep the parts of it together;
for if, instead of laying our shoulders to the machine after measures
are decided on, one pulls this way and another that, before the
utility of the thing is fairly tried, it must inevitably be torn
asunder; and, in my opinion, the fairest prospect of happiness and
prosperity that ever was presented to man, will be lost perhaps
forever."
Admonitions to the same purport were addressed by him to Hamilton.
"Having premised these things," adds he, "I would fain hope that
liberal allowances will be made for the political opinions of each
other; and, instead of those wounding suspicions and irritating
charges, with which some of our gazettes are so strongly impregnated,
and which cannot fail, if persevered in, of pushing matters to
extremity, and thereby tearing the machine asunder, that there may be
mutual forbearance and temporizing yielding _on all sides_. Without
these I do not see how the reins of government are to be managed, or
how the Union of the States can be much longer preserved."
Washington's solicitude for harmony in his cabinet had been rendered
more anxious by public disturbances in some parts of the country. The
excise law on ardent spirits distilled within the United States, had,
from the time of its enactment by Congress in 1791, met with
opposition from the inhabitants of the Western counties of
Pennsylvania. It had been modified and rendered less offensive within
the present year; but the hostility to it had continued. Combinations
were formed to defeat the execution of it, and the revenue officers
were riotously opposed in the execution of their duties. Determined to
exert all the legal powers with which he was invested to check so
daring and unwarrantable a spirit, Washington, on the 15th of
September, issued a proclamation, warning all persons to desist from
such unlawful combinations and proceedings, and requiring all courts,
magistrates, and officers to bring the infractors of the law to
justice; copies of which proclamation were sent to the governors of
Pennsylvania and of North and South Carolina.