Canonicus succeeded by Pessacus--Mexham--Ninigret, Sachem of the
Nianticks--Proposals made by them to the English, and by the English in
return--They commence hostilities against Uncas--The English resolve to
make war upon them--They make concessions--Their visits to
Boston--Subsequent movements against Uncas. An armed party sent against
Ninigret and Pessacus--They are accused of a league with the Dutch
against the English.
Strictly speaking, there was no _successor_ to Canonicus in the government
of the Narraghansetts, the lineage, talents and age of that sachem having
given him a peculiar influence over his countrymen, which none other among
them could command. At his death, therefore, the authority which he had
monopolized at one time, and afterwards shared with Miantonomo and others,
reverted into that form of dominion (half way between oligarchy and
democracy, and occasionally vibrating to each extreme,) which is common
among the Indian tribes.
_One_ of the Narraghansett chiefs, after that period, was his son, Mexham,
otherwise called Mexamo, Mixamo, Meihammoh, and by Roger Williams also
Mriksah and Mejhsah. Considering the multitude of his names, he is rather
less distinguished than might be supposed. Mr. Williams however gives him
the credit of inheriting "his father's spirit" of friendliness for the
English. In another passage, speaking of the Nipmucks, he says "they were
unquestionably subject to ye Narrhigansett sachims, _and in a special
manner to Mejhsah,_ ye son of Caunonnicus, and late husband to this old
Squa-Sachim now only surviving." [FN] This letter bearing date of May 7th,
1668, Mexham must have died previous to that time. The name of his widow
and successor, (sometimes called Quaiapen, and more frequently Magnus,)
who was a woman of great energy, figures not a little in the history of
King-Philip's war. We may hereafter have occasion to mention both husband
and wife.
* * * * *
[FN] MS. Letters.
A more distinguished character was Pessacus, generally believed to have
been the brother of Miantonomo, [FN] and therefore _nephew_ of
Canonicus--a better authenticated theory than that of Johnson's, who (in
Wonder-Working Providence,) calls him a _son._ He was born about the time
of the English settling at Plymouth, and was therefore not far from twenty
years old when his brother was killed. His name being associated with that
of Canonicus in the deed of 1644, alluded to in the preceding chapter, it
may be presumed, that the mantle of Miantonomo, after _his_ death, fell
upon the shoulders of Pessacus. It will soon appear, how much he
interested himself, both as sachem and brother, in the revenge of that
outrage.
* * * * *
[FN] Winthrop.
It is impossible to pursue the career of either of these chieftains,
eminent in history as some of them are, without connecting them not only
with each other, but with a foreign party who still remains to be named.
We refer to Ninigret, [FN] chief sachem of the Nianticks, generally
considered a Narraghansett tribe, and certainly the most considerable of
all those which profited by the alliance of that people. Miantonomo spoke
of them to Governor Winthrop in 1642, "as his own flesh, being allied by
continual intermarriages;" and the governor consequently had "some
difficulty to bring him to _desert_ them." In fact, they were rather
confederates than tributaries to Canonicus during his life, and the
relationship of blood, with no other bonds of sympathy, would have
abundantly sufficed to keep up an intimate connexion after his death.
Prince states that Ninigret was the uncle of Miantonomo; but other writers
represent him as the brother or brother-in-law; and considering the age of
the parties especially, the latter supposition is much the more plausible.
Either will explain the regard which he will be found to have cherished
for the memory of the dead chieftain, and for the person of Pessacus, the
living brother.
* * * * *
[FN] Variously entitled by various writers.
e g. Ninigrate, by Hutchinson.
Nynigrett, Mason's Pequot war
Ninicrite, Hubbard.
Ninicraft, Same and others.
Ninegrad, Prince.
Nennegratt and Nennegrate, &c., Hazard.
Nanekunat, Niniglud, &c., R. Williams and others.
We first hear of Ninigret in 1632, from which time to 1635 a violent war
was carried on between the Narraghansetts and Pequots. In this he is said
to have taken no part; and the fair inference is, that he was not from his
relation to the former under any necessity, and probably not under
obligation, to assist them.
A similar conclusion might be drawn from the division of captives made at
the close of the war of 1637, when Ninigret's services were acknowledged
by the compliment of twenty Pequots--in the same manner, though not in the
same measure, with those of Uncas and Miantonomo. Like the latter,
however, Ninigret took no personal or active part in that war; and like
him, he permitted his subjects to go volunteers under Mason. Mr. Wolcott
thus mentions him on the occasion of Underhill's arrival in his territory,
[FN] on _his_ way to the Pequots:
* * * * *
[FN] The principal residence of Ninigret, and the centre of his dominion,
was at Wekapaug, now Westerly, R. I. It was formerly a part of
Stonington, Conn.
"And marching through that county soon they met
_The Narraghansett Prince,_ proud Ninigrett,
To whom the English say, we lead these bands,
Armed in this manner, thus into your lands,
Without design to do you injury,
But only to invade the enemy;
You, who to the expense of so much blood
Have long time born their evil neighborhood,
Will bid us welcome, and will well excuse
That we this way have took our rendezvouz, &c." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] "A Brief Account of the Agency of the Hon. John Winthrop Esq. in the
Court of King Charles the second, Anno Dom. 1682; when he obtained a
charter for the Colony of Connecticut." _Vol. IV. Mass. His. Coll._
If what is here intimated was true, that the Pequots had been bad
neighbors to the Nianticks, as they certainly had been to the
Narraghansetts, it is no matter of wonder that numbers of those tribes
engaged in the English expedition; and it indicates the pride, if not
magnanimity on the other hand that neither would consent to fight against
the common enemy of both.
From Major Mason's account of the affair, it would appear that the English
took this independence of Ninigret rather in dudgeon. "On the Wednesday
morning," says that writer, "we marched from thence to a Place called
Nayanticke, it being about eighteen or twenty miles distant, where another
of those Narraghansetts lived in a Fort; it being a Frontier to the
Pequots. They carryed very proudly towards us; not permitting any of us to
come into their Fort." Upon which Mason set a guard about them, forbidding
the Indians to go in or out, and quartered in the neighborhood over night.
Whether this "Sachem" was Ninigret or one of his subjects, the conduct of
Mason could hardly have left a very gratifying impression on the mind, of
that chieftain. Possibly, if borne in mind by the reader, it may throw
some light upon subsequent events.
From the time of Miantonomo's death, all the sachems we have mentioned as
succeeding to his power, came prominently into intercourse with the
English. Ninigret and Pessacus, particularly, were distinguished by a
continual series of controversies alternately with that people, and the
Mohegans, and very often with both. They inherited the strong prejudice
of the slaughtered Narraghansett against Uncas and his tribe; and most
bitterly was that prejudice exasperated by the slaughter itself.
Anticipating such an excitement, the commissioners, immediately after the
execution of the sentence, despatched messengers to Pessacus, who were
directed to inform him that they had heard of the quarrel between himself
and Uncas; and to propose that he should send delegates to Hartford; these
should meet delegates from Uncas, and thus all differences be adjusted. A
conference accordingly was agreed upon, and it took place as proposed. The
result was stated, in the commissioners Report: "They did require that
neither themselves [the Narraghansetts] nor the Nayanticks should make,
any warr or injurious assault vpon Vncus or any of his company vntil they
make proofe of the ransome charged &c."--alluding to the allegation that
Uncas had embezzled money, deposited in his hands for Miantonomo's
redemption.
The following agreement was subscribed by the four "Narrohhiganset
Deputies," as they are called in the Report. It should be observed, that
although "the Nayantick sachems" are ostensibly here represented, the only
evidence going to justify such a phraseology, so far as we know, is in a
previous statement (in the Report,) that when the English messengers had
been sent to propose this conference, the Narraghansett sagamores
"consulting among themselves _and with Kienemo one of the Nayantick
sachims_ had sent a sagamore &c." We copy _literatim_ and _punctuatim:_
"Weetowisse one of the Narrohiggansett sachims Pummumsh (alias) Pumumshe
and Pawpianet two of the Narrohigganset Captaines being sent with two of
the Narrohiggansett Indians as _Deputies from the Narrohigganset and
Nayantick_ sachims to make proofe of the ransome they pretended was given
for their late sachim's life as also to make knoune some other greevances
they had against Vncus sachim of the Mohiggins did in conclusion promise
and engage themselves (_according to the power committed to them_) that
there should be no war begun by any of the Narrohiggansets _or Nayantic_
Indians with the Mohegan sachim or his men till after the next planting
tyme, and that after that, before they begin warr, or vse any hostility
towards them, they will give thirty dayes warneing thereof to the
Government of the Massachusetts or Conectacutt.
"Hartford the XVIIth of September, 1644
"(Signed with the marks of) Weetowisse
Pawpianet
Chimough
Pummushe."
This, considering it an agreement authorised by Pessacus, was certainly as
much as could be reasonably expected of him; for such was his eagerness to
revenge the death of his brother, that he had himself sent messengers to
confer upon the subject with the Massachusetts Government. Only a month or
two after that event, they carried a present from him, of an otter coat,
with Wampum to the value of fifteen pounds. Proposals of peace and
friendship were tendered; but a request was added, that the Governor
should not assist Uncas, whom he (Pessacus) intended shortly to make war
upon. The Governor replied, that he desired peace, but wished that all the
Indian tribes, including the Mohegans, might be partakers of it; and that
unless Pessacus would consent to these terms, his present could not be
received. The messengers said, they had no instructions upon this point;
they would however return, and consult with Pessacus; and meanwhile the
Governor was requested to retain the present, which he did.
After this, (in April, 1644) and previous to the Hartford conference, the
Governor sent messengers on his own part to the Narraghansetts, probably
to sound the disposition of Pessacus. They went first to the wigwam of the
old sachem Canonicus, whom they found in such ill humor that he did not
admit them, (as they stated) for two hours, during which time they were
not altogether at ease, being obliged to endure the pelting of a
rain-storm. On entering, they found him lying upon his couch. He noticed
them, not very cordially, for the purpose of referring them to Pessacus;
and for _him_ they waited four hours more. When he came, he took them into
a shabby wigwam, and kept them talking with him most of the night. On the
whole, he appeared determined to wage war on Uncas forthwith; not in the
manner of Miantonomo, but by sending out small war-parties, to cut off the
straggling Mohegans, and to interfere with their hunting and fishing.
There is reason to believe, that he either had taken, or was about taking
some measures in pursuance of this scheme; and that the message of the
commissioners was therefore rather as much in consequence as in
anticipation of his acts. On the 23d. of April, messengers came to Boston
from Pomham, (a chief, hereafter noticed at length, who had put himself
under the Massachusetts protection,) with intelligence that the
Narraghansetts had captured and killed six Mohegan men and five women; and
had sent _him_ two hands and a foot, to engage him in the war. If this
statement was true--and we know no particular reason for doubting it--the
commissioners might certainly consider themselves fortunate in checking
hostilities, so far as they did in September.
They convened again, at Boston, early in 1645; and messengers were again
sent to the Narraghansetts, with directions afterwards to visit the
Mohegans, inviting all the sachems to meet them for a new adjustment of
difficulties. The instructions given to these men [FN] imply, that the
commissioners supposed Pessacus to be in a state of warfare with Uncas at
that time--whether it was now past "planting-tyme," or not--but the same
records show that the messengers brought back "a letter from Mr. Roger
Williams wherein hee assures vs the warr _would presently break forth_ and
that the Narrohiggansett sachims had lately concluded a neutrallyty with
Providence and the Townes upon Aquidnett [Rhode] Island."
* * * * *
[FN] See records of the United Colonies. Hazard.
It would seem, then, that the treaty was not yet broken--when the
messengers were sent. Pessacus at first told them, that he would attend
the commissioners' summons, and that meanwhile there should be no
operations against Uncas; but he soon afterwards said, that his mind was
changed. They then went to Ninigret. He expressed great discontent on
account of certain military assistance which the English had sent to
defend Uncas; and threatened haughtily, (said the messengers) that unless
that force were withdrawn, he should consider it a violation of the
treaty. "He would procure as many Mowhauques as the English should affront
[meet] them with, that would lay the English cattell on heapes as heigh as
their houses, and no Englishman should stir out of his doore but he should
be killed."
After meeting such a reception here, the messengers were afraid to set out
for the Mohegan country, and they therefore went back to Pessacus and
requested him to furnish them with a guide. He offered them an old Pequot
squaw--in derision (as they supposed)--and even while they were speaking,
several of his Indians who stood close behind him, appeared to them to be
frowning rather grimly, besides brandishing their hatchets in a most
ominous manner.
"Wherevpon," [on the return of the messengers] says the Report, "the
commissioners considering the great provocations offered and the
necessyty we should be put unto of making warr vpon the _Narrohiggansets
&c._" it was agreed, "First, that our engagement bound us to ayde and
defende the Mohegan Sachem. 2dly, That this ayde could not be intended
onely to defend him and his in his fort or habitacon, but (according to
the common acceptacon of such covenants or engagements considered with the
fraude or occasion thereof) so to ayde him as hee might be preserved in
his liberty and estate. 3dly, That this ayde must be speedy least he might
bee swallowed vp in the meane tyme and so come too late."
The engagement here alluded to was made at Hartford in these words: "That
if they assualt Vncus the English are engaged to assist him." Whether they
had assaulted him or not--whether, if they had, it was under circumstances
which started such a _casus faederis_ as to justify the English
interference--and whether, under any circumstances, the latter could
justify sending an expedition designed "not onely to ayde the Mohegans but
to offend the Narrohiggansets, Nyanticks and other their confederates"
[FN]--need not now be discussed. Nor shall we inquire whether any blame
was chargeable, on the other hand, to Uncas, as having himself secretly
provoked hostilities--which, it may be observed, is a matter that in its
nature cannot easily be determined.
* * * * *
[FN] "Instructions for Serjeant Major Edward Gibbons, comaunder in chief
of our military forces and for such as are joyned to him as a counsell of
warr." Hazard.
Preparations were made for a war; but, at the suggestion of some of the
Massachusetts Government, it was concluded to make still another offer of
compromise to the Narraghansetts, returning at the same time, by way of
manifesto, the present of wampum "long since sent and left by messengers
from Piscus [Pessacus]." A conference took place between some of the
messengers and some of the Sachems, at which _Mr. Williams officiated as
interpreter,_ and the result was almost necessarily pacific, several of
the allegations of the English (which Benedict upon oath had formerly
certified [FN]) were denied, says the commissioners' Report, and others
excused; and as the English desired further conference, it was agreed
"that Pissicus chiefe-sachem of the Narraghansetts and Mixano Canownacus
his eldest sonn and others should forthwith come to Bostone to treat with
the commissioners for the restoreing and settleing of peace."
* * * * *
[FN] _Report of Commissioners,_ 1645. Benedict Arnold is here referred
to, a person employed as messenger for a long series of years. He seems
to have been in this case the only witness against the Sachems; and what
his testimony amounted to, we have already seen.
This promise was faithfully kept. The sachems just named, with a Niantick
deputy, made their appearance at Boston within a few days, followed by a
long train of attendants. Some altercation took place between them and the
commissioners, in the course of which the latter charged them (as the
Report shows,) that, notwithstanding the Hartford treaty, "they had _this
summer_ (1645) at severall tymes invaded Vncus &c." At length, with great
reluctance, and "after long debate and some private conferrence they had
with Sergeant Cullicutt they acknowledged they had brooken promise or
covenant in the aforemenconed warrs." They then offered to make another
truce, but that not satisfying the commissioners, they wished to know what
_would._ Upon which the commissioners, "to show their moderacon required
of them but twoo thousand fathome of white wampon for their oune
satisfaccon," beside their restoring the boats and prisoners taken from
Uncas, and making reparation for all damages. A treaty, containing these
and other stipulations, and providing that the payment of one instalment
should be made in twenty days, was drawn up and finally subscribed by all
the deputies. Four hostages were given for security, including a son of
Pessacus; the English army was disbanded; the sachems returned home; and
the 4th of September, which had been appointed for a fast, was now ordered
to be observed as a day of thanksgiving.
We have thought it the less necessary to specify all the provisions of
this "treaty," inasmuch as the circumstances under which it was made,
amount, as appears to us, to such a duress as not only must have
exasperated the Sachems, but clearly invalidated the treaty itself. This
point, however, we shall leave to be decided by every reader who will
trouble himself to become familiar with those minutiae which cannot here
be stated. It is sufficient to add, that the Report itself; as above
cited, shows the consideration (so to speak) upon which the whole
transaction was founded, to have failed, or rather never to have existed.
The "acknowledgements," indeed, like the agreements, under the
circumstances we count nothing; but even these, as the commissioners state
them, only intimate that the Narraghansetts had invaded Uncas "this
summer"--that is, (for aught we are told) subsequent to "planting-tyme,"
when the former treaty expired--and not then without previous and repeated
declarations to the English, as we have seen, of their intended movements.
No remarks need be made upon the invasion of the English, or upon the
requisitions on the deputies at Boston.
One provision of the treaty was, that the Narraghansetts should meet Uncas
at New Haven in 1646, which they failed to do, though Uncas himself
attended the meeting of the commissioners at that place. Nor did they make
their payments of wampum according to promise. Three instalments, to the
amount of one thousand three hundred fathoms, being now due, they sent
into Boston one hundred fathoms--mostly, it is said in "old
kettles"--excusing themselves on the score of poverty and the failure of
the Nianticks to contribute their proportion. So small a sum the
commissioners would not accept; and the messengers who brought it
therefore sold their kettles to a Boston brazier, and deposited the money
in his hands, to be paid over when they should bring the residue of the
debt. Messengers were sent for Pessacus, but he failed to make his
appearance.
The summons being repeated in 1647, on the 31st of July, "Thomas Stanton
returned with Pessacks answere as followinge. Pessack being charged for
not meeting the commissioners at New Haven the last yeare, his answere
was, he had no warninge. It is true, said he, I have broken my covenant
these two years, and it is and hath been the constant griefe of my spirit.
2dly, The reason why he doth not come at this time is, because he hath
bene sicke and is now sicke; had I bene but pretty well, said he, I would
have come to them." He also stated, that he _when the last treaty was
made, he had acted in fear of the English army;_ [FN] and he proposed to
send Ninigret to Boston forthwith, with full authority to treat in his own
name.
* * * * *
[FN] Report of the comm. for 1647. "He doth say when he made his covenant
he did it in feare of the army that he did see, and tho' the English kept
their covenant with him there and let him go from them, yet the army was
to goe to Narragensett ymmediately and kill him there, therefore said the
commissioners sett your hands to such and such things or els the army
shall goe forth to the Narragensetts." Excellently well stated!
Ninigret accordingly came on the 3d of August. When the commissioners
demanded an explanation of his past defaults, he at first affected
ignorance of what agreements had been made by the Narraghansetts. He then
argued the matter, and inquired upon what pretence the alleged debt was
originally founded. He was reminded of all the old subjects of complaint,
including his own declarations of hostility towards the English. In
respect to the latter, he said that the messengers had given him
provocation. As to the money, he considered it impossible ever to pay it,
but nevertheless wished to know how the reckoning now stood. It appeared,
on examination, that Pessacus had paid seventy fathoms of wampum the first
year. As for the kettles sold to the braziers, that property had since
been attached by one Woddy, a Boston man for goods stolen from him by a
Narraghansett Indian. Ninigret excepted to this procedure. It was neither
the property of Pessacus, he said, nor of the thief; it was deposited as
part payment of the debt, and ought so to be received. Having gained this
point, he next proposed that credit should be given him for one hundred
and five fathoms, sent by the hand of the Indian called Cutchamaquin.
[FN-1] It was rejoined, that the sum referred to had been intended as a
present to the Governor. Ninigret, "_being pressed to cleare the questione
himselfe, he answered, his tounge should not belye his heart, let the
debt be satisfied as it may--he intended it for the Governour._" He had
sent ten fathoms to Cutchamaquin for his own trouble; but that covetous
Indian, unsatisfied with so liberal a commission, had appropriated all but
forty-five fathoms to his own use and "lied" about the residue. The facts
came out upon a cross-examination, instituted by Ninigret in presence of
the commissioners. [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] Whom we suppose to be the Sachem of Braintree, (near Boston), so
well known for his violent opposition to Mr. Elliot's preaching, and
called also Kitchmakin and some half dozen other names. He submitted to
the Massachusetts Government in 1643. Neal says, that soon after his
appearing at Mr. Elliot's lecture, and protesting against the building
of a town for the Christian Indians in what he considered his dominions,
"he himself turned Christian." But that reverend missionary does not
himself state quite so much. In that old tract, The Light Appearing &c.
he says, that after a certain pungent discourse which he took occasion to
level at the Sachem, and not long after his remonstrance just mentioned,
"Elder Heath his observation of him was, that there was a great change in
him, his spirit was very much lightned, and it much appeared both in his
countenance and carriage, _and he hath carried all things fairly ever
since._" We are glad to leave him thus--he died soon after his
reformation.
[FN-2] Hazard Vol. II. p. 80 (quarto 3d. Phil. 1794) "Hereupon
Cutchmaquin was sent for and before Ninegrate questioned &c. He at first
persisted, and added to his lyes, but was at last convinced by Ninegrate
&c." A good illustration of the impropriety of giving implicit credit in
such cases.
He then asked time to give in his final answer, and the commissioners
allowed him a day. Having consulted meanwhile with his companions, he
appeared the next morning again. He was sorry to find, he said, that the
burden of the business had been shifted from the shoulders of Pessacus
upon his own, but he had determined to do what he could; and he would
therefore send some of his men home to collect the arrears due to the
English. In the course of three days he should know the result, and in ten
he thought the wampum might be forwarded. He would himself remain at
Boston till that time, and send word to the Narraghansetts of the
arrangement. "But if the collection," he added, "should fall short of the
sum due, he desired some forbearance, being sure that the residue would be
shortly paid, and that the English would at all events perceive his great
desire to give them entire satisfaction." The commissioners accepted these
proposals, and Ninigret despatched his messenger.
They returned on the 16th of the month, but brought only two hundred
fathom of wampum. The commissioners complained of this new default, and
Ninigret was a little embarrassed. He said, it must be owing to his own
absence; but as it was, he wished that the Wampum intended, but not yet
received, as a present to the Governor, should go in part payment of the
debt. For the remainder, he desired a respite till the next spring, when,
if it were not fully paid, the English should have his country and his
head. [FN] The commissioners accordingly gave him leave to return home,
and allowed him twenty days for sending in one thousand fathoms; if he
failed, he must suffer the consequences. If he did what he could, and
_Pessacus_ failed, as heretofore he had done, they should punish _him,_
and expect Ninigret's assistance.
* * * * *
[FN] The account, which may be considered a curiosity, now stood thus.
Mr. Pelham received allmost two yeares since, }
above what was given Vncus } 70 fathoms.
Left by the Narraghansetts in Mr. Shrimpton's }
hands, in kettles and wampum } 70 fathoms.
In Cutchamaqua's hands by Ninegrett 105 do.
Received of Ninegrett 16. Aug. 1647. 243 1/2 do.
________
The sum being 443.
At their meeting in 1648, the commissioners received information of new
movements of Pessacus and Ninigret, in disturbance of the common peace.
Both sachems were said to be withdrawing their old men, women and children
into swamps, hiding their corn, and preparing for the reception of the
Mohawk, whom they had engaged to assist them. The invading army was to
consist of eight hundred men. The Mohawks had four hundred guns, and three
pounds of powder to a gun. Ninigret had made inquiry whether the English
would probably defend Uncas, and seemed to calculate, in that case, upon
the necessity of fighting _them._ The Pocomtock tribe were also engaged to
assist him. But both these and the Mohawks were finally discouraged from
undertaking the expedition, by the prospect of having to contend with the
English.
But depredations were soon after committed by some of the Narraghansetts
upon the English; and as for Uncas, the hostility against him was carried
so far, that he came very near losing his life by an Indian hired to
assassinate him, having been run through the breast with a sword, as he
was going on board a vessel in the river Thames. At the commissioners'
meeting in 1649, he appeared, laid his complaints before them, and
demanded the protection of his ally. Ninigret also presented himself. As
to hiring the Indian to assassinate Uncas, he observed, the confession of
the criminal himself was the only evidence in the case, and that was
forced from him by the Mohegans. As to the arrears of wampum, of which
much was said, he thought there been a mistake in the measure, and that
only two hundred fathoms were due, while the English at this time
acknowledged the receipt of only one thousand five hundred twenty-nine and
a half in the whole. But the commissioners were dissatisfied with his
answer; and they therefore once more set themselves to making vigorous
preparations for war.
The measures adopted in 1650, may be learned from the following passage of
the commissioners' record for that year. "Taking into consideration the
seueral offensiue practices of the Narraghausetts whereby they have broken
their couenents and endeauoured to disturbe the peace betweene the English
and themselves; and how they yet delay to pay the wampum which hath been
so long due [having sent but one hundred fathom since the last meeting at
Boston;] it was therefore thought meet to keepe the colonies from falling
into contempt among the Indians, and to preuent their improuing said
wampum to hire other Indians to joyne with themselves against vs or Vcus,
that twenty men well armed bee sent out of the Jurisdiccon of
Massachusetts to Pessicus to demand the said Wampum which is three hundred
and eight fathom, and vpon Refusall or Delay to take the same or to the
Vallew thereof in the best goods they can find; Together with so much as
will satisfy for their charges &c."
The messengers were farther instructed to go to Ninigret, and make the
following complaints. 1. That the commissioners were told he had married
his daughter to the brother of the old Pequot chief; Sassacus, and had
made some pretensions to the Pequot territory. 2. That _Weekwash Cooke_
had complained to them of certain grievances received at his hands. 3.
"That about twelve years sence a Mare belonging to Elty Pomary of Winsor
in Connecticatt was killed wilfully by Pequiam a Nyantick Indian brother
to Ninegrett which Mare cost twenty-nine pounds, for which satisfaccon
hath often been required." &c. They were then to demand payment of all
charges due the English, and as also categorical answers to a certain list
of questions.
The party sent out by Massachusetts in pursuance of these orders was
commanded by Major Atherton. On meeting with Pessacus, and stating the
purposes of his visit, some altercation ensued. As the Narraghansett
warriors meanwhile appeared to be collecting around him, Atherton marched
directly to the door of his Wigwam, posted a guard there, entered himself
with his pistol in hand, seized Pessacus by his hair, and drawing him out
from among his attendants, declared he would despatch him instantly on
perceiving the least attempt for his rescue. This bold stroke made such an
impression, that all arrearages were paid on the spot. Atherton then
visited Ninigret, and having stated the accusations, suspicions and
threats of the commissioners--though without obtaining any farther
satisfaction--returned home. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Trumbull's expression is--"Having in this spirited manner
_Accomplished his business,_ he returned in safety." _History of Conn.
Vol. I._
In 1653, the commissioners sent messengers to demand of Ninigret, Pessacus
and Mexham, answers to the following questions. They are given in full,
as a curious illustration both of the policy of the former and the
character of the latter. The object and occasion are sufficiently manifest
on the face of them.
"1. Whether the _Duch Governor_ hath engaged him [Ninigret] and others to
healp them to fight against the English, and how many?
"2. Whether the Duch Governor did not attempt such a Conspiracy?
"3. Whether hee [Ninigret] hath not received of the Duch Governor guns
powder bullets and swords or any ammunition to that end; and how much or
many of the said provision for warr?
"4. What other sachems or Indians to his Knowlidg that are so engaged?
"5. Whether himselfe or the Rest are Resolved according to theire
engagement to fight against the English?
"6. If hee bee Resolved of his way what he thinks the English will do?
"7. Whether it bee not safest for him and his men to be true to the
English?
"8. Whether the Duch hath engaged to healp him and the Rest of the Indians
against the English?
"9. If hee haue engaged against us to aske vpon what grounds and what
wrong wee haue donn him?
"10. Whether hee thinks it meet to com or send his messengers to give
satisfaction concerning these queries?
"11. Whether hee hath hiered the Mohakes to healp him against us?"
The answer of Mexham, as reported by the messengers, to the first
question, was thus. "I speak vnfeignedly from my hart without
Dessimulation that I know of noe such plott that is intended or ploted
by the Duch Governour against the English my frinds. Though I bee poor it
is not goods guns powder nor shott that shall draw mee to such a plott."
Pessacus said, "I am very thankfull to these two men that came from the
Massachusetts and to you Thomas and to you Poll and to you Mr. Smith that
are come soe fare as from the Bay to bring vs this message, _and to
enforme vs of these things wee knew not of before._"
To the second, Mexham answered "No." Pessacus said, "that for the Governor
of the Duch, _wee are loth to Inuent any fakehood of him,_ though we bee
far off from him, _to please the English_ or any other that bring these
Reports. The Duch Governor did never propound such a thing." He also
represented the evident folly of his leagueing with a remote people
against his nearest neighbors. He gave a negative to the fifth question.
The sixth he supposed to be already answered. To the seventh, he said,
"wee desire to keeps it [peace] feirmly to our dieing day as neare as we
can." The eighth and ninth, Mexham and Pessacus thought they had answered
already. As to the tenth, they replied, that Pessacus was _too old_ [FN]
to "trauell two daies together, but they would send some men into the
Massachusetts to speak with [tell] the Sachems that they had sent to Mr.
Smith and Voll his man to speake to Mr. Browne that they loved the English
sachems and all English in the Bay." The charge implied in the last query
they absolutely denied.
* * * * *
[FN] Probably meant for _too ill._
The answers of Ninigret, which were given separately, are the more worthy
of notice that he was known to have visited New York during the previous
winter, and had been accused by various Indians, including some of the
Mohegans, of having formed an alliance with the Dutch against the English.
He utterly disclaimed such conduct. "But," he added, "whiles I was there
att the Indian Wigwames there cam som Indians that told mee there was a
ship com in from Holland, which did report the English and Duch were
fighting together in theire owne countrey, and theire were severall other
shippes cominge with amunition to fight against the English heer, and that
there would bee a great blow given to them, but _this_ (said he,) _I had
from the Indians,_ and I cannot tell how true it is." Next, four queries
were answered in the negative. As to the sixth, "What shall I answare
these things over and over again? What doe the English thinke that I
thinke they bee asleep and suffer mee to do them wronge? Doe we not know
they are not a sleepy people? The English make queries for gunpowder, and
shot and swords. Do they thinke wee are mad to sell our liues and the
liues of all our wiues and children and all our kindred, and to haue our
countrey destroyed for a few guns powder shott and swords? What will they
doe vs good when wee are dead?" The eighth, ninth, and eleventh, were
denied. To the seventh he replied, that he knew no reason for breaking his
league with his old friends the English; and why should he ally himself to
a few Dutchmen, so far off when he lived next door to _them?_ The answer
to the tenth would puzzle the most mystifying politician of modern times.
"It being indifferently spoken whether hee may goe or send yet bee knowing
nothing by himselfe wherein hee hath wronged the English but that hee may
goe yet being Indifferently spoken hee would send to speak with the
English." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] We copy _punctuatim,_ from the Records of the United Colonies, as
preserved in Hazard's Collections. Perhaps the Interpreter was to blame
for this problematical sentence.
Letters having been also sent to the sachems from the commissioners,
Pessacus and Mexham sent word in return, that they wished for a good
understanding, and hoped it might be preserved. They requested,
furthermore, that the English would make known _the names of their
accusers,_ and the other sources of their information respecting their
alleged league with the Dutch. Ninigret replied as follows:
"You are kindly welcom to vs and I kindly thanke the Sachems [magistrates]
of the Massachusetts that they would Nominate my Name amongst the other
to require my answare to the propositions; had any of the other Sachems
been att the Duch I should have feared theire folly might have donn some
hurt one way or other, but they have not been there. _I am the Man that
haue bene there myselfe,_ therefore I must answare for what I haue donn.
I doe utterley deney and protest against any such acteings doun by mee or
to my knowlidge att or with the Duch. What is the story of _these great
Rumers that I hear att Pocatocke, that I should bee cut off and that the
English had a quarrell against mee._ I know of noe such cause att all for
my parte. _Is it because I went thither to take Phisicke for my healthe?_
Or what is the cause I found noe such entertainment from the Duch
Governour, when I was there to giue mee any Incorragement to sturr mee up
to such a league against the English my friends. It was winter-time, and I
stood a great parte of a day knocking at the Governor's dore, and he would
neither open it nor suffer others open it to lett mee in. I was not wont
to find such carriage from the English my frinds." The messenger promised
to be sent by Pessacus was sent accordingly. The English, examined him
very closely, but ascertained nothing new.