Sequel of the lives of Ninigret and Pessacus, from 1653--Various
accusations, deputations, and hostile movements between them and the
English--Controversy between Ninigret and Harmon Garrett--Application
for justice in 1675--Conduct of Ninigret in Philip's War--Consequences
of it--His death--Death of Pessacus--Some of the charges against the
former considered--His hostility to Uncas, and the Long Islanders, and
"League with the Dutch"--Remarks on his character.
In September, 1653, new complaints were made against the Narraghansett and
Niantick Sachems. It was reported to the commissioners, that they had
attacked the Long Island Indians, and slain two Sachems and thirty others.
This was deemed a case requiring their interference; and messengers were
forthwith despatched as usual, to demand explanation and satisfaction, on
penalty that the commissioners would otherwise "proceed as they should
find cause." These men executed their errand, and returned on the 19th of
the month. According to their own account, they were not very graciously
received, as indeed it was hardly to be expected they should be.
They declared upon oath that, on entering the Niantick country, they saw
about forty or fifty Indians, all in arms, who came up to them as they
rode by; and the leader having a gun in his hand, "did, in the presence of
Thomas Staunton Serjeant Waite and Vallentyne Whitman, put his hand back
as if hee would have cocked it; Richard Waite said this man will shoote;
whervpon the English men faced about, Rode vp to the said Indians, asked
what they intended to doe and bedd them goe before, which some of them did
but others would not; and particularly the said Captaine Refused. The
English rode on in the way towards Ninigrett, but coming vp into the
Woods, the former company of Indians first fell on shouting in a
triumphing way. After the English Messengers came to a greater company of
Indians, all armed, whoe comaund them to stand to alight and to tye there
horses to a tree showed them, which the Messengers refused to doe. The
Indians then strove to becompase the English, which they would not suffer,
but being Informed that Ninnigrett would come thither they stayed awhile,
but Ninnigrett not coming the English tould the Indians that if they might
neither passe nor Ninnigrett come then they would return home. The Indians
answared hee would com presently, but hee not coming the English rode
forward and mett Ninnigrett; the Indians running on both sides hollowing,
the English Messengers made a stand, when they mett Ninnigrett haveing
many armed men with him and him selfe a pistoll in his hand. Ninnigrett
sat doune and desired them to alight which they did. The Indians then
surrounded them and som of them charged their guns with powder and bullets
and som primed their guns. The English in the meen time delivering their
message to Ninnigrett his men were so Tumultus in speaking especially one
whoe they said was a Mohauke they were much desturbed." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] This Valentyne is apparently the same whom Ninigret familiarly
called "Voll," and another chief, "Poll."
The messengers were afterwards informed by one of Ninigret's chief men,
"that the aforementioned Mohauke came to see what news, for _they heard
that English were coming to warr against the Narraghansetts,_ which if
true the Mohaukes take what is doun against the Narraghansetts as doun
against themselues." After leaving Ninigret, two Indians, with bows and
arrows in their hands, came running out of the woods, and roughly demanded
of Staunton whither he was going, when he was coming back, and which way
he should come.--Upon this report, the commissioners decided to make war
at once, with the exception of Mr. Bradstreet alone, (the member from
Massachusetts,) who protested against such a proceeding, and thereby
prevented it.
In 1654, the commissioners were informed, that Ninigret was not only
prosecuting hostilities against the Long-Island Indians as before, but had
hired the Mohawks, Pocomtocks and Wampanoags to assist him. They
immediately sent messengers demanding his appearance at Hartford, and the
payment of the tribute so long due, as they alleged, for the Pequots under
his dominion. One article in the messenger's instructions was expressed
thus. "That vnlesse hee either com himselfe forthwithe to Hartford or give
som satisfying securitie to the commissioners for the true and constant
paiment of the said Tribute the commissioners shall thinke of some course
forthwithe to despose of the said Pequots some other way." On the 18th of
September, the following report was made of the result of the interview.
"1. When Ninigret was told, that the commissioners had perused _the letter
he had sent to the governor of Massachusetts_ [FN] _concerning the
suspicions he had of Uncas,_ he answered, that he knew nothing of such
letter, and expressed great wonder at its being charged upon him."
* * * * *
[FN] We see no previous mention of this letter. It must have been one of
many cases where the commissioners were deceived by false testimony.
"Again, as to the breach of covenant alleged against him, he desired to
know who could say that he had any Pequots under him. 2. Mr. Eaton and Mr.
Hopkins, being both at New Haven, had told him that he was to pay for the
Pequots only ten years. And 3. Those ten years had elapsed three years
before." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Such an agreement was made in 1651, between the commissioners,
Uncas, and some of Ninigret's men. The ten years were to commence with
1650; but, probably, Ninigret was either uninformed or misinformed
respecting this stipulation. Frequently, treaties were not understood
even by those who subscribed them.
"3. In respect to the Long-Islanders he answered in the following
remarkable manner: Wherefore should he acquaint the commissioners
therewith when the long-islanders had slayne a sachem's son and sixty
other of his men; and therefore he will not make peace with the
long-islanders, but doth desire the English would lett him alone, and doth
desire that the commissioners would not Request him to goe to hartford;
for hee had doun noe hurt what should he doe there; hee had bene many
times in the Bay, and when was Uncas there; Jonathan [the messenger] asked
him whether he would send two or three of is men that might act in his
Rome and steed if hee would not goe him selfe hee answared what should hee
or his men doe att hartford; Adding if youer Governor's sonne were slayne
and seuerall other men would [you] aske counsell of another Nation how
and when to Right yourselves; and againe said hee would not goe nor send
to Hartford.
"4. Concerning the vpland Indians his answsre was they are my frinds and
came to healp mee against the long-islanders which had killed seuerall of
my men; wherefore should I acquaint the commissioners with it; I doe but
Right my owne quarell which the long-islanders began with mee."
This spirited reply, alone sufficient to immortalize Ninigret, brought on
open war. A body of troops was raised in the three united colonies, and
sent into the Niantick country, under Major Willard of Massachusetts, with
orders to demand of Ninigret the Pequots subject to his control, the
tribute already due from them, and also a cessation of hostilities against
the Indians of Long Island. On refusal to comply with these terms, they
were to reduce him to submission and tribute by force, and take hostages
for security. The place of general rendezvous was appointed at Stanton's
house in the Narraghansett country. On arriving there, Major Willard found
that Ninigret had fled into a swamp ten or fifteen miles distant from the
army leaving his country, corn, and wigwams, at the invader's mercy.
Messengers were sent to him, inviting him to a conference, and pledging
the safety of his person. He returned answer that aggressions had
_already_ been made upon his territory and property, and he did not think
it safe for him to visit the Major. He wished to know, too, what had
occasioned the present invasion. What had he done to _the English,_ that
they beset him in this manner?--Whatever the difficulty was, he was ready
to settle it by messengers, but not in person.
A day or two afterwards, as he was still in close quarters, six new
messengers were sent to him, two of whom, only, after much debate with his
guards and scouts, were admitted to his own presence. They began with
demanding the Pequots; to which he replied, that most of that people had
left him already--nearly one hundred had deserted to the English army--;
and the few that remained were hunting and straggling up and down the
country. He however set his mark to the following agreement, dated Oct.
18, 1654.
"Wheras the commissioners of the vnited collonies demaund by theire
Messengers that I deliuer vp to the English all the captiue Pequotes in my
countrey I heerby ingage myselfe to surrender the said Pequotes within
seuen daies to Mr. Winthrope or Captain Mason Witnesse my hand.
"Witnesse Thomas Stanton and Vallentine Whitman Interpretors Witnesse
alsoe Thomas Bligh."
The messengers next demanded the tribute due for the Pequots. He replied,
that he never engaged to pay it. "Why then," said they, "did you pay it,
or part of it, at New Haven?" "Because," he readily answered, "I feared
they would be taken from me if I did not, and therefore made a gratuity
out of my own wampum to please _you._" Being now forbidden in the
commissioners' name, to pursue hostilities against the Indians of
Long-Island, he stood silent for some time, and then asked if it was right
that his men--_such men_--should lose their lives and their blood, and not
be revenged. The English observed, that he should have offered his
complaints to the commissioners; but to this he made no reply; nor yet to
the unceremonious if not uncivil declaration of the messengers, that in
case he gave any farther trouble to any of the friends of the English,
they should forthwith take the liberty to set his head upon a pole. The
conference ended with their requesting him to pay the expenses of the
expedition, which he refused to do; "Hee was not the cause of it, but
longe-Island Indians killed him a man att Connecticott." Thus the affair
ended. The commander was censured by the commissioners, for neglecting a
good opportunity of humbling a troublesome enemy, but no farther
strictures ensued. [FN] They contented themselves with stationing an armed
vessel in the road between Neanticut and Long-Island, with orders to
prevent hostile movements on the part of Ninigret, and with encouraging
his Indian adversaries by promises of English assistance. The next year,
Ninigret continuing his attacks, they thought themselves under obligation
to furnish it.
* * * * *
[FN] A Mss. private letter of Major Willard is extant, (in the possession
of Mr. Shattuck, author of a very valuable History of Concord, which we
hope may be soon published,) in which, alluding to this expedition, he
rather mysteriously speaks of his "hands being tied" Whether this
alludes to his general instructions, or to something more secret, every
reader will judge for himself.
From this time forward, there is little of interest in the life either of
Pessacus or Ninigret. We hear of them occasionally, but not much farther
than is sufficient to indicate their existence. Whether they gave less
reason to be complained of than before, or whether the English at length
grew weary of sending messages to them, cannot be ascertained; but there
is probably some truth in both suppositions.
One of the last deputations to Ninigret, in 1656, was occasioned by
complaints which he made to the English of grievances received from the
Long-Islanders. He failed to prove them as alleged, and the commissioners
took that occasion to remind him of his own duties and defaults, in their
wonted manner. The lesson was repeated in 1657, some affrays and assaults
having meanwhile occurred, which threatened to bring on more serious
troubles between the Indian tribes. The most remarkable circumstance
connected with the deputation of this season, is the dissent of the
commissioners of Massachusetts, who frequently had occasion to differ with
their associates in regard to intercourse with the Indians. The terms of
this opinion, expressed in the records, are worthy of notice, as throwing
a casual light on the charges brought against Ninigret.
"There hauing bine," say they, "many messengers to this purpose formerly
sent from the commissioners to the Indian Sachems, but seldom obserued by
them, which now to Renew againe _when many complaints have bine made
against Vncus by seuerall sachems and other Indians of his proud Insolent
and prouocking speeches and Trecherous actions, and with much probabilitie
of truth,_ besides his hostile attempts at Potunck &c.--seems
vnseasonable; and can in Reason have no other attendance in conclusion
than _to Render vs lo and contemptable in the eyes of the Indians, or
engage vs to vindicate our honer in a dangerouse and vnecessarie warr
vpon Indian quarrells, the grounds whereof wee can hardly euer
satisfactoryly understand, &c._" There is manifestly great truth, as well
as some severity, in this declaration. We may hereafter allude again to
what is said respecting Uncas.
We now refer to the instructions of messengers sent two years after the
embassy last named, merely to illustrate the style of diplomacy which
still continued to be used. They were directed "to Repaire to Ninnigrett,
Pessicus, Woqnocanoote, and the Rest of the Narraghansett Sachems, and
distinctly and clearly deliuer to them the following message." One article
of complaint runs thus:
"The comissioners doe require ninety-five fathom of Wampam ordered by them
to bee payed the last yeare for the Insolencyes committed att mistress
Brewster's feet to her great affrightment and stealing corne &c. and other
affronts."
Again: "The comissioners doe charge Ninnigrett with breach of couenant
_and high neglect of theire order sent them by Major Willard six yeares
since not to Inuade the longe Iland Indians;_ and doe account this
surprising the longe-Iland Indians att Gull Iland and murthering of them
to be an insolent carriage to the English and a barbarous and inhumaine
acte; therefore the comissioners _haue proeuided for his entertainment at
longe-Iland_ if hee shall dare further to attempt vpon them before hee
hath satisfied the comissioners of the justnes of his quarrell, ordering
the English there to assist the Indians and driue him from thence." It
will be recollected, that Ninigret had always disclaimed the right of the
English to interfere in this contest with his neighbors, though he
explained to them, so far as to justify himself on the ground of having
been first aggrieved and attacked by his enemy. More recently he had
chosen--probably for the sake of keeping peace with the English--to make
complaints to them; but because he had failed to prove them (--and no
doubt they were mostly incapable of being proved, in their very nature--)
the commissioners had taken no other notice of his suit than to send
Thomas Stanton and others to reprimand him at once for his present
insolence and his old sins.
Still, he was not utterly discouraged, for he did not invariably fail of
having justice done him. In 1662, the commissioners being informed of his
intention to sell a certain tract of land in his actual possession, which
was nevertheless claimed by one Harmon Garrett, they sent to him--not a
message of threats by Thomas Stanton--but "a writing vnder theire hands
sertifying the said Harmon Garrett's claime, which being made knowne to
Ninnigrett, the said Ninnigrett by his Messengers to the comissioners att
theire last meeting att Plymouth made claime to the said land, and Refered
the Determination therof to the next meeting of the court att Boston,
_desireing that notice might bee given to the said harmon Garrett att the
said Meeting of the comissioners to apperr._"
This honorable proposition was adopted. Garrett made his appearance, and
Ninigret sent his attorney to meet him at Boston. Garrett stated, that his
father was a great sachem, and was possessed of the lands in controversy,
and that Ninigret was the said Sachem's younger brother. On the other
side, _Cornman_ in behalf of Ninigret, showed that his master was
possessed of said lands according to the Indian custom, being allowed to
be the chief sachem, and having married the sister of Harmon Garrett; and
that said Harmon was not of the whole [Niantick] blood, because his mother
was a stranger. This evidence was furnished orally by divers
Narraghansett and Pequot Indians, as also by Uncas and others in writing.
The commissioners decided, that it was "not meet to prejudice the title of
Ninnigrett, being in posession by any acte of theires, and that the
writing giuen vnder theire hand att New-hauen conserning harmon Garrett
bee not vnderstood nor made vse of to prejudice Ninnigrett's title and
posession, but aduise all the English to forbeare to disturbe
Ninnirett." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Records of the Colonies. Hazard, Vol. II.
The good effect of this decision is to be seen in the almost total silence
of history in regard to Ninigret for the next twelve or thirteen years,
when we find him coming forward, confidently and amicably, in a similar
case. The particulars may be best gathered from a letter written by Mr.
John Easton, (probably a magistrate living near the sachem,) to the
Governor of Plymouth Colony. It runs thus:
"Ninigret, one of the two chief sachems of the Narraghansetts in our
colony, importuned me thus to write to you, that, as he saith, it is the
Indian custom or law, that when any sachem's men are driven and cast
ashore, or their goods, upon any other sachem's Jurisdiction, or taken up
by any other sachem's men, that the goods are to be restored to the sachem
whose men they were; and this spring, twelve Indians, at a time, were
drowned in the sea, coming from an Island, and some of their goods drove
up in your jurisdiction at Dartmouth; and he desireth you to inform those
Indians [at Dartmouth] that they should restore to him all the goods of
those drowned that they have got." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Sixth volume of the Mass. His. Col. 1st series.
This letter was written in March, 1675, just on the eve of the great war
of King Philip. The friendly disposition of Ninigret was now put to the
test. The Nipmucks, Nashaways, Pocontocks, the Hadley and Springfield
Indians, the Pokanokets of Philip, the tribes of Maine, and still nearer
home the Narraghansetts, were involved in the common controversy of the
times. But Ninigret remained faithful to the English; and though he took
no personal part in the war, some of his warriors distinguished themselves
more than once by their zealous cooperation with their allies. Ninigret
was one of the signers of the treaty of July, wherein the Narraghansetts
bound themselves to remain neutral; and in October his counsellor,
Cornman, signed a confirmation of the same instrument, in _his_ name, at
Boston, with an additional agreement to surrender up such Pokanoket
refugees as might be found in his territories. Several of the
Narraghansett sachems did the same, but Ninigret, alone, seems to have
maintained his fidelity. At all events, he alone had the credit of it, and
the consequent benefit. The Narraghansetts were completely subdued, and
their country overrun and subjected. The tribe and territory of Ninigret
were spared; and several of their descendants were living on the premises
so late as 1738, when few, if any, of the Narraghansett blood could be
found within the limits of Rhode Island. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Callender's Century Discourse.
The precise time of the death of Ninigret is not recorded. It is not
probable that he lived long after Philip's war, for two good reasons. He
is rarely if at all mentioned, subsequently; and he must have been already
quite advanced in age. It was now over forty years since that Pequot war,
at the date of which he is mentioned by Prince. Pessacus must have died
previous to Phillip's war. We do not find his name in the Colonial Records
after 1658, though it would certainly have been among the signatures to
the treaty last mentioned, had he been living at the date of its
execution. The English regarded him as the leading man of his tribe.
The three principal complaints made against Ninigret, and the occasion of
the ill-treatment he received from the English, were his hostility to
Uncas, his intercourse with the Dutch, and the wars which he waged with
the Long Islanders. Respecting the latter, enough has already been said.
Enough appears in the protest of the Massachusetts commissioners, alone,
to show that the English had but a poor reason for interfering as they
did. They barely alleged that these Indians were their friends; but
nothing is more obvious than that _such_ reasoning, however satisfactory
to themselves, could only render them, in the words of the protest, "low
and contemptible in the eyes of the Indians."
"There being noe agreement produced or proved,"--said Mr. Bradstreet, of
Massachusetts, in 1653--"whereby the collenies are obliged to protect the
Long Island Indians against Ninnegrett or others, and so noe Reason to
engage them in theire quarrells the grounds whereof they cannot well
vnderstand: I therefore see not sufficient light to this vote."
It is obvious that even an "obligation," by agreement, to protect those
Indians, might not imply a _right_ to do so as regarded other parties--but
granting such a right as consequent upon sufficient provocation, it still
remains to prove upon which party lay the blame of the first attack.
Ninigret always asserted that he acted in self-defence, and no doubt such
was his real opinion. The English only reprimanded him upon old scores,
when he laid his grievances before them; and then sent an armed vessel and
a body of troops to fight for his enemies. The Long Islanders told a
different story; but this was at best but one Indian testimony against
another; and how much _theirs_ in particular could be relied upon, appears
from the fact, that within a year or two after this same affair, they
themselves committed the most flagrant depredations upon the English.
Trumbull says, that in 1657, "after all the trouble and expense which the
English had been at for their defence, they became tumultuous, and did
great damage to the inhabitants of Southampton."
To conclude this discussion, we introduce some passages of a manuscript
letter from Roger Williams to the government of one of the colonies, which
has already been cited. It bears date of Oct. 5, 1654, and was written to
prevent war. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Col. Rec. of R.I.
"The Cause and Roote of all ye present mischief is ye Pride of 2
Barbarians, Ascassassotick, ye Long Island Sachim, and Nenekunat, of the
Narigansett. The former is proud and foolish. The latter is proud and
fierce. I have not seene him these many years, yet from their sober men I
hear he pleads,
"First, yt Ascassassotick, a very Inferior Sachim (bearing himself upon ye
English) hath slain 3 or 4 of his people and since yt sent him challenges
and darings to fight and mend himself.
"2dly. He, Nenekunat, consulted by Solemn messengers with the chiefe of
the English Governors, Major Endicott then Govr of ye Massachusetts, who
sent him an Implicite consent to right himselfe.
"3. After he had taken revenge, upon ye Long Islanders and brought away
about 14 Captives, yet he restored them all again upon ye mediation and
desire of ye English.
"4. After this peace made, the Long Islanders pretending to visit
Nenekunat at Block Island, slaughtered of his Narigansetts neere 30
persons at midnight, 2 of them of great note, especially Wepiteammock's
sonn, to whom Nenekunat was uncle."
Mr. Williams afterwards says;
"1. I know it is said ye Long Islanders are subjects; But I have heard
this greatly questioned, and indeed I question whether any Indians in this
Country, remayning Barbarous and Pagan, may with truth or honor be cald ye
English subjects.
"2. But graunt them subjects, what capacitie hath their late massacre of
ye Narigansetts (with whom they had made peace) without ye English
consent, though still under ye English name, put them into?"
As to a league between Ninigret and "the Duch Governor," his own reply to
the charge has been given. It will furnish some amusement, at least, to
review parts of the evidence upon which it was founded. Ninigret and
Pessacus sent an Indian named Awashaw to the commissioners, in pursuance
of their agreement to give what satisfaction they could in regard to this
subject; "_whoe being demanded why Ninigret went to the Manhatoes the last
winter,_ answared that Ninigret told _him_ that hee went thether to bee
cured of his disease, hearing there was a Frenchman there that could cure
him; that Mr. Iohn Winthorpe knew of his going; that he carried thirty
fathom of wampam, ten whereof he gave the Doctor and fifteen to the
governor; and the governor gave him in Lieue thereof sleived coates but
not one gun, but the Indians there gave Ninigrett two guns." This was in
1653.
Not long before, it seems that _Uncas_--the last man whose evidence should
have been noticed at all--had called on Governor Haynes at Hartford, and
informed him of Ninigret's visit to the Dutch; as also that he had made a
league with them, bought up a large quantity of ammunition, and negotiated
with the New York Indians for a war against Uncas and the English.
Furthermore, it was said that Ninigret had sent to a neighboring Sachem,
to procure a man skillful in poisoning, and had promised him one hundred
fathoms of Wampum in return. The Wampum was sent by a canoe, which Uncas
intercepted, with seven Indians aboard, one of whom his men had killed,
(according to his own story,) and two others had confessed Ninigret's
whole plot. We are inclined to hold, that this testimony should be
received only so far as it goes against Uncas himself, showing that he
took the liberty, on the strength of his suspicion alone, to assault a
canoe belonging to Ninigret, and to murder one of his subjects. When these
accusations were stated by the commissioners to Awashaw, the messenger
just mentioned, and he was particularly questioned who and what was in the
canoe, he replied, "that in the canoe that was sent back which was taken
by Vcus his men, hee sent in it sixty fathom of wampam to pay for the two
guns which he had of the Indians whiles hee was att the Monhatoes, and the
Remainder of the Phissicke he had there." Being asked what corn Ninigret
sent, to the Dutch _in the Vessel taken by the English_ [another
aggression it would seem,] he said, "that hee Intended not to send any
corne to the Duch Governor, but what come was aboard the Duch vessel _was
for the hier of the vessel that_ brought him home," It appears, he had
returned by water, while some of his men had walked; and he paid for his
passage in corn.
Awashaw on this occasion had an Indian in company with him, named Newcom
Matuxes. The means resorted to for obtaining proof of the accusation, are
farther illustrated by the information gravely given us in the Records,
that this fellow "spake with one Iohn lightfoot of Boston, an Englishman,
whoe as Lightfoot saith, told him in Duch that the Duchmen would cutt off
the English on Long-island. Newcom also confesseth that Ninnigrett said
that hee heard that some shipps were to come from holland to the Monhatoes
to cutt off the English; and that when the said Newcom lived att Southhold
an Indian tould him that the Duch would come against the English and cutt
them of; but they would saue the weemen and children and guns for
themselves; _But Captaine Simkins and the said Lightfoot doe both affeirme
that the said Newcome tould them that the Duch men tould him as before,_
tho' he now puts it of and saith that an Indian tould him. Further hee the
said Newcom tould captaine Simkins (as hee confidently afeirmeth) that if
he would goe to serue the Duch the Duch would giue him an hundred pounds
a yeare." It matters but little, we conceive, whether Captain Simkins
recollected correctly or not, his reminiscences amounting to nothing in
any case. Ninigret had himself expounded the transaction, much more
completely than all these witnesses together.
But the examination was still pursued, "Thomas Stanton [Interpreter] being
there alsoe to charge it vpon him. The said Newcom not being able to
cleare himselfe from _the guilt_ of the charge, the comissioners then
tould Awashaw that had the said Newcom not bine a Messenger sent by
Ninnigrett hee should not have escaped without some punishment, and
therfore they willed Awashaw to tell Ninnigrett hee would doe well to send
the said Newcom againe to vs, the better _to cleare himselfe from all
suspition._" This manoeuvre has a little too much the air of a pretext for
getting a farther opportunity to cross-examine and confuse poor Newcom;
he had thus far been able to make out a respectably clear statement.
Before leaving town, Awashaw sent a request to the commissioners for
another interview; which being granted, he inquired who had informed them
of these matters against Ninigret. They mentioned in reply "severall
Indians, and more particularly _the Monheage Indian, and the Narraghansett
taken by Vncus his men._" Awashaw then requested restitution of the wampum
taken by these men. The commissioners only said, that they had not yet
ascertained the truth of that affair; but when they had thought of it
more, he should know their decision.
The following amusing document is a fair specimen of the testimony
furnished against Ninigret by other Indians. It is the deposition--taken
in May, 1653--of one Adam, of whom nothing further is known. After
mentioning what the Dutch Governor had done among the Indians, which is
not to our purpose,
"Further hee saith that Ninnegrett the Fiscall [Treasurer] and the Duch
Governor were vp two daies in a close Roome with other Sagamores; and
there was noe speaking with any of them except when they came for a cole
or fier or the like and much sewam [Wampum] was seen at that time in
Ninnegret's hand and he carried none away with him; Further hee saith that
Ronessocke a Sagamore on longe Island tould the said Addam that the Duch
Governor bid him fly for his life; for that the plott was now descovered;
and besides hee sends word dayly that they had as good appear now for when
hee is cutt of they English will cut them all of.
"This was testifyed aboard Tuson near the white stone
"before John Leverett
William Davis."
Other evidence, considerably relied upon, was an Indian squaw's relation
to a person in Wethersfield, (Conn.)--being an assertion, in general
terms, that the Dutch and the Indians were leagued against the English. In
fine, the commissioners say, "_wee heare_ that some of the Duch att or
about the Monhatoes tell the English they shall shortly have an East India
breakfast, in which it is conceived they Refer to that horrid Treachervs
and crewill plott and execution att Amboina. . . . And not to multiply
Indian Testimonies which from all parts of the countrey presse vpon the
colonies--[we quote the only definite statement we can find]--nine Indian
Sagamores whoe liue about the Monhatoes did voullentarily without any
Motion or Reward from the English send theire Messengers to Stanford
declaring and afeirming that the Duch had solissited them by promising
them guns pouder swords weapons war-coates and coates to cutt of the
English" &c. It is of no consequence, so far as regards Ninigret, whether
these Sagamores conspired to tell a falsehood or to tell the truth. Nor do
we intend to enter at length into this ancient controversy between the
colonies and the Dutch. It is sufficient to observe, that the charges of
the former were officially and distinctly denied by the latter. Governor
Stuyvesant, in a letter to the commissioners dated May 26, 1658, and
written by the order of the Counsel of New-Netherlands, says--
"As touching what happened in the Amboyna busines in the East Indies is
unknown vnto vs, neither hath there been any of vs there, therefore wee
sease to answare to the same or to trouble yourselues or vs therein.
"It is in parte as youer Worships conclude that about January there came a
strange Indian from the North called Ninnigrett, Commaunder of the
Narraghansetts. But hee came hither _with a passe from Mr. John Winthrope_
vpon which passe as wee remember the occasion of his coming was expressed
viz: to be cured and healed," &c. On the whole, the reader of our times,
on perusing these records, can hardly go farther with the commissioners
than to extenuate their harshness towards Ninigret, like their treatment
of Miantonomo, on the score of their exaggerated fears.
Upon the quarrel with Uncas, we shall waste no words. Ninigret and
Pessacus no doubt considered the circumstances of Miantonomo's case a
sufficient cause for war upon the English. But this they waived; and even
engaged, at _their_ instance, to forbear hostilities against Uncas for
some months, expressing at the same time a strong desire to be upon
friendly terms with the English, if they could be left to pursue their own
business in their own way. It is neither necessary nor possible to
determine upon which side the provocation began between these sachems and
Uncas. It has been seen, that the latter took many liberties for which the
English never called him to account, as well as some for which they did;
but of still more they must necessarily have remained in ignorance. The
truth seems to be most plainly set forth by Hutchinson, who says, it would
appear to have been good policy not to interpose in _this Indian quarrel_;
but _the English were afraid of the success of the Narraghansetts,_ and as
they had generally espoused the cause of the Mohegans, it was feared, that
as soon as they were subdued, if not in the course of the war, the
Narraghansetts and their allies would fall upon the plantations of the
English, against whom they were then in a peculiar manner enraged for the
death of Miantonomo. The same historian acknowledges, that it was with
great reluctance the Narraghansetts submitted to the hard terms of the
treaty of 1645, and only in consequence of the armed force which had
already invaded their country. They must have considered the tribute a
most insulting, forcible imposition.
Waiving a statement of the charges which Ninigret made, or might have
made, on the other hand, against the English, we shall only observe in
conclusion that whatever may be thought of his political course, there are
points in his personal character not unworthy of esteem and even of
admiration. It was noble in him, according to the principles of a warrior
and king, to revenge, as far as he was able, the cool-blooded massacre of
his relative and predecessor. That purpose he pursued with undaunted
courage and indefatigable energy. He would gladly have avoided a contest
with the English; but he would not sacrifice his honor either to his
friendship or his interest. The spirit with which he repulsed their
attempts to interfere in his contest with the Long-Islanders, indicated a
soul of the same stamp. His reasoning upon that occasion--assuming the
truth of his premises, which we have no means either of proving or
falsifying--appears to us wholly unanswerable.