Consideration of the justice of the Commissioners' sentence upon
Miantonomo--Their reasons, as alleged--The charge against him of
ambitious designs--Of employing the Mohawks--Of breaking the league of
1638--"Concerning the Pequot squaws"--Of hostility to the English--Of
peculation--Proofs of his fidelity and friendship--Causes of complaint
by him and Canonicus against the English--Character of both
Sachems--Their treatment of Roger Williams--Letters of that
gentleman--Anecdotes--Death of Canonicus.
It is not easy to determine, at this period, the justice of the sentence
by which Miantonomo was led to the slaughter. As between himself and his
enemy, considering Indian custom and character, it might be considered
just; and the sufferer would certainly have been the last to complain of
it. But though Uncas may not be blamed for using the privilege of the
victor, a different opinion has been entertained of the interference of
the English. Their justification, as laid before the Narraghansett
nation, after Miantonomo's death, was as follows:
"They may well vnderstand that this is without violacon of any couenant
betweene them and vs; for Vncus being in confederacon with vs, and one
that hath diligently observed his couenants before mentioned for aught we
know, and requiring advice from vs, vpon serious consideracon of the
premises, viz. _his_ [Miantonomo] treacherous and murtherous disposition
against Vncus &c. and how great a disturber he hath beene of the common
peace of the whole countrey, we could not in respect of the justice of
the case, safety of the countrey and faythfulness of our frend, do
otherwise than approve of the lawfullness of his death. This agreeing so
well with the Indians owne manners, and concurring with the practice of
other nations with whom we are aquainted, we persuade ourselves howeuer
his death may be grieuous at present, yet the peaceable fruits of it will
yield not only matter of safety to the Indians, but profite to all that
inhabite this continent."
Supposing every thing to be true which is here and elsewhere alleged, it
may still be doubted whether the colonies could be justified in the part
taken by their commissioners;--but such is not the case.
His killing the Pequot was one point against him; but what could be more
natural than for them to misunderstand his promise in that case, or for
him to suppose that administering justice with his own hand would be the
most satisfactory course he could take. Stress is laid upon Miantonomo's
"ambitious designes to make himself vniversal Sagamore or Governor of all
these parts;" but this, whether laudable or reprehensible in itself, was
clearly no usurpation as against them. As to his hostility towards the
English, suffice it to say here, that the evidence of it seems to have
been furnished chiefly by his enemies, whose direct interest it was to
oppress him by engaging the English interest in their own favor. As to the
employment of the Mohawks, in particular, the most that was made to
appear, even through this medium, was, that they were awaiting
Miantonomo's release--"and then they will carry on their designes, whether
against the English or Vncus or both, _is doubtful._" [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] _Hazard's Col. Vol. II. p. 9. Commissioners' Report._
Let us observe the testimony of Mr. Williams in regard to this affair,
borrowing from a letter written immediately after it took place. "A
fortnight since, I heard of the Mauquawogs coming to Paucomtuckqut, their
rendezvous; that they were provoked by Onkas wronging and robbing some
Paucomtuck Indians the last year, and that he [Uncas] had dared the
Mauquawogs, threatening if they came to set his ground with gobbets of
their flesh &c."
He admits, that a few of the Narraghansetts had joined the Mohawks; but
these, whether they were well or ill disposed towards the English, were at
all events considered traitors to Miantonomo. Elsewhere he states, "yt ye
Narigansetts and Mauquawogs are the two great bodies of Indians in ye
country, and they are confederates, and long have bene _as both yet are
friendly and peaceable to ye English._" [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Ms. Letters in the Mass. Col. Rec. (File 10. No. 45.)
Miantonomo is said to have violated the league of 1638, by invading the
country of Uncas, without having previously submitted his grievances to
the decision of the English. But did he not think himself absolved from
the obligation created by that league, in consequence of violations of it
on the part of the English. He probably regarded them at this very time,
precisely as they regarded him. Roger Williams writes on one occasion,
when letters of complaint had been sent to him from Massachusetts, that
"_they_ [Miantonomo and Canonicus] thought they should prove themselves
honest and faithful when Mr. Governor understood their answers; and that
(although they would not contend with their friends) yet they could relate
many particulars, wherein the English had broken (since these wars) their
promises."
Respecting the alleged violation of the Hartford league in particular, we
might perhaps properly waive all attempts at justification, inasmuch as
the charge hardly purports to be true. Governor Winthrop gives an account
of the affair as received officially from Connecticut, by which it appears
that Miantonomo, before taking plan with Sequassen, applied to the
authorities of that province for redress of grievances committed upon him
by Uncas. He was answered, that _the English had nothing to do with the
business._ He then applied also to Governor Winthrop himself, and was very
desirous to know if he would not be offended, by his making war upon
Uncas. Our Governor answered, _if Onkus had done him or his friends wrong,
and would not give satisfaction, we should leave him to take his own
course._ [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] _Journal Vol. II. and Records of the Colonies._
The account which follows next of the explanation given upon one point by
the accused parties, is sufficiently characteristic of their intelligence,
at least, to be quoted at length. "First then, concerning the Pequot
squaws. Canaunicus answered that he never saw any, but heard of some that
came into these parts, and he bade carry them back to Mr. Governour; but
since he never heard of them till I came, and now he would have the
country searched for them. Miantunnomu answered, that he never heard of
but six; and four he saw which were brought to him, at which he was angry,
and asked why they did not carry them to me, that I might convey them home
again. Then he bid the natives that brought them to carry them to me, who
departing brought him word that the squaws were lame, and they could not
travel, whereupon he sent me word, that I should send for them. This I
must acknowledge, that this message I received from him, and sent him
word, that we were but few here, and could not fetch them nor convey them,
and therefore desired him to send men with them, and to seek out the rest.
Then, saith he, we were buzy ten or twelve days together, as indeed they
were in a strange kind of solemnity, wherein the sachems eat nothing but
at night, and all the natives round about the country were feasted. In
which time, saith he, I wished some to look to them, which
notwithstanding, in this time, they scaped, and now he would employ men
instantly to search all places for them, and within two or three days to
convey them home. Besides he profest he desired them not, and was sorry
the governour should think he did. I objected that he sent to beg one. He
answered, that Sassamun, being sent by the governour with letters to
Pequot, fell lame, and lying at his house, told him of a squaw, which was
a sachem's daughter, who while he lived was his, Miantunnomue's, great
friend. _He_ [Miantonomo] _therefore desired in kindness to his, dead
friend, to beg her or redeem her_" [of Mr. Williams.]
In reply to a charge touching his fidelity to the English alliance,
Canonicus declared that the Narraghansetts "had stuck to the English in
life or death, without which they were persuaded that Okace [Uncas] and
the Mohiganeuks had proved false, as he fears they will yet." He then
went on to specify his reasons for this persuasion and this fear. He also
stated, that although the Mohegans had yet brought in no captives, his own
brother, Yootash, had on one occasion "seized upon Puttaquppuunk, Quame
and twenty Pequts and three-score squaws; _they killed three and bound the
rest, watching them all night, and sending for the English delivered them
into their hands in the morning._" It seems that soon afterwards
Miantonomo passed the house where the Pequots were kept confined by the
English, and having a curiosity to see one of the captive sachems--a man
of considerable note--he made application for that purpose--but was thrust
at with a pike several times by the English sentinels, and finally driven
off. Mr. Williams suggested, that probably he was not recognised; but he
thought that he was, and several of the Narraghansetts were of the same
opinion, and asked if they should have dealt so with "Mr. _Governour._"
Mr. Williams still denied, that he could have been known; to which
Miantonomo answered that, at least, his whole company [FN] were
disheartened, "and they all and Cutshamquene desired to be gone; and yet,
saith he, two of my men (Waqouckwhut and Maunamoh) were their guides to
Sesquanket from the river's mouth."
* * * * *
[FN] He was at the head of two hundred of his warriors, just returned
from an expedition against the Pequots, in which they had taken ten
prisoners, and had faithfully brought them in at this time. See the Life
of Cutshamequin in a succeeding Chapter.
To a third accusation, that he had received prisoners and Wampum of the
enemy, which belonged to the common stock, and were nevertheless
monopolized by himself; Canonicus replied, that although he and Miantonomo
had paid their own warriors many hundred fathom of wampum, he never had
received one Pequot or one yard of beads. Miantonomo added, that _he_ had
received nothing but one small present from four women of Long-Island, who
were no Pequots, but of that Island, and who, for safety's sake, had
thereby put themselves under his protection.
Other facts, if not opinions, appear in some of the early annals, which
would lead to similar conclusions respecting the fidelity of the
Narraghansett chiefs. Governor Winthrop says, in his journal of February
1637--"Miantunnomoh &c. sent twenty six, with forty fathom of Wampum, and
a Pequot's hand." In March, he records intelligence received from the same
source, concerning the Pequot movements, with proposals of fresh
assistance. On the 22d of the month, "Miantunnomoh sent us word, that
Mason had, surprised and slain eight Pequods" &c. Again, during the same
summer, "Miantunnomoh _sent here some Pequod squaws,_ which had run from
us;" and five days afterwards, "the Narraghansetts _sent us the hands of
three Pequods_" &c. The two last statements agree with the declaration of
the sachems to Mr. Williams, apparently upon the same points.
We have seen that Canonicus accused the English of having broken their
promises. Omitting the proof of that statement, it is impossible to doubt
at least, that it was made in the most earnest sincerity. The writer just
cited informs us incidentally in is Key to the Indian Languages, that
Canonicus, in a solemn address to himself, before a large assembly, had
once used the following expression--"I have never suffered any wrong, to
be offered to the English since they landed, nor never will. If the
Englishmen speak true," he added, "then I shall go to my grave in peace,
and hope that the English and my posterity will live in peace and love
together." Mr. Williams observed, that he hoped he had no occasion to
question the friendliness of the English. Upon this the sachem took a
stick, broke it into ten pieces, and related ten instances, laying down a
stick to every instance, which gave him cause for apprehension or
suspicion. With regard to some of them, he was afterwards convinced of his
being mistaken, and readily acknowledged himself to be so; but not as to
all.
The truth probably is, that provocations of some sort had been received
upon both sides; but that the English had any peculiar reason to complain,
and especially to assume the violent administration of punishment or
prevention, certainly cannot be admitted. There is no evidence extant to
support such a position. Mr. Williams indeed acknowledges, with his usual
frankness, that individual Narraghansetts had perhaps now and then
committed offences in "matters of money or pettie revenging of themselves
in some Indians _upon extream provocation;_" but he also states, in the
same paragraph, that he "could not yet learn yt ever it pleased ye Lord to
permit ye Narraghansetts to staine their hands with any English blood,
neither in open hostilities nor secret murthers, as both Pequts and Long
Islanders did, and Monhiggans also in ye Pequt wars." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Ms. Letters.
This statement we suppose to be uncontradicted, and the authority is
certainly deserving of credit. Now, for a moment, let us examine the other
side of the question, bearing in mind how little likely we are, under the
circumstances, to be furnished by history with the truth, and least of all
with the whole truth.
Some instances in point have already been given. The excessive jealousy
and the frequent complaints of the English were in themselves calculated,
to produce, if not to justify, what they referred to "The governor of the
Massachusetts"--says Mr. Winthrop, in his journal of 1638--"wrote also to
Mr. Williams to treat with Miantunnomoh _about satisfaction, or otherwise
to bid them look for war._" This was a harsh message, at the best, to send
to a sovereign ally, who had faithfully served the English cause. The only
reason for it which appears in the context is, that Janemoh, a Niantick
chief, was understood to have committed certain depredations on a
settlement of Long Island Indians who were tributary to the English. Now
some of that tribe, we have seen, put themselves under Miantonomo's
protection; and there are no means of determining whether that chieftain
did not in this case, like the English, feel _himself_ aggrieved by
Janemoh. We do find it recorded, however, that, in the summer of 1637,
Miantonomo came to Boston. The governor, deputy, and treasurer, treated
with him, and they parted upon fair terms. He acknowledged on this
occasion, that _all the Pequot and Block Island_ country belonged to the
English, and promised that he would not meddle with them but by their
leave. "In fine, we gave him leave to right himself _for the wrongs which
Janemoh_ and Wequash Cook _had done him_; and for the wrong they had done
us, we would right ourselves in due time." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Winthrop's Journal, Vol. I. 243.
Not far from the time when the above mentioned complaint seems to have
been made through Mr. Williams, the latter writes to Governor Winthrop as
follows. "Sir, there hath been a great hubbub in all these parts, as a
general persuasion that the time was come for a general slaughter of
natives, by reason of a murther committed upon a native [Narraghansett]
within twelve miles of us, four days since, by four desperate English. . . .
An old native comes to me, and tells me that the natives round about us
were fled, relating that those four had slain an Indian, who had carried
three beaver-skins and beads for Canaunicus's son, and came home with five
fathom and three coats; that three natives which came after him found him
groaning in the path; that he told them, &c." The particulars of this
flagrant outrage even to the Christian and surnames of the four
murderers--are given with a minuteness which precludes the possibility of
mistake. And yet we find no mention of this transaction in the English
histories. Miantonomo perhaps made _his_ complaint to the proper
authority, without success. But more probably he endured the injury in
silence, as a new evidence that his allies were become his enemies.
Still, it should not be omitted, that Miantonomo never declined to make
all the explanation for which a fair opportunity was given him. [FN-1] As
late as 1642, two messengers were sent to him by the Massachusetts
government, with articles of complaint; requiring him to come himself or
send two of his chief counsellors to the governor, in order to give
satisfaction for certain grievances alleged. He attended this summons
promptly and personally. On his arrival at Boston, he came forward in
court, and demanded that his accusers should be brought before him face
to face; and that if they failed in their proof; they should suffer the
same punishment which their accusations were calculated to bring upon
himself. The whole on this occasion was grave and dignified. His answers
were given with great deliberation, and never except in the presence of
the counsellors who attended him, that they might be witnesses of every
thing which passed. Two days were spent in treaty. He denied all he was
charged with and affirmed--what we have already suggested--that the
reports to his disadvantage were raised and circulated, either by Uncas,
or some of his people. Such an effect, (it should be observed) had these
reports already produced, that the Connecticut people were importunate for
open war with the Narraghansetts at this very time; and it required the
whole influence of the Massachusetts authorities, (who doubted, "whether,
they had sufficient proofs of the designs of the Indians to justify a
war,") to prevent immediate hostilities. Such alarm existed, that places
of refuge for the women and children were provided in most of the towns
and plantations. Beacons were set up, in readiness to be fired; and smiths
were ordered to postpone other business until all the arms in the colony
were put in complete repair. A great excitement was produced in the towns
about Boston, by a poor man, in a swamp at Watertown, crying out for help
against a kennel of wolves which he heard howling around him in the night.
And although Massachusetts was opposed to war, "Yet the governor, with the
magistrates, before the court met, thought it necessary to disarm the
Indians within the colony, which they readily submitted to." [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] "The messengers coming to him, he carried them apart into the
woods, taking only one of his chief men with him, and gave them very
rational answers to all their propositions, &c."
_Win. Journal, Vol. II._
[FN-2] Hutchinson, Vol. I.
Miantonomo, as was very natural, not only noticed these symptoms of
jealousy on his visit to Boston, but felt keenly the ill-will they
implied, and inquired the cause of them. Governor Winthrop gave him an
evasive answer, with which, however, he politely professed to be
satisfied. He then entered into quite an argument, to show that the
suspicions which had been entertained of him were unjust, and were owing
to the machinations of his enemies. He offered to meet Uncas either at
Hartford or at Boston, and to prove his treachery to the English, in their
presence. He should stand ready to come at any time, he added; and this
notwithstanding he had been advised not to visit the English again, lest
they should seize upon his person. He relied upon his innocence, and he
_would_ visit them, whenever it was deemed necessary that he should.
It is acknowledged in fine, that he gave perfect satisfaction at this
time. Considering the entertainment which was given him, and his great
pride of character, that was quite as much as could be expected. "When we
should go to dinner"--it is recorded in the Governor's Journal--"there was
a table provided for the Indians to dine by themselves, _and Miantunnomoh
was left to sit with them._ This he was discontented at, and would eat
nothing till the governor sent him meat from his table. So at night, and
all the time he staid, _he sat at the lower end of the magistrates'
table._" But he overlooked the indignity, and parted upon good terms. "We
gave him and his counsellors coats and tobacco; and when he came to take
his leave of the governor, and such of the magistrates as were present,
_he returned and gave his hand to the governor again,_ saying, that was
for the rest of the magistrates who were absent." It may be observed, that
the examination in this case, which resulted thus satisfactorily to
Massachusetts, was a deliberate and thorough one. The court was already
assembled, when he arrived at Boston; and even before his admission, all
the points and order of inquiry were agreed upon; "For we knew him," says
the governor, "to be a very subtle man." [FN] The same authority admits,
that he showed, in his answers, "a good understanding of the principles of
equity and justice, and ingenuity with withal."
* * * * *
[FN] A phraseology, which, as implying prejudice, is rather more
creditable to the subject than the writer. Hubbard describes him as a
very goodly personage, of tall stature, "_subtile and cunning in his
contrivements, as well as haughty in his designs._"
The attack of Miantonomo upon Uncas, independently of the interest which
the English had in it, has been regarded as a moral if not legal
outrage--an unprovoked, unprincipled aggression--the off-spring of hatred,
envy, or at best of mere ambition. But even here we do not happen to be
without proof as well as probability, in favor of the accused. In more
than one case, if not generally, the fault was on the side of Uncas; and
that being true, it must naturally occur to every reader, to inquire, in
the language applied to a similar case by Mr. Williams,--"Graunt these
subjects, _What capacitie hath their late massacre of ye Narrgansetts
(with whom they had made peace) without ye English consent, tho' still
under ye English name, put them into?_" [FN] A very forcible query, it must
be admitted; and to show its relevancy to the present subject, let us look
again for a few facts.
* * * * *
[FN] Ms. Letters, dated 1654.
Soon after the Pequot war, when the chieftains who had assisted the
English in carrying it on, convened at Hartford for a division of the
spoil, Mr. Williams accompanied Miantonomo on his journey. "By the way,"
says he, ("lodging from his house three nights in the woods,) we met
divers Nanhiggontick [Narraghansett] men complaining of robbery and
violence, which they had sustained from the Pequts and Monahiggins in
their travel from Cunnihticut [Connecticut]; as also some of the
Wunnashowatuckoogs [subject to Canaunicus] came to us and advertised, that
two days before about six hundred and sixty Pequts, Monahiggins and their
confederates had robbed them and spoiled about twenty-three fields of
corn; and rifled four Nanhiggontick men amongst them; as also that they
in way and wait to stop Miantunnomue's passage to Cunnihticut, and divers
of them threatened to boil him in the kettle."
These tidings being confirmed by various authorities, Mr. Williams and the
other English in the company, were strongly in favor of turning back, and
going to Hartford by water. But Miantonomo declared that not a man should
retreat; he would keep strict watch by night, and in dangerous passes the
sachems should all march with a body-guard, but they should die, as he
himself would, rather than turn back. They moved on, therefore, the
English with Miantonomo and his wife in front, and a flank-guard of forty
or fifty men on either side to prevent surprisal. They arrived safely at
Hartford, and the conference took place. Uncas was accused of conniving at
the trespasses of his men upon the Narraghansetts, and he retorted with
charges of the same kind upon Miantonomo. The result of this angry
discussion was, as follows. "At last we drew them to shake hands,
Miantunnomu and Okace; and Miantunnomu invited (twice, earnestly) Okace
to sup and dine with him, he and all his company (his men having killed
some venison;) but he would not yield, altho' the magistrates persuaded
him also to it."
The magnanimity manifested by the chieftain on this occasion, was
uniformly a prominent part of his character. When he visited Boston in
1640--as he always did, at the request of the Massachusetts government--he
was entertained first by the government at Roxbury; but when the parley
was to commence, he refused to treat through the medium of a Pequot
interpreter. The governor being unwilling to yield this point to him as
good policy, if not manners apparently required that he should--he
departed abruptly for Boston, without so much as taking leave of his host.
The latter informed the court of this conduct, "and would show him no
countenance, nor admit him to dine at our table as formerly, until he had
acknowledged his failing, _which he readily did as soon as he could be
made to understand it._" [FN] He observed, however, with some dignity,
that when the English should visit him, he should cheerfully permit them
to use their own fashions, as they always had done.
* * * * *
[FN] Win. Jour. vol. II.
Previous to the expedition against the Pequots, both Miantonomo and
Canonicus had expressed a wish that whatever was done with the warriors
of the enemy, their women and children should be spared. There was a
chivalry in this request--and it does not seem to have been soon
forgotten--which accords with all that is known of both these chieftains.
Canonicus might have suppressed the Plymouth colony in 1622, at a single
blow; but he thought it more honorable to give them formal notice of
hostile intentions, by a messenger; and when he became convinced that
_they_ had been misrepresented to him, he at least ceased to be their
enemy if he did not become their friend. In the same spirit, Miantonomo,
while in the custody of the governor of Connecticut, cautioned him to
increase his guard. He openly declared--what was the fact--that attempts
were and would be made by his Narraghansett subjects for his rescue.
There is a most affecting evidence of the same noble disposition, in the
report of the commissioners for 1644. The Narraghansetts, now constantly
complaining of the conduct of Uncas and his tribe, brought a charge, among
other things, that the latter had embezzled a quantity of wampum which had
been put into their hands for the ransom of Miantonomo, while the chief
was yet living. How much truth there might be in the allegation, cannot
well be ascertained. The commissioners however report, that they gave a
fair hearing to the "Narraghansett" deputies on the one hand, and to Uncas
on the other. The result is thus stated:
"That though several discourses had passed from Vncus and his men that for
such quantities of wampom and such parcels of other goods to a great value
there might have been some probabilities of spareing his life, yet no such
parcells were brought. But Vncus denyeth; and the Narrohiggansett Deputies
did not allready, much less proue that any ransome was agreed, nor so much
as any treaty begunn to redeeme their imprisoned Sachem. And for that
wampoms and goods sent as they were but small parcells and scarce
considerable for such a purpose, a part of them disposed by Myantinomo
himself to Vncus his counsellors and captaines for some favour either past
or hoped for _and part were giuen and and sent to Vncus and to his
Squa for preseruing his life so long and vssing him curteously during his
Imprisonment._" What could be nobler than this?
The warm and constant friendship of the two sachems for Williams himself,
is a sufficient indication of noble natures. Canonicus was suspicious of
him at first; "but with Miantunnomu," writes Mr. Williams soon after his
removal, "I have far better dealing. He kept his barbarous court lately at
my house. He takes some pleasure to visit me, and sent me word of his
coming over some eight days hence." When the treaty of 1636 was negotiated
at Boston, Miantonomo not being able to understand perfectly all the
articles, or perhaps not placing entire confidence in the Massachusetts
government, desired that a copy should be sent to his friend Williams--if
_he_ was satisfied, it was intimated, no objection or difficulty would
arise upon his own part. The conveyances of land heretofore spoken of,
were made to him in the same feeling. "It was not price or money," says
the grantee, "that could have purchased Rhode Island; but 't was obtained
by love, that love and favor which that honored gentleman, Sir Henry Vane,
and myself, had with the great sachem, Miantunnomu, about the league which
I procured in the Pequod war. The Indians were very shy of _selling_ lands
to any, and chose rather to make a grant [gift] of them, to such as they
affected."
It might be supposed, that Mr. Williams had peculiar facilities for
instructing the sachems in the doctrines of Christianity; but he did not
attempt a great deal in this way, and his reasons for it are given in his
Key to the Languages. [FN] He observes, that he once heard Miantonomo
conversing with several of his chief warriors about keeping the English
Sabbath. At another time, a Connecticut Indian undertook, in Miantonomo's
presence, to dispute Mr. Williams' doctrine, that the souls of the good
should up to heaven, and those of the wicked to hell. Our Fathers have
told us, said he, that all go to the South-West, and this I believe. "And
why so," asked the sachem, "did you ever _see_ a soul go to the
South-West?" To this the other rejoined, that the evidence was the same in
this respect for the Indian doctrine as for that of Mr. Williams. "Ah!"
answered Miantonomo, "but he has books and writings, and one which God
himself has made; he may well know more than we or our fathers." The
anecdote certainly shows a great confidence of the sachem in his English
acquaintance.
* * * * *
[FN] In 1654, (Mass.) he writes--"at my last departure for England, I was
importuned by ye Narigansett sachims, and especially by Nanekunnat, to
pressent their petition to ye high sachims of England, yt they might not
be forced from their religion, and for not changing their religion be
invaded by war; for they said they were daily visited by threatenings by
Indians yt came from about ye Massachusetts yt if they would not pray
they should be destroyed by war." Ms. Letters.
We shall close our remarks upon this part of our subject with citing at
large one of the letters to which we already have been so much indebted
for facts. It is sufficiently characteristic of both the writer and the
chieftains his friends, to repay us for the labor of perusal. It is
supposed to have been written in October 1637.
"_The last of the week. I think the 28th of the 8th._
"Sir.
"This bearer, Miantunnomu, resolving to go on his visit, [to Boston] I am
bold to request a word of advice from you concerning a proposition made by
Canaunicus and himself to me some half year since. Canaunicus gave an
island in the bay to Mr. Oldam, by name Chibachuwese, _on condition,_ as
it should seem, _that he would dwell there near unto them._ The Lord (in
whose hands all hearts are) turning their affections towards myself, _they
desired me to move hither and dwell nearer to them,_ I have answered once
and again, that for the present I mind not to remove. But if I have it
from them I would give them satisfaction for it, and build a little house,
and put in some swine, as understanding the place to have store of fish
and good feeding for swine. Of late I have heard that Mr. Gibbons, upon
occasion, motioned your desire and his own of putting some swine on some
of these islands, which hath made me since more desire to obtain it. I
spake of it to this sachem, and he tells me that _because of the store of
fish, Canaunicus desires that I would accept half_ (it being
spectacle-wise, and between a mile or two in circuit, as I guess) and he
would reserve the other; _but I think, if I go over, I shall obtain the
whole._ Your loving counsel, how far it may be inoffensive, because it was
once (upon a condition not kept) Mr. Oldam's. So with respective salutes
to your kind self and Mrs. Winthrop, I rest
"your worship's unfeigned, in all I may.
"Ro. Williams.
"_For his much honored_ }
_Mr. Governour, these._ }"
A singular paragraph in a previous communication addressed to the same
gentleman, indicates that the writer took some pains to requite the
various favors conferred upon him. "Sir, if any thing be sent to the
princes, [alluding to proposed presents,] I find that Canaunicus would
gladly accept of of eight or ten pounds of sugar, and indeed he told me
he would thank Mr. Governor for a box full."
In fine, we cannot dismiss the biography of Miantonomo without confessing
a sensation of sorrow, and even shame, arising from the contemplation of
the lofty and noble traits which certainly adorned his character,
contrasted with the ignominious death which he met with at the hands of
his allies. The learned editor of a recent edition of Winthrop's Journal,
calls it a case of "perfidy or cruelty, or both." He also expresses an
opinion, that the argument which really though secretly decided the minds
of the commissioners against the sachem, was his encouragement of the sale
of Shaomet and Patuxet to Gorton and his associates. Without going as far
as this, we may be permitted to say; that the case requires all the
apology which can be derived from the great excitement of the times,
occasioned especially by the power and movements of the Indians.
Such seems to have been the opinion of Governor Hopkins, [FN] who, it will
be observed, also intimates a new explanation of the conduct of the
colonies, towards the Narraghansett chief. His eloquent and generous
tribute to the memory of the latter, we do not think ourselves at liberty
to omit or abridge.
* * * * *
[FN] See his _Account of Providence Colony,_ first published in the
Providence _Gazette_ of 1765, and preserved in the _Mass. His. Coll._ He
was governor of Rhode-Island for nine years, but is better known as one
of the signers of the _Declaration of Independence._
"This," says that eminent scholar, and patriot, "was the end of
Myantinomo, the most potent Indian prince the people of New-England had
ever any concern with; and this was the reward he received for assisting
them seven years before, in their war with the Pequots. Surely a
Rhode-Island man may be permitted to mourn his unhappy fate, and drop a
tear on the ashes of Myantinomo; who, with his uncle Conanicus, were the
best friends and greatest benefactors the colony [of R. I.] ever had. They
kindly received, fed, and protected the first settlers of it, when they
were in distress, and were strangers and exiles, and all mankind else were
their enemies; _and by this kindness to them,_ drew upon themselves the
resentment of the neighboring colonies, and hastened the untimely end of
the young king."
Nothing of great interest can be added to the history of Canonicus,
subsequent to the death of his colleague. Messengers were sent to him, the
same year, to explain the circumstances of that event, and to take
measures for preserving peace. In 1644, he is said to have subjected
himself and his territory to the Government of Charles I. of England, by a
deed dated April 19th. [FN] He must have been near ninety yearn of age at
this time, and if actually in the exercise of government, no doubt was
more disposed than ever to live peaceably with his English neighbors.
* * * * *
[FN] Report of Commissioners appointed in 1683 by Charles II. to enquire
into the claims and titles to the Narraghansett Country. _5th Vol. of
Mass. His. Coll. 1st. Series._
Mr. Winthrop states, that he died June 4th, 1647. Mr. Hubbard says 1648,
and he has been copied by late writers (including Holmes;) but the former
date is believed to be the better authenticated of the two. One or two
historians indeed seem to confound the old sachem with a younger man, who
was killed in Philip's war, by the Mohawks, in June 1676. This person bore
the same name, and may have been one of his descendants. Between twenty
and thirty years before this, Mr. Williams, (the best authority on all
that relates to the Narraghansetts,) writes, that "their late famous
long-lived Caunnonicus so liv'd and died, and in ye same most honorable
manner and solemnitie (in their way) as you laid to Sleepe your Prudent
Peace-Maker, Mr. Winthrop, did they honour this, their Prudent and
Peaceable Prince." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] _Ms. Letters._