CHAPTER IX.

The Narraghansett tribe; territory and power--Chief Sachems at the date

of the English settlements in New England--Canonicus associates with

himself Miantonomo, his nephew--Their treatment of Roger Williams in

1634--Hostility to the Plymouth Colony--Invited by the Pequots to fight

the English--Treaty negotiated at Boston, in 1636, by Miantonomo--War

with the Pequots and result of it--Subsequent hostility between

Miantonomo and Uncas--Sequassen--Battle of the Sachem's-Plain--Capture

of Miantonomo--Sentence of the English commissioners upon him--Execution

of it.

Next to the Pokanoket confederacy, none has a stronger claim on the early

notice of the historian, than the Narraghansett; a nation, composed of

various small tribes, inhabiting a large part of the territory which

afterwards formed the colony of Rhode-Island. Their dominion extended also

over the islands in the bay of their own name; and the Sagamores of a part

of Long-Island, Block-Island, Cawesit, and Niantick were either their

tributaries or subject to them in some other way. They had once been able

to raise more than four thousand warriors; and so late as Philip's time,

we have seen they could muster two thousand, one half of whom were

provided with English arms, and were skillful in the use of them. From

time immemorial, they had waged war with both the Pokanokets on the North

and the Pequots on the West.

It might be expected, that the rulers of such a confederacy, thus

situated, should be men of talent and energy; and this expectation will

not be disappointed. Throughout the history of the New England Indians, as

we find no people more resolute in declaring what they believed to be

their rights, or more formidable in defending them, so we find no sachems

more ready and able than theirs, on all occasions, to sustain the high

spirit of their subjects.

There is an unnecessary confusion in the information conveyed by some of

our best annalists, respecting the particular personage who governed the

Narraghansetts at the date of the first intercourse between them and the

English. Governor Hutchinson, for example, speaks in one case of Canonicus

as being their chief sachem. In another, alluding to the death of

Miantonomo, while the former was yet living, he observes, that although

they had _lost their chief sachem,_ yet they had divers other stout ones,

as _Canonicus,_ Pessacus and others.

The ambiguity has arisen from the circumstance, that although Canonicus

exercised the chief authority of the country when the English first

arrived, he soon after became associated in the Government with

Miantonomo, his nephew. What were the particular conditions of the royal

co-partnership, or what was the occasion of it, cannot now be determined.

Some writers suppose, that the sole authority belonged to the younger of

the two, and that the elder acted in the capacity of regent; but

considering that the association continued during the whole term of the

joint lives of the two, it appears more probable, that Canonicus, finding

himself far advanced in years, [FN] as well as encumbered with the charge

of an extensive dominion, at the period of the first English settlements,

thought proper to make such an alteration in his regal state as seemed to

be required by the exigencies of the times. He therefore selected as an

associate, the most popular and active prince of his own family.

* * * * *

[FN] Roger Williams tells us in his Key to the Indian Languages, first

printed in 1643, that he was about fourscore years of age. Elsewhere, it

is stated, that "Canonicus, being the sole governor or chief sachem,

employed his nephew Miantonomy, to manage his warlike affairs, as general

of his army, _and in his declining years took him as a partner in his

government for assistance." His. Narr. Country. Mass. His. Coll._

Mr. Hutchinson himself appears finally to adopt the conclusion we have

just stated. In a part of his history [FN] subsequent to the passage above

cited, he refers to information derived from authentic manuscripts, which

furnished the opinion of the Narraghansetts themselves upon the subject.

The oldest of that people reported, when the English first arrived, that

they had in former times a sachem called Tashtassack, incomparably

superior to any other in the whole country in dominion and state. This

chieftain, said they, had only two children, a son and a daughter; and not

being able to match them according to their dignity, he joined them

together in wedlock. They had four sons; and of these, Canonicus, "_who

was sachem when the English came,_" was the eldest.

* * * * *

[FN] _History of Mass. Vol. I._ pp. 72. and 458.

Mr. Hutchinson observes, that this is the only piece of Indian history, or

tradition of any sort, from the ancestors of our first Indians, he had

ever met with. The brothers of Canonicus here referred to, are

occasionally spoken of by the old writers, but not as having signalized

themselves by any thing worthy of notice.

The fact that Canonicus and his nephew administered the government in

harmony, as well as in union, is shown most clearly by the letters of

Roger Williams. [FN] It is well known that, in 1634, when that reverend

gentleman was compelled to leave the Massachusetts colony, (on account of

his religious opinions,) he fled to Seekonk; But that place lying within

the limits of the Plymouth jurisdiction, and the people of that colony

being unwilling to embroil themselves with Massachusetts, Governor Winslow

informed him of the difficulty which was apprehended, and advised him to

occupy a spot on the other side of the river, without the boundaries of

either jurisdiction. Upon this, Mr. Williams, utterly forlorn, crossed the

river, and threw himself on the mercy of Canonicus.

* * * * *

[FN] See Vol. I. Mass. His. Coll. 3d Series. The same writer says in his

Key to the Indian Languages--"Their agreement in the government is

remarkable. The old Sachem will not be offended at what the young Sachem

doth; and the young Sachem will not do what he conceives will displease

his uncle."

The savage chieftain--to his eternal praise, be it recorded--received him

with a hospitality worthy of an emperor. At first, indeed, he was

suspicious of his visitor's motives; and he was none the more

prepossessed in his favor, from his subjects having recently suffered

excessively from a formidable epidemic, which he supposed to have been

introduced by the English. "At my first coming among them," Mr. Williams

writes, "Caunounicus [FN] (morosus aeque ac barbarus senex) was very sour,

and accused the English and myself of sending the plague among them, and

threatening to kill _him_ especially." Soon afterwards, however, he not

only permitted the refugee, and the poor wanderers who had followed him

from Salem, to have a resting place in his domain, but he gave them all

"the neck of land lying between the mouths of Pawtucket and Moshasuck

rivers, that they might sit down in peace upon it, and enjoy it forever."

Mr. Williams divided this land equally among his followers, and founded

the town of Providence. The settlement of Rhode Island commenced at

Patuxet a short time afterwards, Canonicus conveying to Williams nearly

the whole of what is now Providence county at one time.

* * * * *

[FN] The following are but a few of the other modifications of this

name in use.

Cononicus, Trumbull's mss. Vol. 19th.

Caunonicus, Baylies' History of Plymouth.

Conaucus, Winslow's Good News from New England.

Cannonicus, Gookin.

Cananucus, Documents in Hazard's Collection.

Coonoonacus, Canoonacus, Conownacus, Same.

The kindness of the Narraghansett rulers is the more creditable to their

feelings, inasmuch as the former relations between them and the English

colonies had been far enough from friendly. Early in 1622, their threats of

hostility were so open, that the English were receiving constant

intelligence of their designs from the Indians in their own alliance; and

not long afterwards, Canonicus sent a herald to Plymouth, who left a

bundle of arrows enclosed in a rattle-snake's skin--the customary

challenge to war. The Governor despatched a messenger in return, bearing

the same skin stuffed with gunpowder and bullets; assuring the chieftain

also, that if he had shipping, instead of troubling _him_ to come so far

as Plymouth to gratify his wish for fighting, he would have sought him in

his own country;--and furthermore, that whenever he did come, he should

find the English ready for him. This resolute message had the desired

effect, and the sachem's superstition confirmed it. Fearful of some

mysterious injury, he refused to touch the skin, and would not suffer it

even to remain in his house. It passed through several hands, and at

length was returned to the colony, unopened.

In 1632, the sachem made an attack on Massasoit, who fled for refuge to an

English house at Sowams; and sent despatches for the assistance of his

English allies. As Captain Standish took a special interest in this case,

there must soon have been a warm contest between the parties, had not the

Narraghansetts hastily retreated, on account of a rumor that the Pequots

were invading their own territory. Four years afterwards, when the last

named nation formed the design of completely extirpating the English from

New England, they applied to their old enemies, Canonicus and Miantonomo,

to conclude a peace, and to engage them with as many other tribes as

possible in a common cause against the colonists.

The sachems are said to have wavered on that occasion, between the

gratification of present revenge upon the Pequots, and the prospect of an

ultimate triumph over the English power by uniting with them. Their

friendship for Roger Williams, and the influence he was consequently

enabled to exercise, probably turned the scale. Miantonomo informed him of

the Pequot application; Mr. Williams forwarded the news immediately to

Governor Winthrop at Boston; and Canonicus, by the same messenger, sent

word of recent depredations which he had just understood to have been

committed by the Pequots at Saybrook. The Governor, probably following the

suggestion of Mr. Williams, sent for Miantonomo to do him the honor of

a visit.

He came to Boston accordingly in September 1636, attended by two of the

sons of Canonicus, another sachem, and about twenty sanops (or male

adults.) As he had given notice of his approach the day previous, the

Governor sent a corps of musketeers to meet him at Roxbury; and they

escorted him into town about noon. By this time, Mr. Winthrop had called

together most of the magistrates and ministers of Boston, but it being

now dinner time, ceremony and business were both postponed. The sachems

dined by themselves in the same room with the governor, while the sanops

were amply provided for at an inn. In the afternoon, Miantonomo made his

proposals of peace; and said that, in case of their acceptance, he should

in two months send a present to confirm them. The governor, according

to their own custom, asked time to consider this proposal. At the second

conference, which took place the next morning, the following terms were

agreed upon, and subscribed by the governor on the one hand, and the

marks of the sachems on the other.

1. A firm peace between the Massachusetts colony, and the other English

plantations, (with their consent,) and _their_ confederates (with _their_

consent.)

2. Neither party to make peace with the Pequots, without consultation

with the other.

3. Not to harbor the Pequots.

4. To put to death or deliver over murderers, and to return fugitive

servants.

5. The English to notify them, when they marched against the Pequots, and

_they_ to send guides.

6. Free trade between the two nations.

7. None of them to visit the English settlements during the war with the

Pequots, without some Englishman or known Indian in company.

The treaty was to continue to the posterity of both nations. On its

conclusion, the parties dined together as before. They then took formal

leave of each other; and the sachems were escorted out of town, and

dismissed with a volley of musketry. The present promised by Miantonomo

appears to have been sent in early in 1637, when a deputation of

twenty-six Narraghansetts came to Boston, with forty fathom of Wampum and

a Pequot's hand. The governor gave each of the four sachems in the

company, "a coat of fourteen shillings price, and deferred to return his

present till after, according to their manner." [FN] It is well known,

how fully the Narraghansetts discharged their engagements in the

expedition which took place about this time against the Pequots. They

also furnished, through Mr. Williams, not a little useful information.

respecting the common enemy, by which the expedition was guided at the

outset; and offered the use of the harbors of the Narraghansett coast,

for the English vessels.

* * * * *

[FN] Winthrop's Journal, p. 217.

The joint invasion of the allies took place in May. The English forces,

taking the Narraghansett country in their way, acquainted Canonicus and

Miantonomo with their arrival and plan of campaign. The latter met them,

the next day, with about two hundred of his chief counsellors and

warriors. Mason made a formal request for permission to pass through his

territories, on his way to the Pequot forts. Miantonomo, after a solemn

consultation, replied, that he highly approved of the expedition, and

would send men, especially as the English force appeared to him quite too

insignificant to meet the Pequots, who were great warriors. About five

hundred warriors accordingly marched against the enemy, under the command

of Mason; and some of them did active service. The chief sachems took no

part, personally, in the campaign. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] According to some writers they did not even meet Major Mason, in

conference, as above related. Mr. Wolcott, (Gov. of Conn. from 1751 to

1754,) in his _poetical_ "Account of Mr. Winthrop's agency in obtaining

a charter for Connecticut," gives the following notice of that interview:

The news of this our march, fame doth transport

With speed to great Miaantinomoh's court.

Nor had that pensive king forgot the losses,

He had sustained through Sassacus's forces.

Cheer'd with the news, his captains, all as one,

In humble manner do address the throne,

And press the king to give them his commission,

To join the English in this expedition.

To their request the cheerful king assents,

And now they fill and form their regiments

To war: a cohort which came marching down

To us, who lay encamp'd before the town.

Their chiefs go to our general, and declare

What's their intention and whose men they are, &c.

In September 1638, the Pequots being completely conquered, Uncas, the

chief sachem of the Mohegans, (who had assisted in the war,) and

Miantonomo, were invited to meet the Connecticut magistrates at Hartford,

to agree upon a division of captives. These were two hundred in number,

besides women and children. Eighty of them were allotted to the

Narraghansett sachem; twenty to a neighboring chief Ninigret; and the

other one hundred to Uncas. The Pequots were to pay an annual tribute of

Wampum at Hartford. It was also covenanted, that there should be a

perpetual peace between Miantonomo and Uncas; that all past injuries

should be buried; that if any should be committed in future, complaints

should be submitted amicably to the arbitration of the English, both

parties being bound to abide by their decision on pain of incurring their

hostility. No open enemies of the English were to harbored, and all

individual criminals were to be given over to justice.

The terms of this treaty did not long remain inviolate. Whatever were the

motives of Miantonomo, and whatever his justification, he soon became

bitterly hostile to the Mohegans at least. It might have been reason

enough with him for opposing both them and the English, that either was

his enemy; because he knew them to be bound together by alliance of

offence and defence. But it seems probable, that he intended only to fight

the Mohegans. His old grudge against the Pequots revived against them, as

a branch of the Pequot stock. Uncas, too, was his greatest personal rival;

and Miantonomo was ambitious to stand at the head of all the New England

Indians. If, however, as has been asserted by some, his main design was to

resist the growing power of the English, from merely patriotic motives,

it was clear, that an essential step towards the attainment of this

object, and especially towards a hostile union of all the tribes, must be

the death of Uncas, and the suppression of _his_ tribe. Other causes of

hostility will be considered hereafter.

But be the reasoning of the sachem what it might, his measures were of a

character not to be mistaken. Great efforts were made for a general

co-operation of the tribes, especially in Connecticut. They were observed

to be collecting arms and ammunition, and to be making a general

preparation for war. The colonists thought themselves obliged to keep

guard and watch every night, from sunset to sunrise, and to protect their

inhabitants from town to town, and even from one place to another in the

same neighborhood.

Meanwhile Miantonomo is said to have hired a Pequot, subject to Uncas, to

kill him. The assassin made an attempt, in the spring of 1643. He shot

Uncas through the arm, and then fled to the Narraghansetts, reporting

through the Indian towns that he had killed him. When it was understood,

however, that the wound was not fatal, the Pequot circulated a rumor that

Uncas had purposely cut his own arm with a flint, and then charged the

Pequot with shooting him. But, Miantonomo soon after going to Boston in

company with the refugee, the governor and magistrates, on examination,

found clear evidence that the latter was guilty of the crime with which he

was charged. They proposed sending him to Uncas to be punished; but

Miantonomo pleaded that he might be suffered to return with himself; and

gave them to understand, it is said, that he would send him to Uncas. He

took occasion to exculpate himself of all blame in the affair, and

convinced them so completely, that his requests were granted. Two days

afterwards, he killed the Pequot with his own hand.

About the same time, an event took place in another direction, under

circumstances which strongly indicated the same authorship. Sequassen, a

sachem on the Connecticut river, killed a principal Indian of the Mohegan

tribe; and waylaid Uncas himself; as he was going down the river, and shot

several arrows at him. Uncas complained to the governor and court of the

colony, who took great pains to settle the affair; but without success. He

was finally induced to accept of one of Sequassen's Indians, to be given

up as an equivalent for the murdered man; but Sequassen would not consent

to submission or concession of any kind. He insisted upon fighting. Uncas

accepted his challenge, and invaded his territory; and Sequassen was

defeated, with the loss of many of his wigwams burned, and his men

killed. [FN]

* * * * *

[FN] Trumbull's Connecticut.

As the conquered sachem was nearly allied to Miantonomo, and upon intimate

terms with him, it was generally believed that he acted from his

instigation, and with the promise of his assistance in case of necessity.

He even expressed, openly, his reliance on the aid of Miantonomo.

The Narraghansett chief was not a man to desert his ally or to retreat

from his foe. Having hastily matured a plan of campaign, it was the next

object to strike the intended blow with the most possible effect, and that

implied the least possible notice. He raised an army of between five

hundred and one thousand men, and marched towards the Mohegan territory.

The spies of Uncas discovered their approach, and gave him intelligence.

The enemy was already near, and Uncas was unprepared; but he hastily

rallied four or five hundred of his men, and telling them that the enemy

must by no means be suffered to surprise them in their villages, marched

out to meet him forthwith. At the distance of three or four miles, the two

armies encountered each other upon a large plain. Meanwhile, Uncas, who

found himself obliged to rely more upon stratagem than strength, had

acquainted his warriors on the march with a plan which he now proceeded to

put in execution.

He desired a parley, and the two armies halted in the face of each other.

Then advancing in the front of his men, he addressed Miantonomo: "You have

a number of stout men with you, and so have I with me. It is a great pity

that such brave warriors should be killed in a private quarrel between us

only. Come on, then, like a man, as you profess to be, and let us fight it

out. If you kill me, my men shall be yours. If I kill you, your men shall

be mine." Miantonomo saw advantage too clearly to accept such a proposal.

"My warriors," said he, "have come a long way to fight, and they _shall_

fight." The reply was anticipated, and it was scarcely uttered, when Uncas

fell to the ground. His men discharged over him a shower of arrows upon

the Narraghansetts; and then following up the surprise without a moment's

interval, rushed upon them furiously with a hideous yell, and soon put

them to flight.

The pursuit was sustained with a ferocious eagerness. The enemy were

chased down rocks and precipices, like the doe flying from the huntsman.

About thirty were slain, and a much greater number wounded. Miantonomo was

exceedingly pressed. Some of the bravest men of Uncas at length came up

with him; but not daring actually to skirmish with him, or preferring to

leave that honor to their leader, they contrived to impede his flight by

twitching him back, and then passed him. Uncas now came up, and rushing

forward like a lion greedy of his prey, he seized him by the shoulder. The

Narraghansett saw that his fate was decided--Uncas was a man of immense

strength, and his warriors were thick around him. He stopped, sat down

sullenly, and spake not a word. Uncas gave the Indian whoop, and called up

a party of his men, who gathered about the royal captive and gazed at him.

He still continued moody and speechless. Some of his sachems were slain

before his eyes, but he moved not a muscle. "Why do you not speak,"

inquired Uncas, at length; "had you taken me, I should have besought you

for my life." But the Narraghansett was too proud to ask such a boon of

his enemy, and especially of his rival. Uncas however spared his life for

the present, and returned in great triumph to Mohegan, leading along with

him the splendid living evidence of his victory.

The notorious Samuel Gorton having purchased lands of Miantonomo, under

the jurisdiction of Plymouth and Massachusetts, and expecting to be

vindicated by him in his claims against those colonies, and against other

Indian tribes, he immediately sent word to Uncas to give up his prisoner,

and threatened him with the vengeance of the colonies if he refused a

compliance. But Uncas shrewdly bethought himself of a safer course. He

carried his prisoner to Hartford, and asked advice of the governor and

magistrates. There being no open war between the Narraghansetts and

English, these authorities were unwilling to interfere in the case, and

they recommended a reference of the whole affair to the commissioners of

the United Colonies; at their next meeting in September. Meanwhile,

Miantonomo had recovered his speech. He probably expected better treatment

with the English than with Uncas, and he now earnestly pleaded to be

committed to their custody. Uncas consented to leave him at Hartford, but

insisted on having him kept as _his_ prisoner.

At the meeting of the commissioners the whole affair was laid before them.

In their opinion it was fully proved that Miantonomo had made attempts

against the life of Uncas, by all the means and measures heretofore

alluded to, and by poison and sorcery besides; that he had murdered the

Pequot assassin with his own hand, instead of giving him up to justice;

that he was the author of a general plot among the Indian tribes against

the colonies; and that he had moreover gone so far as to engage the aid of

the Mohawks, who were now within a day's journey of the English

settlements, waiting only for Miantonomo's release to serve him according

to his pleasure.

"These things being duly weighed and considered," say the commissioners in

their report,[FN-1] "we apparently see that Vcus cannot be safe while

Myantenomo [FN-2] lives, but that either by secret treachery or open force

his life will still be in danger. Wherefore we thinke he may justly putt

such a false and blood-thirsty enemie to death, but in his owne

Jurisdiccon, not in the English plantacons; and advising that in the

manner of his death all mercy and moderacon be shewed, contrary to the

practice of the Indians who exercise tortures and cruelty, and Vcus

haveing hitherto shewed himself a friend to the English, and in this

craveing their advice, if the Nanohiggansetts Indians or others shall

unjustly assault Vcus for this execucon, vpon notice and request the

English promise to assist and protect him, as farr as they may, against

such vyolence."

* * * * *

[FN-1] Hazard's Collections, Vol. II. p. 7.

[FN-2] Haz. Coll. Vol. II. p. 7.--The reader will observe the variation

of the Sachem's name here used. There are several others in Hazard.

Hutchinson writes Myantinomo and Miantonomo in the same volume; Baylies,

both terms in the course of the same; Trumbull adds an _h._ Winthrop

admits this spelling with the qualification that the chief was otherwise

called Mecumah (as he was); but he afterwards regularly uses

Miantunnomoh. Mason, (_account of the Pequot war_) writes Myantonimo and

Miantomo; Wolcott, Miaatinomoh; Roger Williams, Miantunnomu, and several

other variations. We are thus particular only in the hope of amusing the

curious.

The commissioners further directed, that Uncas should immediately be sent

for to Hartford, with some of his trustiest men; and informed of the

sentence passed upon his captive. He was then to take him into the nearest

part of his own territory, and there put him to death in the presence of

certain discreet English persons, who were to accompany them, "and see the

execucon for our more full satisfaccon, and that the English meddle not

with the head or body at all." The Hartford Government was subsequently to

furnish Uncas with forces enough to defend him against all his enemies.

These directions were promptly obeyed. Uncas made his appearance at

Hartford, received his prisoner, and marched off with him to the very spot

where the capture had happened. At the instant they arrived on the ground,

a Mohegan who marched behind Miantonomo split his head with a hatchet,

killing him at a single stroke; so that he was probably unacquainted with

the mode of his execution. Tradition says that Uncas cut out a piece of

his shoulder, and ate it in savage triumph. "He said it was the sweetest

meat he ever eat--it made his heart strong." The royal victim was buried,

by the conqueror's order, at the place of his death; and a great heap or

pillar was erected over his grave. The field of battle, situated in the

eastern part of the town of Norwich, is called the _Sachem's Plain_ to

this day.

Indian Biography; Vol. 1 (of 2) Or, An Historical Account of Those Individuals Who Have Been Distinguished among the North American Natives as Orators, Warriors, Statesmen, and Other Remarkable Characters · 第 9 / 16 章