* * * * *
[FN] Not to subject ourselves to the charge of plagiarism, it may be
proper to remark here, that several passages in the following notices of
the Pokanoket Sachems have been taken almost unaltered from an article on
_Indian Biography,_ published heretofore in the North American Review,
and written by the author of this work. The same is true of a part of
the subsequent notice of Tecumseh and his brother.
Synopsis of the New England Indians at the date of the Plymouth
Settlement--The Pokanoket confederacy--The Wampanoag tribe--Their first
head-Sachem, known to the English--Massasoit--The first interview
between him and the whites--His visit to Plymouth, in 1621--Treaty of
peace and friendship--Embassy sent to him at Sowams, by the
English--Anecdotes respecting it--He is suspected of treachery or
hostility, in 1622--His sickness in 1623--A second deputation visits
him--Ceremonies and results of the visit--His intercourse with other
tribes--Conveyances of land to the English--His death and
character--Anecdotes.
The clearest, if not the completest classification of the New England
Indians, at the date of the settlement of Plymouth, includes five
principal confederacies, each occupying their own territory, and governed
by their own chiefs. The Pequots inhabited the eastern part of
Connecticut. East of them were the Narraghansetts, within whose limits
Rhode Island, and various smaller islands in the vicinity, were comprised.
The Pawtucket tribes were situated chiefly in the southern section of New
Hampshire, the Massachusetts tribes around the bay of their own name; and
between these upon the north and the Narraghansetts upon the south, the
Pokanokets claimed a tract of what is now Bristol county, (Rhode Island)
bounded laterally by Taunton and Pawtucket rivers for some distance,
together with large parts of Plymouth and Barnstable.
This confederacy exercised some dominion over the Indians of Nantucket and
Martha's Vineyard, and over several of the nearest Massachusetts and
Nipmuck tribes;--the latter name designating an interior territory, now
mostly within the boundaries of Worcester county. Of the Pokanokets, there
were nine separate cantons or tribes, each governed by its own petty
sagamore or squaw, but subject to one grand-sachem, who was also the
particular chief of the Wampanoag canton, living about Montaup. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] This celebrated eminence (frequently called, by corruption of the
Indian name, Mount-Hope) is a mile or two east of the village of Bristol.
It is very steep on all sides, and terminates in a large rock, having the
appearance to a distant spectator, of an immense dome.
The first knowledge we have of the Wampanoags, and of the individuals who
ruled over them and the other Pokanokets, is furnished in the collections
of Purchas, on the authority of a Captain Dermer, the Master Thomas
Dirmire spoken of by John Smith in his _New England Trialls,_ as "an
vnderstanding and industrious gentleman, who was also with _him_ amongst
the Frenchmen." Dermer was sent out from England in 1619, by Sir F.
Gorges, on account of the President and Council of New England, in a ship
of two hundred tons. He had a Pokanoket Indian with him, named Squanto,
one of about twenty who had been kidnapped on the coast by Captain Hunt,
in 1614, and sold as slaves at Malaga for twenty pounds a man. [FN]
Squanto and a few others of the captives were either rescued or redeemed,
by the benevolent interposition of some of the monks upon that island.
"When I arrived," says Dermer in his letter to Purchas, "at my savage's
native country, finding all dead, I traveled along a day's journey to a
place called Nummastaquyt, where, finding inhabitants, I despatched a
messenger a day's journey further west, to Pacanokit, which bordereth on
the sea; whence came to see me two kings, attended with a guard of fifty
armed men, who being well satisfied with that my savage and I discoursed
unto them, (being desirous of novelty) gave me content in whatsoever I
demanded. Here I redeemed a Frenchman, and afterwards another at
Masstachusitt, who three years since escaped shipwreck at the northeast of
Cape Cod." One of these two kings--as the sachems were frequently entitled
by the early writers,--must have been Massasoit, so well known afterwards
to the Plymouth settlers; and probably the second was his brother
Quadepinah. The "native country" of Squanto was the vicinity of Plymouth,
where the Indians are understood to have been kidnapped. Thousands of
them, there, as well as elsewhere along the whole coast of New England,
had been swept off by a terrible pestilence.
* * * * *
[FN] It is gratifying to learn from Smith that Hunt was punished, though
not according to the baseness of his infamous crime. "He betraied foure
and twentie of these poore Saluages aboord his ship, and most dishonestly
and inhumanely for their kinde usage of me and all our men, carried them
with him to Maligo, and there for a little priuate gaine sold those silly
Saluages for Rials of eight; _but this vilde act kept him ever after from
any more imploiement to these parts."_--Generale Historie of New
England, published in 1632.
The first appearance of Massasoit, [FN] after the settlement of Plymouth,
was upon the 22d of March, 1621, a week previous to which some information
concerning him had been gathered from an Indian named Samoset, who entered
the village with great boldness, and greeted the inhabitants with a
"welcome." On the second occasion, he came in with four others,--having
engaged to introduce some of the Wampanoags, to traffic in furs,--among
whom was Squanto, at that time probably the sole remaining native of
Plymouth. This party brought a few fish and skins to sell, and informed
the English that the great sachem, with his brother and his whole force,
were near at hand. Massasoit soon appeared upon the neighboring hill, with
sixty men. As they seemed unwilling to approach nearer, Squanto was
despatched to ascertain their designs; and they gave him to understand,
that they wished someone should be sent to hold a parley.
* * * * *
[FN] We have given the most simple orthography of this word. It is
frequently written Massasoyt, Massasoiet, Massasowat, &c. Mr. Belknap
says, (American Biography,) that contemporary pronunciation made it a
word of four syllables, with the accent on the second,--Mas-sass-o-it.
The sachem subsequently assumed another name, which has undergone still
more various modifications,--Oosamequin, Woosamequin, and Ausamequin, are
some of them.
Edward Winslow was appointed to this office, and he immediately carried
presents to the sachem, which were willingly accepted. He addressed him
also in a speech of some length, which the Indians listened to with the
decorous gravity characteristic of the race, ill-explained as it was by
the interpreter. The purport of the speech was, that King James saluted
the sachem, his brother, with the words of peace and love; that he
accepted him as his friend and ally; and that the Governor desired to see
him, and to trade and treat with him upon friendly terms. Massasoit
appears to have made no special reply to this harangue, for the sufficient
reason, probably, that he did not precisely comprehend the drift of it. He
paid more attention to the sword and armor of Winslow while he spoke; and
when he had ceased speaking, signaled his disposition to commence the
proposed trade forthwith by buying _them._ They were not, however, for
sale; and so, leaving Winslow in the custody of his brother, he crossed a
brook between him and the English, taking with him twenty of the
Wampanoags, who were directed to leave their bows and arrows behind them.
Beyond the brook he was met by Captain Standish and another gentleman,
with an escort of six armed men, who exchanged salutations with him, and
attended him to one of the best houses in the village. [FN] Here, a green
rug was spread upon the floor, and three or four cushions piled on it for
his accommodation. The Governor then entered the house, followed by
several soldiers, and preceded by a flourish of a drum and trumpet,--a
measure probably recommended by Standish, and which answered the purpose
of delighting and astounding the Wampanoags, even beyond expectation. It
was a deference paid to their sovereign, which pleased as well as
surprised them. The sachem and the Governor now kissed each other, and
after the interchange of certain other civilities, sat down together, and
regaled themselves with what Neal calls an entertainment. It consisted,
it seems, chiefly of "strong waters, a thing the savages love very well;
and the sachem took such a large draught of it at once, as made him sweat
all the while he staid." A treaty was concluded upon this occasion, the
terms of which were as follows.
* * * * *
[FN] A stone arch has in modern times been thrown over this brook, to
point out the precise spot of the meeting. The hill where the chieftain
first appeared was by the settlers of his time called "Strawberry-Hill."
1. That neither he, nor any of his (Massasoit's) should injure or do hurt
to any of their people.
2. That if any of his did any hurt to any of theirs, he should send the
offender, that they might punish him.
3. That if any thing were taken away from any of theirs, he should cause
it to be restored, and they should do the like to his.
4. That if any did unjustly war against him, they would aid him; and if
any did war against them, he should aid them.
5. That he should send to his neighbor confederates, to inform them of
this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise comprised in
these conditions of peace.
6. That when his came to them upon any occasion they should leave their
arms behind them.
7. That so doing, their Sovereign Lord King James, would esteem him as his
friend and ally.
"All which," says Morton,--and some other annalists agree with him,--"he
liked very well, and withal, at the same time, acknowledged himself
content to become the subject of our Sovereign Lord the King aforesaid,
his heirs and successors; and gave unto him all the lands adjacent, to him
and his heirs forever." This acknowledgment of the sovereignty of the
King, if it really made a part of the agreement, certainly deserved a
place as a distinct article; being by far more important than all the
others. The grant of land,--and this grant constituted the entire title of
the Plymouth settlers, as against the natives,--is confirmed by subsequent
transactions, and especially by the acts of Massasoit. But his submission
to the authority of King James, as a subject to a sovereign, is more
doubtful; nor does it by any means accord with the seventh express
article. That the treaty itself also was not preserved precisely as it was
probably understood, may be inferred from the variations of it given by
Mourt in his Relation. According to _his_ sixth article, for example, a
just reciprocity is maintained, by providing that the English should leave
their _pieces_ behind them in their interviews with the Indians. This
distinction between alliance and subjection,--at least in the mind of one
of the parties,--seems to have been too much overlooked.
Such, however, was the first treaty made with the Indians of New
England,--a passage in its history of great interest. It was made upon
peaceable and honorable terms. The Indians came in voluntarily to make it;
and though they received as a consideration for the immense territory
granted at the time, only a pair of knives, and a copper chain with a
jewel in it for the grand sachem; and a knife, a jewel to hang in his ear,
a pot of strong water, a good quantity of biscuit, and some butter for
Quadepinah, [FN]--yet were all parties satisfied with the substance as
they were gratified by the ceremonies of the agreement. It is pleasing to
learn from history, that this simple negotiation was remembered and
adhered to on both sides for the unparalleled term of half a century; nor
was Massasoit, or any of the Wampanoags during his lifetime, convicted by
the harshest revilers of his race, of having violated, or attempted to
violate, any of its plain, just, and deliberate provisions.
* * * * *
[FN] So minutely is the transaction described in _The Journal of a
Plantation at Plymouth,_ preserved by Purchas, and re-published among the
Historical Collections of Massachusetts. There is reason to think that
Winslow was the author.
The two parties seem to have regarded each other on this occasion with a
curiosity of equal interest and minuteness; for while the sachem was
inspecting the armor of Winslow, and his Wampanoags exerting themselves to
blow the trumpet in imitation of their hosts, [FN] the English
by-standers, on the other hand, were making their own observations. The
writer of the _Journal of a Plantation settled at Plymouth,_ describes
Massasoit as "a very lusty man, in his best years, an able body, grave of
countenance, and spare of speech." In his attire, he is said to have
differed little from the rest of his followers, excepting that he wore a
large chain of white bone-beads about his neck, which was, probably, one
of the royal _insignia;_ and that he had suspended from it behind, a
little bag of tobacco, which he _drank,_ says the writer, "and gave us to
drink." His appearance otherwise does not seem to have been particularly
elegant; his face being painted of a sad red, like murrey, and both head
and face so oiled that he "looked greasily." His only weapon was a long
knife, swinging at his bosom by a string. His attendants were probably
arrayed for this great occasion with peculiar attention to etiquette; some
of them being painted black, others red, yellow, or white; some wearing
crosses and "other antick works;" and several of them dressed in furs or
skins of various descriptions. Being tall, strong men also, and the first
natives whom most of the Colonists had ever seen near at hand, they must
have made to them a somewhat imposing, as well as interesting spectacle.
* * * * *
[FN] "He marvelled much at our trumpet, and some of his men would sound
it as well as we could."--_Journal._
Leaving a few of their number among the whites, as hostages, the
Wampanoags retired to the woods about half a mile distant and spent the
night; and Winslow acted as _their_ hostage. The English were not yet
prepared, it would seem, to put faith in the professions of savages; for
they kept strict watch all night, besides retaining the security just
named. Their guests, on the contrary, enjoyed themselves quietly in the
woods; and there were some of their wives and children with them, who must
have come upon this courteous visit from a distance of forty miles. The
sachem sent several of his people the next morning, to signify his wish
that some of his new friends would honor _him_ with their presence.
Standish and one Alderton [FN-1] "went venturously" among them, and were
cordially, if not royally welcomed with an entertainment of tobacco and
ground-nuts. "We cannot yet conceive," continues our still unsatisfied
informant, "but that he is willing to have peace with us; for they have
seen our people sometimes alone two or three in the woods at work and
fowling, when they offered them no harm, as they might easily have done."
They remained at their encampment till late in the forenoon; the Governor
requiting the sachem's liberality, meanwhile, by sending an express
messenger for his large kettle, and filling it with dry peas. "This
pleased them well; and so they went their way;"--the one party as much
relieved, no doubt, as the other was gratified. [FN-2]
* * * * *
[FN-1] From whom the outer point of Boston harbor is said to have been
named.
[FN-2] Such was the earliest visit, of ceremony or business at least,
which the natives of New England paid to the Colonists. The account given
of it, though _ex parte,_ as all such descriptions must be, is honorable
to the former in the highest degree. They show that many, if not most of
the savages, who were fairly dealt with, were at first as sensible and as
prone to kindness as could have been wished. They went unarmed among the
settlers without fear, disposed to be honest and friendly at all events,
and as hospitable as their means permitted. It will appear in the sequel,
that they continued so for a long course of years, as they also continued
faithful to their express obligations.
We meet with Massasoit again in July, 1621; an embassy being then sent to
him at his own residence, Montaup or Sowams. This embassy consisted of
Edward Winslow and Stephen Hopkins; and the objects of it were, says
Mourt, [FN] "that _forasmuch as his subjects came often and without fear
upon all occasions amongst us,_" so the English went now to visit him,
carrying with them a coat from the Governor to his friend the sachem, as a
token of good will, and desire to live peaceably. It was farther
intimated, though with great delicacy, that whereas his people came
frequently and in great numbers to Plymouth, wives, children, and all, and
were always welcome,--yet being but strangers in the land, and not
confident how their corn might prosper, they could no longer give them
such entertainment as they had done, and still wished to do; If Massasoit
himself, however, would visit them, or any special friend of his, he
should be welcome. A request was then made, that the Pokanokets, who had
furs, should be permitted to dispose of them to the Colonists. The
Governor wished him also to exchange some corn for seed with the Plymouth
people.
* * * * *
[FN] See Mourt's Relation, part of which is also preserved in the
Collections. The name of the publisher only seems to be attached to it.
The remaining article in this message is more illustrative of the
relations understood to exist and to be desirable between the parties. On
the first arrival of the Colonists at Cape Cod, it seems they had found
corn buried there in the ground. Seeing no inhabitants in the
neighborhood, "but some graves of the dead newly buried," they took the
corn, with the intention of making full satisfaction for it whenever it
became practicable. The owners of it were supposed to have fled through
fear. It was now proposed, that these men should be informed by
Massasoit,--if they could be found,--that the English were ready to pay
them with an equal quantity of corn, English meal, or "any other
commodities they had to pleasure them withal;" and full satisfaction was
offered for any trouble which the sachem might do them the favor to take.
This proposal was equally politic and just.
The visitors met with a generous, though humble hospitality, which reminds
one of the first reception of Columbus by the West-Indian islanders. They
reached Namaschet about three o'clock in the afternoon; and there, we are
told, the inhabitants entertained them with joy, in the best manner they
were able; giving them sweet bread [FN] and fish, with a less acceptable
accompaniment of boiled musty acorns. Various civilities were exchanged
after this primitive and savory repast,--as ancient, by the way, as the
early Greeks,--and some time was passed very pleasantly in shooting a crow
at a considerable distance, to the vast astonishment and amusement of the
Indians. They were then directed to a place about eight miles distant,
(Middleborough) where, says the Journalist, they should find "more store
and better victuals." They were welcomed, on their arrival, by a party who
were catching great numbers of fine bass in Taunton river, and who gave
them a supper and a breakfast in the morning, besides the privilege of
lodging in the woods near by over night.
* * * * *
[FN] Called _maxium,_ and made of Indian corn, no doubt. Gookin says,
that a meal which they made of parched maize was so sweet, so hearty, and
so _toothsome,_ that an Indian would travel many days with no other food.
Attended by six of their hosts the next day, they were assisted in passing
the river; and here they met with the first indications of ill-will, in
the persons of two old Indians upon the opposite bank. These two, espying
them as they entered the river, ran swiftly and stealthily among the high
grass to meet them; and then, with loud voices and drawn bows, demanded of
the strangers who they were; "but seeing we were friends," it is added,
"they welcomed us with such food as they had, and we bestowed a small
bracelet of beads on them." The remarks which follow this, upon the
conduct of the six attendants we cannot forbear citing at large,
irrelevant to our main purpose as they are. "When we came to a small
brook," says our accurate writer, "where no bridge was, two of them
desired to carry us through of their own accords; also fearing we were,
or would be weary, offered to carry our pieces; also if we would lay off
any of our clothes [it being excessively hot,] we should have them
carried; and as the one of them had found more special kindness from one
of the messengers, and the other savage from the other so they showed
their thankfulness accordingly, in offering us help and furtherance in the
journey."
After one more entertainment on the way, our travelers reached Sowams.
Massasoit was not at home, but arrived soon after, and was saluted by his
visitors with a discharge of musketry. He welcomed them kindly after the
Indian manner, took them into his lodge, and seated them by himself. They
then delivered their message and presents, the latter comprisinig a
horseman's coat of red cotton, embroidered with fine lace. The sachem
mounted this superb article without delay, and hung the chain, which they
also gave him, about his neck, evidently enjoying the unspeakable
admiration of the Wampanoags, who gaze upon him at a distance. He now
answered the message, clause after clause; and particularly signified his
desire to continue in peace and friendship with his neighbors. He gathered
his men around him, in fine, and harangued them; they occasionally
confirming what he said by their customary ejaculations. Was not he,
Massasoit, commander of the country about them? Was not such a town within
his dominions--and were not the people of it his subjects--and should they
not bring their skins to him, if he wished it?
Thus he proceeded to name about thirty of his small settlements, his
attentive auditors responding to each question. The matter being regularly
settled, he lighted tobacco for his guests, and conversed with them about
their own country and King, marveling, above all, that his Majesty should
live with out a squaw. As it grew late, and he offered no more substantial
entertainment than this,--no doubt for the sound reason, that he had
nothing to offer,--his guests intimated a wish to retire for the night.
He forthwith accommodated them, with himself and his wife, they at one end
and his visitors at the other, of a bed consisting of a plank platform,
raised a foot or two from the ground and covered with a thin mat. Two of
his chief men, probably by way of compliment, were also stationed upon the
same premises; and this body-guard performed their pressing duty of escort
so effectually, that no other circumstances were necessary to make the
honored guests "worse weary of their lodging than they had been of their
Journey."
On the following day, many of the petty chiefs, with their subjects, came
in from the adjacent country, and various sports and games were got up for
the entertainment of the English. At noon, they partook, with the sachem
and about forty others of a meal of boiled fish _shot_ by himself,
(probably with arrows.) They continued with him until the next morning,
when they departed, leaving Massasoit "both grieved and ashamed" that he
could not better entertain him. Very importunate he was, adds the
Journalist, to have them stay with him longer; but as they had eaten but
one meal for two days and a night, with the exception of a partridge,
which one of them killed; and what with their location at night, the
"savages' barbarous singing of themselves to sleep," mosquitoes without
doors, and other trifling inconveniences within, could not sleep at all;
they begged to be excused,--on the score of conscience, Sunday being near
at hand,--not to mention that they were growing light-headed, and could
hardly expect, if they stayed much longer, to be able to reach home.
Massasoit's friendship was again tested in March, 1622, when an Indian,
known to be under Squanto's influence, [FN] came running in among a party
of colonists, with his face gashed, and the blood fresh upon it, calling
out to them to flee for their lives, and then looking hind him as if
pursued. On coming up, he told them that the Indians, under Massasoit,
were congregating at a certain place for an attack upon the Colony; that
he had received his wounds in consequence of opposing their designs; and
had barely escaped from them with his life. The report occasioned no
little alarm; although the correctness of it was flatly denied by
Hobamock, a Pokanoket Indian resident at Plymouth, who recommended that a
messenger should be sent secretly to Sowams, for the purpose of
ascertaining the truth. This was done, and the messenger, finding every
thing in its usually quiet state, informed Massasoit of the reports
circulated against him. He was excessively incensed against Squanto, but
sent his thanks to the Governor for the opinion of his fidelity, which he
understood him to retain; and directed the messenger to assure him, that
he should instantly apprize him of any conspiracy which might at any
future time take place.
* * * * *
[FN] Which, it may be here observed, was quite considerable. Squanto was
ambitious and meddlesome, though not malicious--well-disposed and
serviceable to the English, but a little too anxious to have credit for
that fact among his countrymen. He amused himself with telling them that
the whites kept the plague barreled up in their cellars, that they
intended war upon various tribes, &c. for the sake of being employed,
sometimes hired, to act as mediator; and of course he always succeeded in
settling the difficulty. Squanto died in November, 1622, on an expedition
fitted out by Governor Bradford for obtaining corn among the Indians. His
last request was, that the governor would pray for him that he might go
to the Englishman's God in Heaven. He bequeathed, his little property to
his English friends. So perished the last aboriginal of the Plymouth
soil. He sometimes played "Jack upon both sides," as Hubbard says, but
his death was justly considered a public loss.
That the declarations of Massasoit, upon this occasion, were far from
being mere words of compulsion or of courtesy, is abundantly proved by his
conduct during the next season, 1623. Early in the spring of that year,
news came to Plymouth, that he was very sick at Sowams; and it was
determined to send Mr. Winslow to visit him once more, in token of the
friendship of the colonists. That gentleman immediately commenced his
journey, being provided with a few cordials, and attended by "one Master
John Hampden, a London gentleman, who then wintered with him, and desired
much to see the country,"--no doubt the same character so eminently
distinguished afterwards in the politics of England.
They heard, at various places on their route, that the sachem was already
dead; and their guide, Hobamock, indulged himself all the way in the most
unbounded grief. They found him still living, however, on their arrival;
and the multitude of dependents and friends who thronged his lodge, made
way as fast as possible for their admittance and accommodation. He
appeared to be reduced to the last extremities. Six or eight women were
employed in chafing his cold limbs, and the residue of the numerous
company were exerting themselves to the utmost, meanwhile, in making what
Winslow rather uncharitably calls "such a hellish noise as distempered
those that were well." [FN] He had the good sense to wait for the
conclusion of the ceremony; and the exhausted performers being then
satisfied they had done all that in them lay for the benefit of the
patient, one of them apprised him of the arrival of the English.
* * * * *
[FN] Probably an Indian Powah was leader of the chorus. Of these
barbarian quacks, Roger Williams says, that "the poore people commonly
dye under their hands," for the very good reason that they "administer
nothing, but howle, and roar, and hollow over them, and begin the song to
the rest of the people about them, who all joyne (like a quire) in prayer
to the gods for them." _Key to the Indian Language,_ chapter xxxi.
"_Who_ have come?" muttered the sachem, still conscious, though his sight
was wholly gone. They told him Winsnow had come, (as they generally
substituted _n_ for the English _l._) "Let me speak with him then," he
replied, "Let me speak one word to him." Winslow went forward to the
matted platform where he lay, and grasped the feeble hand which the
sachem, informed of his approach, held out for him. "Art thou Winsnow?" he
whispered the question again, (in his own language,) "Art thou Winsnow?"
Being readily answered in the affirmative, he appeared satisfied of the
fact. But "O Winsnow," he added mournfully, "I shall never see thee
again!"
Hobamock was now called, and desired to assure the sachem of the
Governor's kind remembrance of him in his present situation, and to inform
him of the articles they had brought with them for his use. He immediately
signified his wish to taste of these; and they were given him accordingly,
to the great delight of the people around him. Winslow then proceeded to
use measures for his relief, and they wrought a great change in him within
half an hour. He recovered his sight gradually, and began to converse,
requesting his good friend Winslow, among other things, to kill him a
fowl, and make him some English pottage, such as he had seen at Plymouth.
This was done for him, and such other care taken as restored his strength
and appetite wonderfully within the day or two of Winslow's stay.
His expressions of gratitude, as well as those of his delighted
attendants, were constant, as they were evidently warm from the heart.
Finally, as his guests were about to leave him, he called Hobamock to his
side, and revealed to him a plot against the colonists, recently formed,
as he understood, among certain of the Massachusetts tribes, and in which
he had himself been invited to join. He also recommended certain summary
measures for the suppression of the plot, and concluded with charging
Hobamock [FN] to communicate the intelligence to Winslow on the way to
Plymouth. It may be added here, that these measures were subsequently
executed by Standish, and were successful. The conspiracy itself was
occasioned by the notorious and outrageous profligacy of the banditti of
"Master Weston," at Weymouth.
* * * * *
[FN] The date of this Indian's death is not known. He is said to have
once been a war-captain among the Massachusetts tribes. Hubbard describes
him as a "proper lusty young man, and of good account among the Indians
of those parts for his valor." He was useful, like Squanto, without being
troublesome.
The leading particulars in the residue of Massasoit's life, may soon be
detailed. In 1632, he was assaulted at Sowams, by a party of
Narraghansetts, and obliged to take refuge in an English house. His
situation was soon ascertained at Plymouth, and an armed force being
promptly despatched to his succor, under his old friend Standish, the
Narraghansetts retired. About the year 1639, he probably associated his
eldest son, Moanam or Wamsutta, with him in the government; for they came
together into open court at Plymouth, it is said, on the 28th of
September of that year, and desired that the ancient treaty of 1621 might
remain inviolable. They also entered into some new engagements, chiefly
going to secure to the Colony a pre-emptive claim to the Pokanoket lands.
"And the whole court," add the records, "in the name of the whole
government for each town respectively, did then likewise ratify and
confirm the aforesaid ancient league and confederacy."
From this time, the names of the father and son are sometimes found
united, and sometimes not so, in instruments by which land was conveyed to
the English. In 1649, the former sold the territory of Bridgewater in his
own name. "Witnes these presents"--are the words of the deed--"that I
Ousamequin Sachim of the contrie of Pocanauket, haue given, granted
enfeofed and sould unto Myles Standish of Duxborough Samuel Nash and
Constant Southworth of Duxborough aforesaid in the behalfe of all ye
townsmen of Duxborough aforesaid a tract of land usually called
Saughtucket extending in length and the breadth thereof, as followeth,
that is to say--[here follow the boundaries of what is now
_Bridgewater_]--the wch tract the said Ousamequin hath given granted
enfeofed and sould unto ye said Myles [Standish] Samuel Nash and Constant
Southworth in the behalfe of all ye townsmen of Duxborough as aforesaid
wth all the emunities priveleges and profitts whatsoever belonging to the
said tract of land wth all and singular all woods underwoods lands
meadowes Riuers brooks Rivulets &c. to have and to hould to the said Myles
Standish Samuel Nash and Constant Southworth in behalfe of all the
townsmen of the towne of Duxborough to them and their beyers forever. In
witnes whereof I the said Ousamequin have here unto sett my hand this 23
of March 1649.
"The mk of {mark} Ousamequin.
"In consideration of the aforesaid bargain and sale wee the said Myles
Standish Samuel Nash and Constant Southworth, doe bind ourselves to pay
unto ye said Ousamequin for and in consideration of ye said tract of land
as followeth
"7 Coats a yd and half in a coat} Myles Standish
9 Hatchets }
8 Howes } Samuel Nash
20 Knives }
4 Moose skins } Constant Southworth.
10 Yds and half of cotton }"
The original document of which we have here given a literal and exact copy
has been preserved to this day. It is in the handwriting of Captain
Standish.
The precise date of Massasoit's death is unknown. In 1653, his name
appears in a deed by which he conveyed part of the territory of Swansey to
English grantees. Hubbard supposes that he died about three years
subsequent to this; but as late as 1661, he is noticed in the Records of
the United Colonies, as will appear more particularly in the life of his
eldest son. Two or three years afterwards, conveyances were made of the
Pokanoket lands in which he appears to have had no voice; and it may be
fairly inferred that he died in that interval. He must have been near
eighty years of age.
Such are the passages which history has preserved concerning the earliest
and best friend of the Pilgrims. Few and simple as they are, they give
glimpses of a character that, under other circumstances, might have placed
Massasoit among the illustrious of his age. He was a mere savage; ignorant
of even reading and writing, after an intercourse of near fifty years with
the colonists; and distinguished from the mass of savages around him, as
we have seen, by no other outward emblem than a barbarous ornament of
bones. It must be observed, too, as to them, that the authority which they
conferred upon him, or rather upon his ancestors, was their free gift, and
was liable at any moment to be retracted, wholly or in part, either by the
general voice or by the defection or violence of individuals. The
intrinsic dignity and energy of his character alone, therefore, must have
sustained the dominion of the sachem, with no essential distinction of
wealth, retinue, cultivation, or situation in any respect, between him and
the meanest of the Wampanoags. The naked qualities of his intellect and
is heart must have gained their loyalty, controlled their extravagant
passions to his own purposes, and won upon their personal confidence and
affection.
That he did this appears from the fact, so singular in Indian history,
that among all the Pokanoket tribes, there was scarcely an instance of
even an individual broil or quarrel with the English during his long life.
Some of these tribes, living nearer the Colony than any other Indians, and
going into it daily in such numbers, that Massasoit was finally requested
to restrain them from "pestering" their friends by their mere
multitude,--these shrewd beings must have perceived, as well as Massasoit
himself did, that the colonists were as miserably fearful as they were
feeble and few. Some of them, too,--the sachem Corbitant, for
example,--were notoriously hostile, and perhaps had certain supposed
reasons for being so. Yet _that_ cunning and ambitious savage extricated
himself from the only overt act of rebellion he is known to have
attempted, by "soliciting the good offices of Massasoit," we are told, "to
reconcile him to the 'English." And such was the influence of the chief
sachem, not only over him, but over the Massachusetts sachems, that nine
of the principal of them soon after came into Plymouth from great
distances, for the purpose of signifying their humble respect for the
authority of the English.
That Massasoit was beloved as well as respected by his subjects and
neighbors, far and wide, appears from the great multitude of anxious
friends who thronged about him during his sickness; Some of them, as
Winslow ascertained, had come more than one hundred miles for the purpose
of seeing him; and they all watched _his_ operations in that case, with
as intense anxiety as if the prostrate patient had been the father or the
brother of each. And meagre as is the justice which history does the
sachem, it still furnishes some evidence, not to be mistaken, that he had
won this regard from them by his kindness. There is a passage of affecting
simplicity in Winslow's Relation, going to show that he did not forget
their minutest interests, even in his own almost unconscious helplessness.
"That morning," it is said, "he caused me to spend in going from one to
another among those that were sick in the town [Sowams]; requesting me to
treat them as I had him, and to give to each of them some of the same I
gave him, _saying they were good folk._"
But these noble traits of the character of Massasoit are still more
abundantly illustrated by the whole tenor of his intercourse with the
whites. Of his mere sense of his positive obligations to them, including
his fidelity to the famous treaty of 1621, nothing more need be said,
excepting that the annals of the continent furnish scarcely one parallel
even to that case. But he went much further than this. He not only visited
the Colony in the first instance of his own free will and accord, but he
entered into the negotiations cheerfully and deliberately; and in the face
of their manifest fear and suspicion. Henceforth the results of it were
regarded, not with the mere honesty of an ally, but with the warm interest
of a friend. It was probably at his secret and delicate suggestion,--and
it could scarcely have been without his permission, at all events,--that
his own subjects took up their residence among the colonists, with the
view of guiding, piloting, interpreting for them, and teaching them their
own useful knowledge. Winslow speaks of his _appointing another_ to fill
the place of Squanto at Plymouth, while the latter should be sent about
among the Pokanokets, under _his_ orders, "to procure truck [in furs] for
the English."
The vast grant of territory which he made in the first instance has been
spoken of. It was made with the simple observation, that his claim to it
was the sole claim in existence. It was also without consideration; the
generous sachem, as Roger Williams says of the Narraghansetts in a similar
case, "being _shy and jealous of selling_ the lands to any, and choosing
rather to make a gift of them to such as they affected." Such is the only
jealousy which Massasoit can be said ever to have entertained of the
English. Nor do we find any evidence that he repented of his liberality,
or considered it the incautious extravagance of a moment of flattered
complaisance. We do find, however, that he invariably watched over the
interest of the grantees, with more strictness than he would probably have
watched over his own. He laid claim, in one instance, to a tract for which
Mr. Williams had negotiated with the Narraghansetts,--that gentleman being
ignorant, perhaps, of an existing controversy between the two tribes. "It
is mine," said the sachem, "It is mine, and _therefore theirs,_"--plainly
implying that the ground in question was comprised within the original
transfer. Whether this claim was just, or whether it was insisted upon,
does not appear; but there is indication enough, both of the opinion and
feeling of Massasoit.
An anecdote of him, recorded by Governor Winthrop, under the title of a
"pleasant passage," is still more striking. His old friend _Winsnow,_ it
seems, made a trading voyage to Connecticut, during the summer of 1634. On
his return, he left his vessel upon the Narraghansett coast, for some
reason or other, and commenced his journey for Plymouth across the woods.
Finding himself at a loss, probably, as to his route, he made his way to
Sowams, and called upon his ancient acquaintance, the sachem. The latter
gave him his usual kind welcome, and, upon his leaving him, offered to
conduct him home,--a pedestrian journey of two days. He had just
despatched one of his Wampanoags to Plymouth, with instructions to inform
the friends of Winslow, that _he_ was dead, and to persuade them of this
melancholy fact, by specifying such particulars as their own ingenuity
might suggest. All this was done accordingly; and the tidings occasioned,
as might be expected, a very unpleasant excitement throughout the Colony.
In the midst of it, however, on the next day, the sachem entered the
village, attended by Winslow, and with more than his usual complacency in
his honest and cheerful countenance. He was asked why such a report had
been circulated the day previous. "That Winsnow might be the more
welcome," answered he, "and that you might be the more happy,--it is my
custom." He had come thus far to enjoy this surprise personally; and he
returned homeward, more gratified by it, without doubt, than he would have
been by the most fortunate foray among the Narraghansetts.
It is intimated by some writers, rather more frequently than is either
just or generous, that the sachem's fear of the tribe just named lay at
the foundation of his friendship. It might have been nearer the apparent
truth, considering all that is known of Massasoit, to say, that his
interest happened to coincide with his inclination. At all events, it was
in the power of any other of the sachems or kings throughout the country,
to place and sustain themselves upon the same footing with the colonists,
had they been prompted either by as much good feeling or good sense. On
the contrary, the Massachusetts were plotting and threatening on one hand,
as we have seen, not without provocation, it must be allowed,--while the
Narraghansett sachem, upon the other, had sent in his compliments as early
as 1622, in the shape of a bundle of arrows, tied up with a rattlesnake's
skin.
Nor should we forget the wretched feebleness of the Colony at the period
of their first acquaintance with Massasoit. Indeed, the instant measures
which he took for their relief and protection, look more like the
promptings of compassion, than of either hope or fear. A month previous to
his appearance among them, they were reduced to such a pitiable condition
by sickness, that only six or seven men of their whole number were able to
do business in the open air; and probably their entire fighting force,
could they have been mustered together, would scarcely have equaled that
little detachment which Massasoit brought with him into the village,
delicately leaving twice as many, with the arms of all, behind him; as he
afterwards exchanged six hostages for one. No wonder that the colonists
"could not yet conceive but that he was willing to have peace with them."
But the motives of the sachem are still further manifested by the sense of
his own dignity, which, peaceable as he generally was, he showed promptly
upon all suitable occasions. Both the informal grant and the formal deeds
we have mentioned, indicate that he understood himself to be the master of
his ancestral territory as much in right as in fact. There is nothing in
his whole history, which does more honor to his intelligence or his
sensibility, than his conduct occasioned by the falsehoods circulated
among the colonists against him by Squanto. His first impulse, as we have
seen, was to be offended with the guilty intriguant; the second, to thank
the Governor for appealing to himself in this case, and to assure him that
he would at any time "send word and give warning when any such business
was towards." On further inquiry, he ascertained that Squanto was taking
even more liberties with his reputation than he had been aware of. He went
forthwith to Plymouth, and made his appeal personally to the Governor. The
latter pacified him as well as he could, and he returned home. But a very
short time elapsed before a message came from him, _entreating_ the
Governor to consent to the death of the renegade who still abused him. The
Governor confessed in reply, that Squanto deserved death, but desired
that he might be spared on account of his indispensable services.
Massasoit was not yet satisfied. The former messenger was again sent,
"with divers others," says Winslow in his Relation, "_demanding_ him,
[Squanto] as being one of Massasoit's subjects, whom by our first articles
of peace we could not retain; yet because he would not willingly do it
[insist upon his rights] without the Governor's approbation, he offered
him many beaver-skins for his consent thereto." The deputation had brought
these skins, accordingly, as also the sachem's own knife, for the
execution of the criminal. Squanto now surrendered himself to the
Governor, as an Indian always resigns himself to his fate upon similar
occasions; but the Governor still contrived a pretext for sparing him. The
deputies were "mad with rage and impatient of delay," as may be supposed,
and departed in great heat.
The conduct of the sachem in this case was manifestly more correct than
that of his ally. He understood as well as the Governor did, the spirit of
the articles in the treaty, which provided, that an offender upon either
side should be given up to punishment upon demand; and he was careful to
make that demand personally, explicitly and respectfully. The Governor, on
the other hand, as well as the culprit himself, acknowledged the justice
of it, but manoeuvred to avoid compliance. The true reason is no doubt
given by Winslow. It is also given in the language of John Smith. "With
much adoe," says the honest Captain, "we appeased the angry king and the
rest of the saluages, and freely forgaue Tusquantum, _because he speaking
our language we could not be well without him._" The king was angry,
then, as he well might be; and the Governor took the trouble, he was both
bound and interested to take, to appease him. It is not to be wondered at,
perhaps, that the particulars of this transaction are so little dwelt upon
by the writers of that period. Winslow barely states,--speaking, in
another connexion, of the Indians being evidently aware of the weakness of
the Colony,--that, what was worse "now also Massasoit seemed to frown upon
us, and neither came nor sent to us as formerly." This passage is no less
significant than brief; but not more so than a subsequent dry observation
respecting Squanto, "whose peace, before this time, (the fall of the same
year) _was wrought_ with Massasoit."
Such were the life and character of Massasoit. It is to be regretted, that
so few particulars are preserved of the former, and that so little
justice, consequently, can be done to the latter. But so far as his
history goes, it certainly makes him one of the most remarkable men of his
race. There is no nobler instance in all history, of national fidelity,
(for which he mainly must have the credit,) or of individual friendship.
This instinct of a generous nature in the first instance, being confirmed
by a course of conduct generally alike creditable to the feelings and
shrewdness of the Colonists, finally settled itself in the mind of
Massasoit as ineradicably as his affection for his own subjects. "I know
now," said he to Winslow, on his first recovery from the severe sickness
we have mentioned, "I _know_ that the English love me,--I love them--I
shall never forget them."
But putting even the most unnatural construction upon the professions and
the conduct of the sachem, the relation he commenced and for forty-five
years sustained with the English, must be allowed to show at least a
consummate sagacity. He certainly succeeded during all this time, not only
in shielding his tribes from their just or unjust hostility, but in
gaining their respect to such a singular degree, that the writings of no
single author within our recollection furnish one word to his
disparagement. Even Hubbard speaks of him with something like regard;
notwithstanding the obnoxious trait in his character indicated in the
following passage. "It is very remarkable," he says, "that this
Woosamequin, how much soever he affected the English, was never in the
least degree well affected to their religion." It is added furthermore,
that in his last treaty with the whites at Swanzey,--referring to a sale
of land which we have mentioned,--he exerted himself to bind them solemnly
"never to draw away any of his people from their old pagan superstition
and devilish idolatry to the Christian religion." [FN] This he insisted
on, until they threatened to break off the negotiation on account of his
pertinacity, and he then gave up the point.
* * * * *
[FN] In that rare tract (published in London, 1651.) entitled "The Light
appearing more and more towards the perfect Day" &c. and written by the
Rev. Thomas Mayhew, it is stated, that some of the Christian Indians of
Martha's Vineyard had a conversation with "Vzzamequin a great Sachem or
Governor on the maine Land (coming amongst them) about the wayes of
God"--he enquiring what earthly good things came along with them, and
what they had gained by their piety, &c. This was previous to 1650.
Massasoit did not distinguish himself as a warrior; nor is he known to
have been once engaged in any open hostilities, even with the inimical and
powerful tribes who environed his territory. This is another unique trait
in his character; and considering the general attachment of all Indians to
a belligerent life, their almost exclusive deference for warlike
qualities, the number and scattered location of the Pokanoket tribes, and
especially the character of their ancient neighbors, this very fact is
alone sufficient to distinguish the genius of Massasoit. All the native
nations of New England, but his, were involved in dissensions and wars
with each other and with the whites; and they all shared sooner or later
the fate which he avoided. The restless ring-leaders who plotted mischief
among the Massachusetts, were summarily knocked upon the head by Miles
Standish, while hundreds of the residue fled, and miserably perished in
their own swamps. The Pequots,--a nation who could muster three thousand
bowmen but a short time previous, were nearly exterminated in 1637; and
the savages of Maine, meanwhile, the Mohawks of New York, the
Narraghansetts and the Mohegans were fighting and reducing each others'
strength, as if their only object had been, by ultimately extirpating
themselves, to prepare a way in the wilderness for the new comers.