Massasoit succeeded by his son Alexander--The occasion of that name being
given by the English--History of Alexander previous to his father's
death--Covenant made with Plymouth in 1639--Measures taken in pursuance
of it, in 1661--Anecdote illustrating the character of Alexander--Notice
of the charges made against him--Examination of the transaction which
led to his death--Accession of Philip--Renewal of the treaty by
him--Interruption of harmony--Supposed causes of it--Measures taken in
consequence--Philip's submission-Letter to the Plymouth Governor--Second
submission in 1671--Remarks on the causes of Philip's War.
Massasoit was succeeded in the Pokanoket government by his eldest son
Moanam, or Wamsutta, known to the English chiefly by the name of
Alexander; which appellation he received at the same time when that of
Philip was conferred on his younger brother. The two young men came
together on that occasion into open court at Plymouth and professing great
regard for the English, requested that names should be given them. Their
father not being mentioned as having attended them at the observance of
the ceremony has probably occasioned the suggestion of his death. It would
be a sufficient explanation of his absence, however, that he was now an
old man, and that the distance of Sowams from Plymouth was more than forty
miles. It is easy to imagine, that the solicitude he had always manifested
to sustain a good understanding with his Plymouth friends, might lead him
to recommend this pacific and conciliatory measure, as a suitable
preparation for his own decease, and perhaps as the absolute termination
of his reign.
There is some reason to believe, indeed, that Alexander had a share in the
Pokanoket sovereignty, many years previous to the date of the ceremony
just mentioned. The Plymouth records show, that on the 25th of September,
1639, the father came into court, bringing Moanam with him. He desired
that the old treaty of 1621 might remain inviolable, "and the said
Woosamequin or Massasoit, and Moanam or Wamsutta," did also promise that
he nor they shall or will needlessly and unjustly raise any quarrels, or
do any wrongs to other natives, to provoke them to war against him; and
that he or they shall not give, sell or convey, any of his or their lands
territories or possessions whatsoever, to any person or persons, without
the privity and consent of the Government of Plymouth aforesaid; "and the
whole court in the name of the whole government, for each town
respectively, did then likewise ratify and confirm the aforesaid ancient
league and confederacy; and did also further promise to the said
Woosamequin and Moanam his son, and his successors, that they shall and
will from time to time defend them, when occasion shall require, against
all such as shall rise up against them to wrong or oppress them unjustly."
Agreeably to the terms of this covenant, the Records of the Colonies for
1661 set forth, that a message was that year sent by the United
Commissioners to Uncas, chief Sachem of the Mohegans. [FN] The
complainants in that case were the General Court of Massachusetts; and the
charge alleged against Uncas was a violent "Invading of Wesamequin and the
Indians of Quabakutt _whoe are and longe haue bine Subjects to the
English._" The dominion here assumed, is probably intended to apply only
to the Quabakutt Indians, and not to Massasoit. Uncas, in his answer,
professed that he was ignorant they were subjects of Massachusetts, "and
_further_ says they were none of Wesamequin's men but belonging to
Onopequin his deadly enemie." &c.
* * * * *
[FN] See the message and reply at large in the Life of Uncas.
He then alleges "that Wesamequin his son and diuers of his men _had fought
against him diuers times._" The last paragraph of the answer--which was
given in by Major Mason in behalf of Uncas--is as follows:
"Alexander allis [_alias_] Wamsutta Sachem of Sowamsett being now att
Plymouth hee challenged Quabauke Indians to belong to him and further said
that hee did war Warr {_sic_} against Vcus this summer on that account."
It is very clear at least that Alexander maintained fearlessly and
frankly, what he believed to be his rights; nor does it appear, that the
exercise of his sovereignty in this manner was objected to by the party
which had the best, if not only right to object. He manifested the same
independence in regard to the efforts of the English missionaries; so that
Hubbard concludes he had "neither affection for the Englishmen's persons,
nor yet for their religion."
This is licentious reasoning, at the best; for not a tittle of evidence
exists in the case, so far as we are aware, which goes to rebut the just
inference to be drawn from the circumstance that no difficulty or
controversy occurred between Alexander and his allies from his accession
to his death--with a single exception. The excepted case, which comes in
order now to be considered, is one of the more importance, that its
immediate effect was to terminate at once the reign and life of the
chieftain.
In connexion with the remark last cited from Hubbard, that historian
barely observes, that the Governor and Council were informed of the fact.
Mather states, with no more particularity, that the sachem solicited the
Narraghansetts to rebel with him;--upon _the good proof whereof,_ the
Plymouth Government adopted certain summary measures. From other sources
we find, that this proof was communicated by letters from Boston, where it
was probably founded upon rumors gathered from straggling Indians. At all
events, no conclusive testimony appears in the case; and it may be
plausibly surmised, therefore, that none was ever received, the writers
just cited not being remarkably prone to omit matters of this kind. The
rumor might originate from circumstances really suspicious; but were this
true, and far more, if it were both false and malicious, like the charges
against Massasoit, we may well question both the justice and the policy of
the steps taken by the Plymouth Government.
"They presently sent for him, to bring him to the court," says Hubbard,--a
very remarkable proceeding, related with a corresponding brevity. The
business was intrusted, it also appears, to a gentleman who was neither
afraid of danger, nor yet willing to delay in a matter of this moment. We
are then told that this gentleman, Mr. Winslow, forthwith taking eight or
ten stout men with him, well armed, set out for Sowams; that he
fortunately met with Alexander, at a few miles' distance, in a Wigwam with
eighty of his followers; that they seized upon the arms of the party,
which had been left without the Wigwam, and then went in and summoned the
sachem to attend them to Plymouth. He obeyed, reluctantly, being
threatened that "if he _stirred_ or refused to go, he was a dead man."
Such was his spirit, however, adds Hubbard, that the very surprisal of him
threw him into a fever. Upon this, he requested liberty to return home,
and the favor was granted to him on certain conditions; but he died upon
the way.
This account agrees with Mather's. "The Government sent that valiant and
excellent commander," says the Reverend Doctor, "to fetch him down before
them. The major-general used such expedition and resolution in this
affair, that, assisted with no more than ten men, he seized upon Alexander
at a hunting-house, notwithstanding his numerous attendants about him; and
when the raging sachem saw a pistol at his breast, with a threatening of
death to him if he did not quietly yield himself up to go down to
Plymouth; he yielded, though not very quietly, thereunto." Mather
attributes his death, furthermore, to the "inward fury of his own guilty
and haughty mind." Now, even if the sachem were not compelled to travel
faster or further than was decent in his unfortunate situation, as one of
our authorities is careful to argue; and granting to the other, that he
was treated (on the march) with no other than that humanity and civility,
_which was essential to the Major-General,_ [FN] it is abundantly clear,
we conceive, that a more hot-blooded or high-handed measure could hardly
have been executed by the adventurous John Smith himself. The son of
Massasoit, and the ruler of a nation who had been forty years in alliance
and warm friendship with the Colonists,--throughout all their feebleness,
and in spite of all jealousies and provocations,--was assaulted in his own
territory and among his own subjects, insulted, threatened, and finally
forced to obey a summons of his ancient ally to appear before his court
for his trial. It does not appear that he was even apprised of the
occasion which required his attendance. And what is worse than all the
rest, the whole proceeding was founded, so far as we can ascertain, upon
no better testimony than accusations gathered from stragglers at Boston,
and then communicated "by letters" to Plymouth. It must be admitted, that
a different coloring is put upon the affair by the Rev. Mr. Cotton, whose
relation may be found among the excellent notes appended to Mr. Davis's
recent edition of Morton. He states, that the sachem readily consented to
attend Winslow; and that he was barely examined before certain justices at
Eastham, and dismissed. This account, however, does not much mitigate the
essential circumstances of the case; and it admits the fact, that the
sachem died within two or three days after being carried home on the
shoulders of his men, although the English party seem to have found him
in perfect health.
* * * * *
[FN] Among other civilities, he was offered the use of a horse on the
journey, and declined that favor on the ground that some of his women, in
the company, were obliged to walk; a fine trait of savage politeness.
Such was the ignominious death of Alexander, and under such circumstances
did the government devolve upon his brother Metacom,--or Philip, as he is
generally called. That Prince seems to have assumed the Pokanoket
government, favored by a more than usual popularity; for the event was
celebrated by the rejoicing and revelry of multitudes of his subjects,
sachems and others, gathered together from the remotest limits of his
territory. One of his earliest measures, was to appear with his uncle
before the Plymouth Court, following the example of his father and
brother. He expressed an earnest wish for the continuance of peace and
amity; and pledged himself,--as the Court did also upon the other hand--to
use all suitable measures for effecting that desirable purpose. For
several years after this, the intercourse between the two parties went on,
ostensibly, as it had done in former times, though probably not without
some distrust upon both sides.
The first public interruption of this harmony occurred in 1671, during
which season Philip was heard to complain, openly, of certain
encroachments by the English upon his hunting-grounds. About the same time
rumors were circulated that his subjects frequently assembled at various
places in unwonted numbers and were repairing their guns, and sharpening
their hatchets. The Plymouth Government were alarmed. They sent messengers
to communicate with the Massachusetts Government, and at the same time
other messengers to Philip, not "to fetch him before the Court," as in the
case of his brother, but to ascertain his intentions.
He seems to have paid a dignified regard to this measure. On the 10th of
April, a message was received from him, inviting the officers of the
Plymouth Government to a conference. It was received by the latter at
Taunton, where also were several gentlemen, despatched by the
Massachusetts Government, with instructions to mediate between the
contending parties. Governor Prince, of Plymouth, sent word back to
Philip,--who was tarrying meanwhile at what is now called
Three-mile-river, about four miles from Taunton green,--that he was
heartily disposed to treat with him, and expected that the sachem would
come forward for that purpose; and his personal safety was guaranteed in
case he should do so. Philip so far complied with the request, as to
advance a considerable distance nearer the village. He then stationed
himself at a place called Crossman's mill, placed sentinels on a hill in
his rear, and again despatched messengers to the Governor, desiring an
interview. This, the town's-people, who could scarcely be restrained from
falling forthwith upon the Indian party, would not permit. At last, the
Massachusetts Commissioners, volunteering to take the supposed hazard upon
themselves, went to Philip, and persuaded him to consent to a conference.
This was on condition that his men should accompany him; and that the
business should be done at the meeting-house, one side of which was to be
reserved for the Wampanoags, and the other for the English.
The council took place agreeably to these arrangements, in the old
meeting-house of Taunton. The English stood upon one side, solemn and
stern in countenance, as they were formal in garb; and opposite to them, a
line of Indian warriors, armed and arrayed for battle, their long black
hair hanging about their necks, and their eyes gleaming covertly with a
flame of suspicion and defiance, scarcely to be suppressed. Philip alone
was their orator. He denied that he entertained any hostile design; and
promptly explained his preparations for war, as intended for defence
against the Narraghansetts. The Commissioners rejoined, however, with such
arguments and evidence as satisfied themselves and completely surprised
him. At least, he affected to admit all that was alleged against him; and
though he refused to give compensation for past aggressions, he and some
of his counsellors subscribed an acknowledgement drawn up by the English
in the words following:
"Taunton, April 10th, 1671.
"Whereas my father, and my brother and myself have formerly submitted
ourselves unto the king's majesty of England, and to this colony of New
Plymouth, by solemn covenant under our hand; but I having of late, through
my indiscretion and the naughtiness of my heart, violated and broken this
my covenant with my friends, by taking up arms with an evil intent against
them, and that groundlessly; I being now deeply sensible of my
unfaithfulness and folly, do desire at this time solemnly to renew my
covenant with my ancient friends, and my father's friends above mentioned,
and do desire that this may testify to the world against me if ever I
shall again in my faithfulness towards them (whom I have now and at all
times found kind toward me) or any other of the English colonies. And as a
pledge of my true intentions for the future to be faithful and friendly, I
do freely engage to resign up to the Government of New Plymouth all my
English arms, to be kept by them for their security so long as they shall
see reason. For the true performance of the promises, I have hereunto set
my hand, together with the rest of my counsel.
"In the presence of The mark P of Philip,
William Davis, The mark V of Tavoseh,
William Hudson, The mark M of Capt. Wispoke,
Thomas Brattle, The mark T of Woonchapaponchunk,
The mark 8 of Nimrod."
From the tenor of this submission, it has been generally supposed that the
Sachem was frightened into it. Hence Hubbard relates, that "one of his
captains, of far better courage and resolution than himself, when he saw
his cowardly temper and disposition, flung down his arms, called him
white-livered cur, _or to that purpose,_ and from that time turned to the
English," &c. This might be true, though it is well known, that Mr.
Hubbard's authority in regard to every thing touching the character of
Philip is to be regarded with many allowances for his intemperate
prejudice. He hesitates not, almost as often as he finds occasion to
mention his name, to pay him the passing compliment of "caitiff,"
"hell-hound," "fiend," "arch-rebel," and various similar designations of
respect and affection.
But there is no doubt that the acknowledgement was at least a mere
artifice to gain time. Apparently it had no effect in reference to the
impending hostilities, other than to hasten them by aggravating the
ill-will of the Indians. It does not appear that their arms were given up,
even so far as stipulated in the submission. The following reply of Philip
to some communication respecting them may be deemed exposition of his side
of the question. The precise date is undetermined.
"Sachem Philip, his answer to the letter brought to him from the Governor
of New Plymouth.
"First. Declaring his thankfulness to the Governor for his great respects
and kindness manifested in the letter.
"Secondly. Manifesting his readiness to lay down their arms, and send his
people about their usual business and employments, as also his great
desire of concluding of peace with neighboring English.
"Thirdly. _Inasmuch as great fears and jealousies hath been raised in
their minds by several persons, which now they better understand the
falsity of such reports, as hath formerly been conveyed unto them,_ Philip
doth humbly request the Governor will please favorably to excuse and
acquit them from any payment of damage, _or surrendering their arms,_ they
not apprehending themselves blameworthy in those late rumors.
"Fourthly. They are not at present free to promise to appear at court,
hoping there will be no necessity of it, in case their freedom for peace
and readiness to lay down arms may be accepted; as also suggestions of
great danger that befall them, in case they appear, with harsh threats to
the Sachem, that may be considered.
"Per me,
"Samuel Gorton _Junior._"
Whether Philip was at this time preparing for war, cannot be decided; but
he was evidently as yet unprepared. He went to Boston, therefore, during
the month of August (1671). He knew the Massachusetts government to be
more friendly to him than the Plymouth; and although letters had arrived
that very day from the latter place, announcing an intention of declaring
war upon him forthwith, the Sachem succeeded in persuading the
Massachusetts authorities of his entire innocence. They sent a proposal
to Plymouth for a new council, to settle all difficulties. This being
declined, they gave their opinion decidedly against war. Staggered by this
declaration, the government of the old colony consented to try the effect
of another mediation. A conference of all parties soon took place at
Plymouth; and the following articles of accommodation were agreed upon.
"1. We, Philip and my Council and my subjects, do acknowledge ourselves
subject to his Majesty the King of England, and the government of New
Plymouth and to their laws.
"2. I am willing and do promise to pay unto the government of Plymouth one
hundred pounds in such things as I have; but I would intreat the favor
that I might have three years to pay it in, forasmuch as I cannot do it at
present.
"3. I do promise to send unto the governor, or whom he shall appoint, five
wolves' heads, if I can get them; or as many as I can procure, until they
come to five wolves yearly.
"4. If any difference fall between the English and myself and people, then
I do promise to repair to the governor of Plymouth, to rectify the
difference amongst us.
"5. I do promise not to make war with any, but with the Governor's
approbation of Plymouth.
"6. I promise not to dispose of any of the lands that I have at present,
but by the approbation of the governor of Plymouth.
"For the true performance of the promises, I the said Sachem; Philip of
Paukamakett [FN] do hereby bind myself, and such of my council as are
present, ourselves, our heirs, our successors, faithfully, and do promise;
in witness thereof; we have hereunto subscribed our hands, the day and
year above written.
"[In the presence of the Court, The mark P of Philip.
divers magistrates, &c.] The mark [ of Uncomparn.
The mark T of Wocokon.
The mark 7 of Samkama."
* * * * *
[FN] _Alias_ Pokanokit. Other variations of this ill-fated word, are
Pachanokik and Puchanokik, by Purchas,
Pocanaket, Morton,
Pockanockett, Morton's Continuation,
Pacanokie, Prince,
Pokanockett, Hutchinson,
Pawkunnawkutt, Gookin,
Puckanokie, Winslow's Relations,
Pokanackst, Hubbard.
This negotiation was a new stratagem; [FN] and the success of it answered
the purpose of Philip completely; for although he does not appear to have
killed one wolf; or paid one cent, even "in such things as he had,"
nothing occurred for three years, to rouse the suspicions of the Colonies.
There can scarcely be a doubt, that during all this time,--if not for a
longer time previous,--the sachem was maturing one of the grandest plans
ever conceived by any savage;--that of utterly exterminating the English
of the northern provinces. This, he was well aware; could only be done by
means commensurate with the danger and difficulty of the enterprise. The
Colonies were no longer the feeble and timid allies, known fifty years
before to his father. They had grown in numbers and in strength; and still
more in experience and spirit. Nothing less, than a general union of the
New England tribes, who lived among and around them all, would furnish a
safe guarantee for the complete success of such a war as was now
meditated.
* * * * *
[FN] Mather remarks upon the passage thus: "When the Duke of Archette, at
his being made governor of Antwerp castle, took an oath to keep it
faithfully for King Philip of Spain, the officer that gave him his oath
used these odd words. _If you perform what you promise, God help you; if
you do it not, the Devil take your body and soul!_ and all the
standers-by cried '_Amen!_' But when the Indian King Philip took his
oath, nobody used _these words_ unto him; nevertheless you shall see anon
whether _these words_ were not expressive enough of what became of him!"
To that great preparation, then, the whole energies of Philip must be
devoted. It was as difficult, he well knew, as it was desirable. The ruler
of one small confederacy,--already suspected, and constantly under the
close scrutiny of his powerful neighbors,--he must unite and interest in
one common object, a multitude of scattered nations who had met and
known each other, until this time, only in jealousy, envy, revenge, and in
many cases hereditary and inveterate war; and among whose councils no
similar plan, for any purpose whatever, had even been conceived of. How
far Philip surmounted these obstacles, will be seen. The great train of
events we are approaching, are so interesting both as a passage of general
history, and still more, as they implicate and illustrate the character of
Philip, that it may be proper to take some notice of the causes which gave
rise to them. It is well known, that his English contemporaries looked
upon him, very generally, With feelings far from benevolent. It was
natural under the circumstances that they should do so; but it is no more
necessary, than it is philosophical or just on the other hand, to confide
implicitly either in their opinions or their statements. Philip and his
Wampanoags are unlucky enough, like the lion in the fable, to have no
painter.
It should be observed here, that Philip like his elder brother,
unquestionably considered himself an ally and not a subject of the
English;--at least, until his nominal submission in 1671. Even the same
authorities who record this submission, speak of his renewing his ancient
covenant, (as indeed the instrument itself shows.) A distinct article
recognises Massasoit as an independent sovereign. Philip, then, held the
same relation to the English, that his father and brother had done for the
fifty years, during which the two parties had treated and associated upon
equal and intimate terms. He was bound by the same engagements, and
possessed of the same rights; and it only remains to be seen, if due
regard was paid to these circumstances upon either side.
Now, we look upon the assault of Alexander, in 1662, in the first place,
as not only a sufficient cause of suspicion and resentment, but of war;
and that, upon the best construction which can be put upon the most
favorable of the _ex-parte_ relations that appear upon record. By the old
treaty itself; which Alexander also took the gratuitous trouble to
_renew,_--and without any reference to courtesy or humanity, or to
national fidelity, or to personal friendship, existing up to this
date,--the English were bound generally to treat him as an allied
sovereign, and especially to make a preliminary demand of satisfaction, in
all eases of complaint. We have seen that the charge brought against him
in 1662,--vague and unsupported as it was,--was not so much as explained
to the sachem, previously to his being taken from his own territory by an
armed force, and carried before an English justice of the Peace. In no
other instance does the Plymouth Colony seem to have exercised an
authority of this nature, even over the meanest subjects of the sachem.
"Inasmuch as complaint is made, that many Indians pass into divers places
of this jurisdiction," say the records of the Colony for 1660, "it is
enacted that no strange or foreign Indians be permitted to become
residents, and that _notice be given to the several sagamores to prevent
the same._"
A remark might be made upon the policy of laws like these, so far as the
Pokanokets were concerned; as also of the acts of 1652, and 1653, which
prohibited the sale of casks, barques, boats and horses, to the Indians,
besides providing a punishment for such of them, resident in the Colony,
as should violate the Christian sabbath, or discharge their guns in the
night-time. But these regulations the Government had an undoubted right to
make, as Massasoit and Philip had possessed a right,--which, however, they
were complaisant enough to relinquish,--of selling their own lands to
purchasers of their own choosing.
Such was the state of things previous to the submission of 1671. With
regard to this, it is quite clear that, even if Philip was made to
understand the instrument which it is well known he could not read, he
could look upon it only as an insult, imposed upon him under circumstances
amounting to duress. Independently of any force, too, he must have thought
himself justified, by the manifest disposition and the summary measures of
the English, in availing himself of any stratagem to lull suspicion and to
gain time. He might or might not, at this period or before, have meditated
acting offensively against them, in revenge of the indignity suffered by
his brother and his nation; but it was certainly both prudent and
patriotic in him, to put himself on the defensive. He had a right, it
appears to us, both to drill his own people in martial exercises, and to
make alliances with his Indian neighbors.
It might have been a safe policy in the Plymouth Government, to have
considered these things, in regard at least to what they might call the
jealous and barbarous prejudices of the Indians, before proceeding to
extremities with either Alexander or Philip. On the contrary, while they
enacted laws, and encouraged accusations, and took the execution of the
penalty of them into their own hands, they used no means to conciliate
Philip, but sending for him to appear before "the Plymouth Court." Whether
they were cautious in all other respects after this time to avoid offence,
it is not to be expected that history should enable us to determine. We
find, however, that certain of the Colonists, in 1673, took upon them to
negotiate treaties for land with private subjects of Philip; and there is
no reason to doubt, that they entered and kept possession accordingly. As
the sachems are known to have been as tenacious of their territory in
claim, as they were liberal of it in disposal, it may well be conceived
that this first instance of a similar nature upon record, should occasion
Philip no little dissatisfaction. In imitation of the English courtesy, he
might have despatched Nimrod, Tobias, Woonkaponcpunt, or some other of his
"valiant and excellent" majors-generals to "fetch down" the offending
grantees to Sowams. He seems to have taken no express notice of the
affair. But that he understood his territorial rights, is apparent from
the singular communication which follows. It is preserved in the
Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, volume second of the
first series, as precisely copied from the original, which is still
preserved at Plymouth.
"King Philip desire to let you understand that he could not come to the
Court, for Tom, his interpreter, has a pain in his back, that he could not
travel so far, and Philip sister is very sik.
"Philip would intreat that favor of you, and aney of the magistrate _if
aney English or Engians speak about aney land, he pray you to give them no
answer at all._ This last summer he made that promis with you, that he
would not sell no land in seven years time, _for that he would have no
English trouble him before that time,_ he has not forgot that you promis
him.
"He will come as soon as possible as he can to speak with you, and so I
rest, you very loving friend, Philip, dwelling at mount hope nek." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Since the text was written, our opinion has been confirmed by
meeting with the following significant query in a petition of Mr. Gookin
and Mr. Elliot to the Massachusetts Government in 1684, for the
rescinding of certain purchases made of the Indians which they
considered fraudulent:--"_Was not a principal cause of the late war
about encroachments on Philip's lands at Mount Hope?_" No remarks of
ours can add to the force of a suggestion from such a source.
This unique letter is addressed "To the much honored Governor, Mr. Thomas
Prince, dwelling at Plymouth." As Philip himself could neither read nor
write, the honor of the orthography and construction must be attributed to
the infirm interpreter. But the sentiments are worthy of the sachem
himself; and they certainly manifest a mingled civility and independence
which do him great credit. No date is affixed to the letter. If it do not
refer to the transaction just mentioned, it was probably prompted by some
other of the same description. The interest which the sachem felt in cases
of this kind, is apparent from one of his own conveyances, made in 1668.
It was of a tract included within the present limits of Rochester, upon
the sea-shore. He drafted an accurate plan of it with his own hand, (still
preserved upon the records of the Old Colony) and forwarded it to the
Court, with the following explanation.
"This may inform the honorable Court," we read, "that I, Philip, am
willing to sell the land within this draught, but the Indians that are
upon it may live upon it still; but the land that is mine that is sold,
and Watashpoo is of the same mind. I have put down all the principal names
of the land we are now willing should be sold." Watashpoo was probably
one of the occupants, chiefly interested in the case. The letter ends
thus; "Know all Men by these Presents, That Philip has given power unto
Watashpoo, and Sampson, and their brethren, to hold and make sale of said
land to whom they will," &c. This letter must have been sent in compliance
with some request from his Plymouth friends. It is dated at Pocanauket;
subscribed by the capital P, which was the sachem's mark; and attested,
and no doubt written, by his secretary, John Sassamon.
Sassamon is distinguished in history as having been the immediate
occasion of the first open hostilities. He was born in some family of
praying Indians, and after receiving a tolerable education at Cambridge
and other places, was employed as a school-master at Natick. The
composition above cited rather supports Hubbard's remark, that he was a
"cunning and plausible Indian, well skilled in the English language." This
writer says, that he left the English on account of some misdemeanor.
Mather states, that "apostatizing from the profession of Christianity, he
lived like a heathen, in the quality of secretary to King Philip." He adds,
that he afterwards deserted the sachem, and gave such notable evidences of
repentance, as to be employed in preaching among the Indians at Natick,
under the eye of his old instructor, the venerable Eliot.
This was another of the provocations which must have annoyed Philip.
Hubbard states expressly, that Sassamon was importunately urged to forsake
him; and it appears from other sources, that there had previously been
such an entire confidence between the two, that the Secretary was
intrusted with all the secrets of his master. The provocation went still
farther. Sassamon, either having or pretending to have some occasion to go
among the Pokanokets frequently, availed himself of this opportunity to
scrutinize their movements, and to report them as he thought proper to the
English. In consequence of this, Philip and some of his subjects were
"examined," we are told, but nothing definite was learned from them. Soon
after, Sassamon disappeared; and as he had expressed some well-founded
fears of meeting with a violent death in the course of these manoeuvres,
his friends were alarmed. They commenced, a search, and finally found his
dead body in Assawomset pond, (in Middleborough) where a hole in the ice,
through which he had been thrust, was still open, and his hat and gun left
near by, as if he had drowned himself. "Furthermore," says Mather, "upon
the jealousies of the spirits of men that he might have met with some foul
play, a jury was empanelled, unto whom it appeared that his neck was
broken, _which is one Indian way of murdering._"
The next step of the Plymouth Government was to seize upon three Pokanoket
Indians, on the testimony of a fourth, "_found,_" says Hubbard, "_by a
strange providence._" This man swore that he had seen the murder committed
from a hill near the pond. It must be inferred that he swore to the
identity of the prisoners, for it appears they were convicted from "his
undeniable testimony and other circumstances," [FN] and forthwith hanged.
Whatever may be said of the _legal,_ the _moral_ probability certainly is,
that they were guilty. They were probably appointed to execute the
judgement of Philip upon Sassamon, one of them being Tobias, a man of some
distinction. At all events, Philip must have thought himself justified in
taking this summary measure with a vagabond who was mean enough to avail
himself, as Sassamon did, of being tolerated in _his_ territory after
having betrayed his confidence, and apparently for the very purpose of
following up his own treason.
* * * * *
[FN] The Colonists were but too ready, throughout these transactions, to
believe any thing and everything which supported a charge against Philip.
One of the undeniable circumstances is, probably, stated by Mather. The
dead body bled afresh, says the Doctor, on the approach of Tobias, "yea,
upon the repetition of the experiment, it still happened so," albeit he
had been deceased and interred for a considerable while before.