Biography of other Virginian chieftains--Opitchipan--Some particulars
respecting Tomocomo--His visit to England, interview with Captain Smith,
and return to America--Japazaws, chief sachem of the Patowomekes--His
friendship for the English--Ill treatment which he received from
them--Totopotomoi, successor of Opechancanough--His services--His death
in 1656--Notices of several native chiefs of North Carolina--Granganimo,
who dies in 1585--Menatenon, king of the Chowanocks--Ensenore, father
of Granganimo; and Wingina, his brother--Plot of the latter against the
Hatteras colony--His death--Comment on the Carolinian Biography.
The characters we have heretofore noticed are far the most prominent in
the Indian history of Virginia. Indeed, they are almost the only ones
which have been preserved with distinctness enough to excite much interest
in them as individuals. Still, there are several which ought not to be
wholly passed by; and the want of a vivid light and coloring in some of
them, may perhaps be compensated, at least, by the appearance of milder
qualities than are predominant in the portraitures we have hitherto
sketched.
The extant information respecting certain members of the Powhatan family,
whose history has not been concluded, may soon be detailed. Opitchipan is
not mentioned subsequently to the great battle of Pamunkey, in 1625, when
for the first time he appears to have placed himself at the head of his
countrymen, in opposition to the English. As the name of Opechancanough is
not even alluded to in the records of that period, it may be presumed he
was accidentally absent. _Generally,_ he seems to have been out of favor
with his reigning brother, and to have contended against his influence,
such as it was, in all his design hostile to the colony. Opitchipan
disapproved of the great massacre of 1622; and early in the ensuing season
we find him sending in Chanco, the Christian convert who disclosed the
conspiracy in that case, with a message to Governor Wyatt, that if he
would send ten or twelve men, he would give up all the English prisoners
in his possession--(which, as we have seen, Opechancanough had refused to
do.) He even promised to deliver up his implacable brother--if brother he
was--bound hand and foot. "Captain Tucker," says Stith, "was accordingly
sent upon this service, _but without the desired success._ However,
Opitchipan sent back _Mrs. Boyce,_ naked and unapparelled, in manner and
fashion like one of their Indians." So insignificant, even with these
savages, was the power of mere family rank, as opposed to the authority of
reputation and talent.
One of the chief counselors and priests of Powhatan, and the husband of
his daughter Matachanna, was Tomocomo, who went to England with
Pocahontas, and returned with Captain Argall. Smith, who calls him
Vttamatomakkin, says he was held by his countrymen to be "a very
understanding fellow." The same inference might be made from the
commission which Powhatan gave him, on the occasion just alluded to, to
take the number of the people in England, and to bring him an exact and
minute account of their strength and resources. Tomocomo set about that
business with equal simplicity and zeal. Immediately on his arrival at
Plymouth, he procured a long stick, whereupon to cut a notch with his
knife for every man he should see. But he soon became weary of his task,
and threw his stick away. When the emperor inquired, on his return, how
many people there were, he could only compare them to the stars in the
sky, the leaves on the trees, and the sands on the sea-shore.
Mr. Purchas, (compiler of the famous collection of voyages,) was informed
by President Dale, with whom Tomocomo went out from Virginia, that
Opechancanough, and not Powhatan, had given instructions; and that the
object of them was not so much to ascertain the Population, as to form
an estimate of the amount of corn raised, and of forest trees growing in
England. Nomantack and the other savages who had previously visited that
country, being ignorant, and having seen little of the British empire
except London, had reported a very large calculation of the men and
houses, while they said almost nothing about the trees and corn. It was
therefore a general opinion among the Indians, that the English had
settled in Virginia only for the purpose of getting supplies of these two
articles; and in confirmation, they observed their continual eagerness
after corn, and the great quantities of cedar, clapboards, and
wainscoting, which they annually exported to England. Tomocomo readily
undeceived his countrymen upon this point. Landing in the west of England
in summer, and traveling thence to London, he of course saw evidences of
great agricultural and rural plenty and wealth; and was soon obliged to
abandon the account he had undertaken to keep--his arithmetic failing him
on the first day.
In the British metropolis, he met accidentally with Captain Smith; and the
two immediately renewed their ancient acquaintance. Tomocomo told the
captain, that Powhatan had given orders to request of him--if indeed he
was not dead, as reported--the favor of showing Tomocomo the English God,
and also their King, Queen and prince, of whom they had formerly conversed
so often together. "As to God," as Stith expresses it, "Captain Smith
excused and explained the matter the best he could." As to the king, he
told Tomocomo he had already seen him, which was true. But the Indian
denied it; and it was not without some trouble that Smith, by mentioning
certain circumstances, convinced him of the fact. The Indian then assumed
a most melancholy look, "Ah!" said he, "you presented Powhatan a white dog
which he fed as himself. Now, I am certainly better than a white dog; but
your king has given me nothing." Such an arch sense, adds the historian,
had this savage of the "stingy" treatment he had received at court.
Nothing is known of Tomocomo after his return to America.
The most constant friend and ally of the Virginian English, for twenty
years from the settlement of Jamestown, was Japazaws, the Sachem--or, as
the old writers call him, the king--of the Potomacs or Patowomekes. He
was a person of great influence and authority on the whole length of the
river which bears to this day the name of his tribe; being in fact a kind
of petty emperor there, and always affecting to treat Powhatan and the
other emperors rather as brethren than superiors. He had two hundred
bowmen in his own village, at the date of the great massacre. The entire
population which was more or less subject to him, appears, though somewhat
indistinctly, from Smith's account of his first interview with the Sachem
and his people, in 1608.
"The 16th of Iune," he writes, "we fell with the riuer Patowomek. Feare
being gone and our men recouered, we were al content to take some paines
to know the name of that seuen-mile broad riuer. For thirtie miles sayle
we could see no inhabitants. Then we were conducted by two Salvages vp a
little bayed creeke towards Onawmanaient, where al the woodes were layd
with ambuscadoes to the number of _three or fours thousand_ Salvages, so
strangely paynted, grimed and disguised, shouting, yelling and crying as
so many spirits from hell could not haue showed more terrible. Many
brauadoes they made, but to appease their furie, our captaine prepared
with as seeming a willingness as they to encounter them. But the grazing
of our bullets vpon the water (many being shot on purpose they might see
them) with the ecco of the woodes, so amazed them, as downe went their
bowes and arrowes; and (exchanging hostages) Iames Watkins was sent six
myles vp the woodes to _their King's_ habitation. We were kindly vsed of
those Salvages of whom we vnderstood they were commanded to betray us by
the direction of Powhatan." After this, he was supplied with plenty of
excellent provisions by the subjects of Japazaws, and furnished by that
sachem himself with guides to conduct his party up some of the streams.
Finally, he "kindly requited this kinde king and al his kinde people."
Thus auspiciously commenced a valuable acquaintance; and it is eminently
worthy of observation, with what fidelity of friendship the English were
repaid for the courtesy shown to this intelligent barbarian, and for the
justice done to his subjects. Ever afterwards, they sustained the English
cause, and supplied the English necessities, when all the rest of their
countrymen were willing neither to treat nor trade upon any terms. When
Argall arrived, in 1614, for example, "he was sent to the riuer
Patawomeake," (as Master Hamer calls it,) "to trade for corne, the
Salvages about vs hauing small quarter, but friends and foes as they found
aduantage and opportunitie." Then, Argall "hauing entred into a great
acquaintance with Japazaws, an old friend of Captaine Smith's, and so to
all our nation, ever since hee discouered the countrie," the negotiation
ensued which resulted, as we have heretofore shown, in getting possession
of the person of Pocahontas, and thereby ultimately effecting a general
peace.
The warmth of the Sachem's gratitude perhaps caused him to lay too little
stress on the hospitality due to a princess and a guest--if guest she
was--but the struggle which attended the bargain, and the sorrow which
followed it, both show that Japazaws was not without principle or feeling.
The argument which probably turned the balance in his mind, respected the
prospect of a treaty to be brought about by means of Pocahontas, in which
she and Powhatan had much more interest than himself. The bright copper
kettle was a subordinate consideration, though not a slight one. We have
seen, that the Powhatan Sachems were willing to barter almost their
birthright for a pound or two of blue beads. At all events, Japazaws must
have credit for the delicate arrangement by which the princess was first
notified of her forlorn condition. _"Iapazaws treading aft on the
Captaine's foot,_ to remember he had done his part, the captaine, when he
saw his time, persuaded Pocahontas to the gun-roome, faining to have some
conference with Iapazaws, _which was only that shee should not percieue
hee was any way guiltie of her captiuitie._"
In 1619, Iapazous--so called by master John Rolfe--came to Jamestown, for
the first time, to desire that two ships might be sent to trade in his
river, corn being more abundant than for a long time before. Parties were
sent, accordingly; but, for some reasons, not explained, they met with
indifferent success in the commerce, and so concluded to take eight
hundred bushels of corn by force. That Japazaws was not much in fault,
would appear from the circumstance that he had no part in the great
conspiracy of 1622; immediately after which we find, that Captain Croshaw
went up the Potomac, "where he intended to stay and trade for himself by
reason of the long acquaintance he had with _this King,_ that, so
earnestly entreated him now to be his friend, his countenancer, his
captaine and director against the Pazaticans, the Nacotchtanks and
Moyaons, his mortall enemies." [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] Smith's History, Vol. II.
Croshaw gladly availed himself of this invitation, first for the sake of
conducting his commerce to advantage, and secondly, for the purpose of
"keeping the king as an opposite to Opechancanough." It was soon
afterwards, that the chieftain last named sent his messengers to Japazaws,
with presents of beads, and proposals of alliance against the
English--both which were rejected. Then we are told, that "Captaine
Hamer arriuing with a ship and a pinnace at Patawomeke, was kindly
entertained both by him [Croshaw] and the king." The two were living
snugly together at this time; using common efforts for supplying the
colony--or at least the captain--on the one hand, and for suppressing the
king's enemies, as named above, on the other. Their union was at length
interrupted by the machinations of an exile Sachem, who had taken refuge
at Potomac from the discontent of his own subjects. Angry with Japazaws
for not assisting him in the recovery of his dominion, he forged an artful
story about Japazaws and his tribe having recently leagued with
Opechancanough.
That story he told to one Isaac Madison, who had just been sent to Potomac
by Governor Wyatt, with a reenforcement of thirty men, and a commission
expressly charging him to assist the Patowomekes against their enemies,
and to protect them and their corn to his utmost power. To give his
falsehood the air of probability, this savage Iago cunningly commented
upon certain circumstances which had recently occurred. Madison was at
length so much alarmed, that sending for Japazaws to his own strong-house
(which Japazaws himself had assisted him in fortifying,) he locked in the
Sachem, his son, and their four attendants, set over them a guard of
soldiers, and then made a violent and bloody assault upon the neighboring
village of the Indians. The king remonstrated, but in vain. He denied all
the charges brought against him, to no purpose. Madison then led him and
the other five prisoners to his ship, promising to set them at liberty as
soon as his men were safely aboard. The king meanwhile prevented his
subjects from annoying the English on the way. But, contrary to all good
faith, the captives were carried to Jamestown, and detained there till the
following October, when they were taken home by Captain Hamer and ransomed
with a quantity of corn. Madison was prosecuted afterwards for his
infamous conduct, but never punished. The Patowomekes must of course have
been estranged by it from the English interest, though there is no
evidence of their ever opposing them in arms. Japazaws kept himself aloof;
and is no more mentioned in history.
The death of Opechancanough was a signal for the dissolution of the famous
confederacy which it had required the whole genius of that chieftain and
his predecessor to form and maintain. The tribes relapsed into their
former state of separate government; and no formidable leader ever again
roused them to union. The nominal successor of Opechancanough was
Totopotomoi, whom we do not find even mentioned until after a lapse of ten
years from his accession. The ancient records of Virginia show, that in
1651, an Act of Assembly was passed assigning and securing to Totopotomoi
such lands on York river as he should choose; and commissioners were
appointed to conduct him and his attendants in safety to Jamestown, and
from that place home again, after the adjustment of the treaty. The
termination of his reign and life was as follows. Five years subsequent
to the date last mentioned, and after an interval of profound peace with
the Indians which had continued for fifteen years, information was
suddenly received at Jamestown, that a body of inland or mountain savages,
called Rechahecrians, to the number of six or seven hundred, had seated
themselves near the falls of James river, with the apparent intention of
forming a regular settlement. The motives of this singular movement have
never been explained. It is only known, that it gave no little alarm to
the colonists; and that active preparations were made for driving the new
enemy back to their own territories. A campaign ensued, and a battle was
fought; and in this battle fell the king of the Powhatans, gallantly
fighting in aid of the English, at the head of one hundred warriors.
Victory declared for the Rechahecrians, but a peace was soon after
negotiated with them on terms satisfactory to both parties.
Totopotomoi has at least his name immortalized by the author of Hudibras,
who introduced him (to make out a rhyme,) in his noted allusion to a
certain scandal upon the New England colonists.
A precious brother having slain.
In time of peace, an Indian,
. . .
The mighty Tottipotimoy
Sent to our elders an envoy,
Complaining sorely of the breach
Of league, held forth by brother Patch.
. . .
For which he craved the saints to render
Into his hands, or hang, the offender.
But they, maturely having weighed,
They had no more but him of the trade--
A man that served them in a double
Capacity, to preach and cobble--
Resolved to spare him; yet to do
The Indian _Hogan Mogan_ too
Impartial Justice, in his stead did
Hang an old weaver that was bed-rid.
We may certainly be amused with the wit of the satirist in this case,
without insisting upon a strict proof of his statements.
Such is the meagre biography of the last of the Virginian chieftains. We
shall close this chapter with some particulars respecting two or three
of the principal Indians known, at an earlier date, to the first colonists
of Carolina. One of these was Wingina, the king of a considerable tract of
territory called Wingandacoa, bordering upon Albemarle Sound. Another was
Granganimo, the brother of Wingina. Not much information is extant
concerning either of these persons; but the little which is known derives
an additional interest both from the style of the ancient writers of that
period, and from the circumstance that the foreign settlements which led
to this partial acquaintance were among the very first upon the continent.
On the 27th of April, 1584, Philip Amidas and Arthur Barlow sailed from
the west of England, as commanders of two barks, fitted out by Sir Walter
Raleigh, for the purpose of exploring a vast tract of country granted to
him by a patent from Queen Elizabeth, of the March previous. Taking the
usual route by way of the Canaries and West Indies, they approached the
coast of the Southern States, (now so called,) on the second of July,
(enjoying for a day or two "a most delicate sweete smell" from the shore.)
After sailing one hundred and twenty miles north, they entered the first
harbor they met with, returned thanks to God for their safe arrival, went
to view the neighboring land, and then took possession of it, formally,
"for the Queene's most excellent majestie." "Which done," writes our
ancient chronicler, "they found their first landing-place sandy and low,
but so full of grapes that the very surge of the sea sometimes overflowed
them; of which they found such plenty in all places, on the sand, the
greene soyle and hils, as in the plaines, as well on euery little shrub as
also climbing towardes the tops of high cedars, that they did thinke in
the world were not the like abundance."
* * * * *
{FN} See the Collections of Hackluyt.
{Transcriber's Note: This citation is not referenced in the text, but
appears on the same page as the preceding paragraph.}
This beautiful spot was the island of Wococon, supposed to be the same now
called Ocracock. The newly arrived adventurers wandered over every part of
it with mingled feelings of amazement and delight. Goodly woods covered
the green bosom of its quiet valleys. There, we are told, were the highest
and reddest cedars of the world, "bettering them of Azores or Libanus.
There, were Pynes, Cypres, Saxefras, the Lentisk that beareth mastick, and
many other of excellent smelle and qualitie. Then there were deere and
conies, and fowl in such incredible abundance, that the discharge of a
musket would raise a flock of them from under the very feet of the
travelers, with a noise, 'as if an army of men had shouted altogether.'"
On the third day, three of the natives appeared in a canoe, one of whom
went fearlessly aboard an English bark. The crew could hold no
conversation with him; but they gave him a shirt, a hat, wine and meat.
These he liked exceedingly; and so having satisfied his curiosity with
gazing, he paddled off to the distance of half a mile. He there loaded his
boat with fish in a short time, then landed on a point near by, divided
his booty into two heaps--"pointing one heap to the ship, and the other to
the pinnace"--and then departed. This pacific interview was followed with
happy consequences. The next day Granganimo appeared, with forty or fifty
of his people. He came to the point with his train, and seated himself
upon a mat. A party of the English went ashore, well armed; but instead of
showing any indications of suspicion or fear, he made signs to them to be
seated at his side--stroking their heads and breasts, as also his own, no
doubt in testimony of his good will. He then made a long speech to his new
visitants--probably of welcome--and they presented divers gewgaws to him
in return, which he politely accepted. He was so much regarded by his
attendants, that none of them would sit or even speak in his presence,
with the exception of four. To them the English gave other presents; but
they were immediately put into Granganimo's hands, who signaled, with an
air of dignity, that every thing of this nature must be at his own
disposal.
At the next interview, the English entertained him with a display of many
commodities calculated to dazzle and surprise him. But none of them struck
his fancy like a large bright pewter dish or plate, and a copper kettle,
for the former of which he gave twenty deer-skins, [FN-1] and for the
latter fifty. He made a hole in the plate, and hung it about his neck for
a breastplate. Much other "truck" passed between the parties, in such good
humor and good faith, that in the course of a day or two a meeting took
place on board one of the vessels, and, the Sachem ate, drank and made
merry with the English, like one of their own number. Not long afterwards,
he brought his wife and children, who are described as slender, but
well-favored and very modest. The wife wore, as her husband did, a band of
white coral on her forehead, and in her ears bracelets of pearl, [FN-2]
"hanging down to her middle, of the size of large peas." Her female
followers had pendants of copper; and the noblemen--as those who seemed to
be leading characters among the males are entitled--had five or six in
each ear. All were dressed alike in skins. The women wore their hair long
on both sides of the head; the men, only on one.
* * * * *
[FN-1] Then valued at a crown each. The anecdote reminds one of Japazaws.
[FN-2] So called by the early writers on various occasions. Probably they
were shells, or rock-crystal, or something of that kind.
The next step in the acquaintance, and a very natural one, was that great
numbers of people began to come in from various parts of the neighboring
coast, bringing skins, coral and different kinds of dyes for sale; none of
which, however, any of them but the noblemen ("them that wore red copper
on their heads, as _he_ did,") would undertake to barter in presence of
Granganimo himself. The character of the Sachem showed itself more and
more to advantage at every interview. With a very considerate and civil
regard for the comfort of the English, he never paid them a visit without
previously signifying the number of boats he should bring with him, by
fires kindled upon the shore; so that his strength might be exactly
estimated. He invariably kept, with perfect punctuality, every promise
which he made in the course of traffic, as he also regularly sent to the
vessels, daily, a gratuitous fresh supply of provisions--generally a brace
of bucks, conies, rabbits, and fish; and sometimes melons, walnuts,
cucumbers, pears and other roots and fruits. Finally, he invited the
English to visit him at his own residence, on the north end of an island
called Roanoke, distant about twenty miles from the harbor first made by
the colonists.
The invitation was promptly accepted by a party of eight of the English.
They found Granganimo's village to consist of nine houses, built of cedar,
and fortified with sharp palisades, "and the entrance like a turnpik." The
Sachem himself was absent when they arrived; but his wife came out eagerly
to meet them. Some of her people she commanded to draw their boat ashore,
that it might not suffer from the sea's dashing; others to carry the
English on their backs through the surf, and put away their oars under
cover. Meanwhile she conducted her guests into a house containing five
apartments. As they were wet with rain, she had a large fire kindled in
an inner apartment, washed their feet and their clothes, and then served
up a bountiful dinner in another room. "She set on the bord standing along
the house somewhat like frumentie, sodden venison and rosted fish; and in
like manner mellons raw, boyled rootes, and fruites of diuers kindes."
She manifested the utmost anxiety for the comfort of her guests. While
they were eating, two or three Indians happened to enter, with bows and
arrows, upon which the English started up and laid hold of their arms. She
perceived their distrust, but instead of being offended, caused the
weapons of the intruders to be snapped asunder, and themselves to be
beaten. Still the company did not feel perfectly at home, and towards
evening they retired to their boat. This grieved her not a little; but she
sent them a supper. When she saw them jealously pushing off some rods from
the shore for a safe anchorage, she sent them mats to shelter them from
the rain, and directed a guard of her people to watch during the night
upon the shore. On the whole, it has been justly observed, that there is
scarcely in all history a picture of unaffected and generous hospitality
more striking than this.
Wingina, meanwhile, lay at his chief town, ill of wounds he had recently
received in battle; and the English saw nothing of him. Nor was any thing
more seen of Granganimo, until April of the next year, when Sir Richard
Grenville brought out a colony of one hundred and eight persons, whom he
left on the Carolinian shore at Hatteras. Granganimo then came on board
his ship in his usually friendly and fearless manner. But it was his last
visit. He died during the year 1585.
This event produced a great alteration of affairs in the colony. They were
settled on Roanoke, an island at the mouth of Albemarle Sound, and that
situation made it quite convenient for them to visit the coast and the
country in various directions, which they were instructed to do. They
explored, therefore, in the course of their expeditions, as far south as
beyond Pamlico river; and as far north as the territory of the Chesapeake,
on the bay of their own name. They also went up Albemarle Sound and Chowan
river, one hundred and thirty miles, to a nation of Indians called
Chowanocks, living above the junction of the Nottaway and the Meherrin.
We mention these particulars for the sake of introducing Menatenon, the
king of the tribe last named. His province is described as the largest on
the whole length of the river; and the town of Chowanock, it is said,
could bring seven hundred bowmen into the field. Menatenon was lame--owing
probably to a wound in battle--but writes an old chronicler "he had more
understanding than all the rest." He amused the colonists, and especially
their governor, Mr. Lane, with a story about a copper mine and a pearl
fishery, somewhere along the coast. He also gave a strange account of the
head of the river Moratuc, (now called the Roanoke,) where lived a king
(he affirmed,) whose country bordered on the sea, and who took such an
abundance of pearls from it, that not only his skins and his noblemen's,
but his beds and his houses were garnished with that ornament. Mr. Lane
expressed a wish to see a specimen of them; but Menatenon readily replied,
that the king of that rich country _reserved them expressly for trading
with white men._ [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] "This King was at Chowanock two yeares agoe to trade with _blacke
pearle,_ his worst sort whereof I had a rope, _but they were naught;_ but
that king he, [Menatenon] sayth hath store of _white,_ and had traffcke
with white men, for whom he reserved them."
The source of the Moratuc was described as springing out of a vast rock,
standing so near the sea, that in storms the surges beat over it. As for
the copper, _that_ he said was generally collected in great bowls, covered
with skin, at a place particularly described, and yielded two parts of
metal for three of ore. There might be a shadow of foundation for some of
these relations; but the chief object of Menatenon--who was a captive
among the colonists at the time of his making them--must have been to
render himself an important man in their eyes, and perhaps to lead them
into some hazardous enterprise. Hearing them talk much about mines and
pearls, and the South Sea--which were all hobbies with the credulous
adventurers of that period--he adapted his discourse accordingly, and his
eager hearers were simple enough to believe every thing he asserted. [FN]
* * * * *
[FN] The Mangoaks haue such plentie of it, they beautifie their houses
with great plates thereof; this the salvages report; and young Shiko, the
_King Chawonocks sonne my prisoner,_ that had been prisoner among the
Mangoaks, &c. . . .
_Menatenon also confirmed all this, and promised me guides to this
mettall country, &c._
They even undertook the proposed expedition in search of the copper mine
and the South Sea; and had actually advanced nearly two hundred miles up
the country, before famine and fatigue, and the hostility of innumerable
savages compelled them to turn about. It seems that Wingina had heard of
this expedition--perhaps from Menatenon--and like that cunning though
crippled Sachem, he did all in his power to make it both specious in
prospect and fatal in result. After having said every thing to excite the
curiosity and avarice of the colonists, till he saw them determined to go,
he sent word to the different powerful tribes living on their proposed
route, that the English were coming _against them;_ and that the sooner
they suppressed this new enemy, the better. Hence it was, that the party
several times came very near being cut off by the savages; and hence,
instead of being plentifully supplied with choice provisions, as expected,
they were glad to live several days upon two dogs "boiled down with
saxefras leaves."
Fortunately for the colony, several circumstances concurred in the period
of distress which succeeded this enterprise, to prevent Wingina from
making open war upon them. One was the influence of his father, Ensenore,
the best friend, next to Granganimo, whom the English had ever found among
the natives. But the safe return of the expedition made a stronger
impression upon the mind of Wingina. Rumors had been circulated that the
party were all starved or slain; and then he had "begun to blaspheme our
God that would suffer it, and not defend vs, so that old Ensenore had no
more credit for vs; for he began by al the deuises he could to inuade
vs." [FN] But the return of the expedition after having defeated all
enemies--"asswaged a little his deuises, and brought Ensenore in respect
againe, that our God was good, and wee their friends, and our foes should
perish, &c."
* * * * *
[FN] See the journal of Governor Lane, as preserved in the old
collections.
The last observation suggests another circumstance which went to restrain
the enmity of the chieftain. This was a mortal epidemic, of unknown
character, which prevailed exclusively among the Indians, and carried off
great numbers. The colonists had the art to make these simple beings
regard it as a punishment for the hostility hitherto manifested towards
the English. Wingina himself, who lived in the immediate vicinity of the
colony, was exceedingly overcome by his superstition. Twice he was very
sick, and came near dying. He then dismissed the priests who usually
attended him, and sent for some of the English to pray for him, and to
be--as Master Heriot expresses it, in his "Observations" upon this
voyage--"a meenes to our God that hee might liue with him after death." He
supposed that he had offended the Deity of the English by his blasphemy.
They were themselves in great repute, of course. "This marueilous accident
in all the country wrought so strange opinion of vs that they could not
tell, whether to thinke vs Gods or men." Of the two, they considered the
former most probable, for the whites having no women among them, the
inference in their minds was, that instead of being born of women, they
were men of an old generation many years past, and risen again from
immortality. [FN] All which, we are told, so changed the heart of
Pemissapan (--a name assumed by Wingina since the death of Granganimo--)
that, at Ensenore's suggestion, when the English were reduced to
extremities for want of food, he sent in his subjects to make fish-weirs
for them, and to plant the fields they had hitherto thought of abandoning.
* * * * *
[FN] Heriot.
But in April, 1586, Ensenore died; and as Wingina had now completely
recovered his health, and most of the enemies which the colony had among
the tribes took this opportunity of renewing their machinations, he
relapsed into his former hostility. Arrangements were made for collecting
seven, or eight hundred Indians, under pretence of solemnizing the funeral
of Ensenore. Half of them were to lie in ambush for those of the colonists
who daily straggled along the coast in pursuit of crabs, fish and other
provisions. The other detachment was to assault the settlement of Roanoke,
at a signal by fire in the night. Even the particular houses were allotted
to be burned by particular persons or parties. Twenty were charged to
beset the dwelling of Governor Lane, and fire the reeds which covered it;
this would bring him out, naked and unarmed, and then they could despatch
him without danger. The same order was made for Mr. Heriot's, and various
other habitations, which were to be fired at the same instant. In the
meantime, as it was of great consequence to reduce the strength of the
colony by dispersing it, Wingina provided for breaking up the weirs, and
strictly prohibited all trade in provisions. He kept himself aloof also
with a similar view.
The plan was well concerted, and not without success. The Governor was
soon obliged to send off twenty of the colonists to a part of the coast
called Croatan, merely that they might collect the means of their own
sustenance. Ten more were sent to Hatteras for the same purpose; and other
small companies scattered themselves about on the seacoast, to gather
oysters and roots. But the ingenuity of the civilized party, driven to
desperation, finally prevailed against the chieftain's naked shrewdness.
The Governor sent him word he was going to Croatan, to meet an English
squadron which had touched there with supplies, covering the object of
this fabrication by also requesting the services of a few Indians to fish
and hunt for the colony. Desirous of gaining time, Wingina promptly
replied, that he would himself visit Mr. Lane in eight days. No doubt he
expected to complete his conspiracy in this interval.
But the Governor was not so to be deceived. He resolved, on the contrary,
to pay the Sachem a visit the next day after receiving his answer.
Previous to that, however, he proposed to surprise the Indians at
Wingina's old settlement on the island (Roanoke) and to take their canoes
from them. But they, too, were on the alert, so entirely had Wingina
prepared them for emergencies. "For when I sent to take the canows," says
Mr. Lane in his Journal, "they met one going from the shore, overthrew
her, and cut off two Salvages' heads; wherevpon the cry arose, being by
their spies perceived; _for they kept as good watch ouer vs as we ouer
them._" A skirmish ensued, and the Indians fled into the woods. The next
morning, the Governor crossed over to a place on the main called
Dassamonpeak, and sent Wingina word he was going to Croatan, and having
certain complaints to make to him respecting his subjects, would be happy
to call upon him by the way. On the faith of this proposal, the chieftain,
with several of his principal men, met the Governor's party on their
route. But no conversation took place. The Governor gave an appointed
watchword to his men on approaching, and they fired upon the Indians.
Wingina was shot through with a pistol-bullet, and fell. Recovering his
feet immediately, he fled, and was near escaping his pursuers, when an
Irish boy shot him a second time. He was soon overtaken, and then
beheaded on the spot.
We do not feel disposed to dismiss these biographies of the Carolinian
Sachems, short and slight as they are, without offering such comment as
they most obviously suggest. It appears singular, at first sight, that so
striking a difference of feeling towards the English should be manifested
by the two brothers. Perhaps there was fault on both sides. Master Heriot
admits, that some of the colony, "towards the latter end showed themselves
too furious, in slaying some of the people in some Townes, vpon causes
that on our part might haue been borne with more mildnesse." We have seen
with how little ceremony the Governor proceeded to take summary measures.
He was driven to extremities, indeed, but that in itself was no fault of
the Indians--they were not under obligation to supply him, though it
appears that they sometimes did, gratuitously.
Perhaps a remark should be made respecting a provocation which occurred
when the colony was first left by Grenville. The English went about
ranging the coast from tribe to tribe, and from town to town--which very
circumstance, besides being probably accompanied by other trespasses, and
at all events wholly unlicensed by the natives, could hardly be looked
upon as either friendly or just. Then, "at Aquascosack the Indians stole a
silver cup, _wherefore we burnt the towne, and spoiled their corne,_ and
so returned to our fleet at Tocokon." [FN] This was certainly no way to
make friends, and those who are familiar with the Carolinian history
subsequent to Wingina's death, will remember that the injury was by no
means forgotten. Finally, setting aside the attempt to justify either
party, it will be noticed, by such as may take the pains to look into the
annals of this period, that the greater part of the information which the
Governor received of the Sachem's motives and movements came through the
medium of that shrewd cripple, Menatenon, and his son Shiko. Whatever the
facts might be, then, the evidence was clearly inadequate if not wholly
inadmissible.
* * * * *
[FN] Relation of Lane.