P.S.—England has now, with the aid of my brigade, crossed the pass. He

brings with him two twelve-pounder howitzers; but for these I should

not have a single howitzer at command. Mortars I have none. I expect

the troops here on the 10th. The Ghazehs still keep head within a few

miles of us, not in great strength: the nucleus, however, exists. I

have directed all camels within reach to be procured on any terms:

want of money alone prevented me doing this earlier. The force I shall

take from this must depend upon the available cattle. I trust it may

amount to 5000 men. Rely on my making every effort to communicate

with you; but from past experience I must regard this as extremely

doubtful, and that we must not depend on mutual intelligence enabling

us to make combined movements. No opportunity shall be lost; but if

all attempts at correspondence fail, I will still hope that, as we

have one object at heart, the similarity of our operations may in some

measure supply the want of a concerted plan.

GENERAL NOTT AND THE SHAH’S FIRST CAVALRY.

[With reference to the passage in one of the above letters, to the

effect that the Shah’s cavalry would not charge, I have received the

following letter:]

Jhelum, April 28, 1852.

MY DEAR SIR,

In the second volume of your “War in Afghanistan,” page 447. General

Sir William Nott, in a letter to General Sir George Pollock, dated

Candahar, April 29, 1842, states:

“I have felt the want of cavalry. I have the Shah’s 1st Regiment, but

I have never been able _to get them to charge_.”

Captain Leeson, who commanded the regiment during my absence on

sick leave, has since died. I therefore desire, without delay, to

contradict this most extraordinary assertion. Fortunately, the

regiment has built too solid a foundation by its own gallantry

to be shaken by so malicious a representation, albeit made by a

General Officer in whose word and opinion the public and Government

placed such implicit faith; but General Nott was prejudiced against

everything and everybody in any way connected with Shah Soojah and his

country.

Facts are stubborn things, and I shall therefore make a few extracts

from your valuable history of the War, which of themselves give denial

to General Nott’s _mis-statement_.

Page 441, vol. i., states:

“A gallant charge of the Shah’s Horse, led by Peter Nicolson” (who

took no undistinguished part in the after events of the war), “checked

the onslaught of those desperate fanatics.”

In the engagement alluded to (page 591, vol. i.) at Assea Ilmee, no

mention is made of the Shah’s 1st Cavalry; but it is well known that,

under the command of Captain Leeson, aided by Lieutenant Moorcroft

of the Madras Army, who was proceeding to join his regiment at

Kelat-i-Gilzhee, and, who was a volunteer for the occasion, the Shah’s

1st Cavalry did make a very gallant charge by moonlight.

Page 603, vol. i., states:

“And then the Cavalry, headed by the young Prince Sufdur Jung, who had

something more than the common energy of the Piczal race, charged with

terrific effect, and utterly broke the discomfited mass of Dooranies.”

It is true that the Prince did _accompany_ the charge, but a squadron

of the Shah’s 1st Cavalry, under Lieutenant Crawford of the Bombay

Army, who was wounded, did nearly all the execution, and followed in

pursuit long after the Dooranie Horse under his Royal Highness had

given up the chase.

Page 400, vol ii., states:

“A party of the Shah’s Horse, under Captain Leeson, and a detachment

of Captain Wilson’s Jan Baz, who had remained true to us in the

face of strong temptation, were sent out against the mutineers. The

detachment came up with the rebels about twelve miles from Candahar.

There was a brief but sturdy conflict. The mutineers charged in a

body, but were gallantly met by Leeson’s men, and, after a hard

struggle, were broken and dispersed.”

I send you a copy of Captain Leeson’s report of the affair. General

Nott expressed to Captain Leeson his admiration of the gallantry of

the regiment, and his determination to recommend it to the marked

notice of Government.

Whatever his expressed intentions were, I have very good reason for

believing that he never fulfilled them!

* * * * *

No. 235. Candahar, 28th December, 1841.

SIR,

I have the honour to report for the information of the Major-General

that, agreeably to his orders, I proceeded in search of the mutineers

of the 1st Jan Baz Regiment with the details as per margin,[360] and,

having received information on the road of a body of horse being in

the direction of Chupreal, I ordered the Afghan Horse, who were in

front, to proceed at a trot. After proceeding three or four miles they

halted, and appeared in confusion, and on my riding to the front to

learn the reason, I found they would not obey their officers’ orders

to form, in consequence of the mutineers of whom we were in pursuit

being drawn up to receive them, amounting from 250 to 300 men, joined

by about 80 footmen, who, however, took no active part in the fight.

I immediately took the lead with my regiment, formed into line, and

advanced at a trot. After proceeding a little distance, my progress

was arrested by a wide ditch, through which I had to pass my regiment

by files, and which was performed most steadily. The mutineers, seeing

us advance so slowly, fancied us to be wavering and advanced to the

charge. I waited for the last files to cross the ditch, when I charged

them. The collision was severe, and the conflict, for the time it

lasted, bloody, as will be seen by the accompanying return of killed

and wounded. The struggle lasted for about five minutes, when the

mutineers broke and fled in two bodies. I pursued that which appeared

to me the largest one, upwards of fourteen miles, cutting down the

only three stragglers we came up with, and having seen the body enter

the enclosed country on the Urghandab below Hinz-i-Muddud Khan, and

having only sixteen men with me, I gave up the chase.

It is impossible that men could have behaved better than those of the

1st Cavalry. Their formations were as steadily performed as ever I saw

them done on parade, and they advanced on the foe in as beautiful a

line as possible.

The whole of our work was done by the sabre, not a shot being fired on

our side from either matchlock or pistol, thus proving the confidence

these men have acquired in their proper weapon.

I regret to say that the conduct of the 2nd Jan Baz was shameful and

cowardly. In the first instance, they refused to form when ordered

by their officer, until sheltered by my line, and afterwards, when

ordered by him to cross the water-course and join in the attack, they

refused, notwithstanding the gallant example set them by Lieutenant

Wilson, who charged, followed by his standard-bearer, alone. He was

immediately joined by several of my men, who, seeing the precarious

situation of their old adjutant, rallied round him, and I must not

omit to mention that the lives of myself and Lieutenants Chamberlain

and Wilson, who were with me, were saved by the devotion of these

gallant men, who, whenever we were in danger, rushed to the rescue.

It seemed to be the main object of the mutineers to destroy the

officers, which must inevitably have been the case, had it not been

for the devotion of the men of the 1st Cavalry.

I have not mentioned the number of the enemy slain. I should say they

must have amounted to between fifty and sixty, for I saw from twenty

to twenty-five fall near me, and Lieutenant Wilson reports having seen

thirty to forty bodies in the direction he took. The pursuit being

immediate, there was no time to look about us, and on my return to

the field of action, there were only three bodies remaining, which I

believe to have been those of Sheeahs.

I have the honour to be, &c.,

(Signed)

JOSEPH LEESON,

Captain Commanding Shah’s 1st Cavalry.

To Captain Ripley,

Fort Adjutant, Candahar.

Killed: 1 sowar, 26 horses.—Wounded: 1 resaldar, 1 naib, 1 jemadar, 1

duffadar, 26 sowars, 16 horses.

* * * * *

Four months after this event, which I believe _was the only instance

throughout the whole war_ where _both parties met at full gallop in

good earnest_, General Nott was pleased to say “I have never been able

_to get them to charge_.”

But I will adduce further proof of General Nott’s untruth.

Page 404, vol. ii., states:

“But the Cavalry, with two Horse Artillery guns, were now slipped upon

the enemy, who broke and fled in dismay.”

This was sixteen days after Chuplanee, and the men were mad to be at

the enemy—indeed, they would not be restrained, and no sooner was the

charge sounded than, with a terrific yell, they flew over the plain in

pursuit of an intimidated foe, who knew from experience that they would

give no quarter, and ask none.

We now come to the cause of General Nott’s aspersion of the Regiment.

Page 416, vol. ii., most truly states:

“But they shrank from meeting our bayonets, and it was long before they

even ventured to come within reach of our guns. The artillery then told

with such good effect on the dense masses of the enemy, that they were

more than ever disinclined to approach us.”

It was on the 8th of March 1842, the day after General Nott took the

field ostensibly to war, but truly to feed his half-starved cattle,

that the enemy, who had threatened our camp on the previous evening,

were now collected in dense masses and _entirely cavalry_. They owed

the Shah’s 1st Regiment a grudge for the lesson read to the mutinous

Jan Baz, and they were determined to pay them off. General Nott’s

cavalry, consisting of 400 sabres Shah’s 1st Cavalry, and 150 of

Skinner’s Horse, certainly the aggregate was not 600, were pushed to

the front with Anderson’s twelve guns, commanded by Captains Cooper and

Turner. The country was intersected by large, deep, wide water-courses,

over which there was great difficulty in transporting the guns. General

Nott and his Infantry were fully _one mile_ in the rear, with two or

three of the nullahs alluded to between. The cavalry and guns were

halted after some cannonading at the enemy, who hovered in front and on

both flanks. Captain Saunders, of the Engineers, brought up an order

from General Nott, desiring Captain Leeson to charge the enemy, but

which body, or to which flank, was not named. Captain Leeson’s reply

was, “If I do, the enemy will possess himself of the guns, as they will

be totally unsupported.” From a mound close at hand the enemy were seen

in swarms, computed from 5000 men and upwards, and _all cavalry_. A

second, and a third, and a fourth message were brought by Lieutenant

North, Bombay Engineers, and Captains Polwhele and Waterfield, and

one of them brought word to say that General Nott had desired him to

say that if Captain Leeson would not lead the charge, he would do

so himself. Whilst this delay occurred, a party of the enemy having

seen Skinner’s Horse, under Lieutenant Travers, on the other side of

a village, determined to destroy them, and came down to the attack.

Travers flew for refuge to the guns, which had hardly wheeled about

for action. Nor had the Shah’s 1st Cavalry much time to form close

column in rear of the guns, which were drawn up in a curve, when a

body of the Dooranie Horse charged down with yells, brandishing their

swords and waving their flags along the ground. They were received with

grape, and it was not until several saddles had been emptied that they

withdrew. This attempt to charge the guns, _supported by_ ALL _General

Nott’s cavalry_, showed in what estimation, in their then _overpowering

numbers_, the Dooranies held the Hindostanee Horse!! Opinions were

divided as to the propriety of Captain Leeson’s refusal to charge: by

many he was censured, and by many he was praised _highly_, for having

had the _moral_ courage (when from General Nott’s distance from the

scene, and the amount of responsibility which devolved upon him) to

determine not uselessly to lead a regiment to utter destruction, _and

not to sacrifice twelve out of General Nott’s only eighteen guns_! He

did all that he could do. He immediately tendered the resignation of

his command, which was not accepted. He begged for a court of inquiry,

and demanded a court martial. He attended upon General Nott, and

personally tendered resignation a second time, and a second time it

was refused, General Nott assuring him that he was well satisfied with

him, &c., but that in having disobeyed his orders to charge, _he had

committed an error in judgment_. I doubt not but that it was founded

upon this event, that General Nott wrote as he did. But surely it was

no fault of the regiment. The men had never been ordered to charge. Had

they, they would have done so most willingly!

Again page 423, vol. ii., states:

“The bright afternoon sun shed its slant rays upon the sabres of the

enemy, and lit them up like a burning forest. Our Infantry were drawn

up in a hollow square, covering a crowd of camels. The Horse Artillery

guns, which had done such good service before, were playing gloriously,

under Turner’s direction, upon the dense bodies of the enemy’s Horse,

whom their heavy fire kept at a cautious distance; and just as General

Nott, with the reinforcements, came in sight, Lieutenant Chamberlain,

of the Bengal Service, an officer of the Shah’s Cavalry, who, at the

head of a small party, had charged the enemy, was driven back, and

emerging from a cloud of dust, formed in rear of the Infantry with the

loss of a few men killed, himself and many of his party wounded, but

not without having given very satisfactory proof of his power as a

swordsman, albeit his treacherous weapon had broken in his hand.”

This occurred at Baba Wullee 25th March, and everyone in the force

except General Nott was aware that the combined charge of a party

of the Shah’s 1st Cavalry, and a similar party of Skinner’s Horse,

although most unnecessarily ordered by Colonel Wymer commanding, was

most gallantly executed.

Page 587, vol. ii., in a foot note, in a letter from General Nott to

Lieutenant Hamersley, dated June 2nd, alluding to an action fought

under the walls of Candahar, he says “a detail of the 1st Cavalry,

under Chamberlain, behaved very well indeed:” but he never said so in

his public despatch, nor did he ever allude to the recovery by the

Shah’s 1st Cavalry of the guns which Shumshoodeen carried off after the

action of Ghoine, but to which allusion is made in page 602, vol. ii.

General Nott was determined that the Shah’s Cavalry never should have

any credit. He said after the action at Ghoine that he would mention

their gallantry, but that he did not do so, everyone knows.

I think I have said quite sufficient to disprove General Nott’s

assertion. I do not consider it just, quietly to submit to the charge

of cowardice imputed to the regiment on the page of history.

The Shah’s 1st Cavalry has for some years past been transferred into

the 9th Regiment Irregular Cavalry, and the mottoes on the standards,

gallantly displayed by them, are refutations of Sir William Nott’s

assertion.

In proportion as your work has had an extensive circulation, so am I

desirous that this explanation should be made known; and when your work

goes through the second edition, I trust you will make such remarks as

may be an antidote to the letter which has caused this long statement.

Believe me, my dear Sir, faithfully yours,

J. CHRISTIE, Lieutenant-Colonel,

Commanding 9th Irregular Cavalry,

Late Commanding Shah Soojah’s 1st Cavalry.

To J. W. Kaye, Esq., Bletchingley, Surrey.

[_Book VIII., chapter 3, page 226._]

[The following is the letter from Pottinger to Macgregor, alluded to

in the text. It is important, as showing what, in the course of my

researches after truth has been emphatically denied, that at this early

period Akbar Khan had begun to open negociations for the restoration of

Dost Mahomed.]

“Sirdar Mahomed Akbar Khan has been with us to-day; and from what I

can learn, it seems that Shah Soojah has entirely thrown us overboard,

and is about to proceed to open war with us; and the following appears

to be the grounds on which he wishes to treat. The agreement he wishes

us to enter into is, that if Shah Soojah, or any of Shah Soojah’s sons

in enmity to the English may send an army to attack Jellalabad, it

will thus become evident that the King is the enemy of the English;

and the English will treat him as such—and then Sirdar Mahomed Akbar

Khan will be considered the friend of the English, who will act

according to his wishes with respect to this country, and will release

the Ameer Dost Mahomed Khan with all his family, and send them to

this country with all honour and respect, and will restore him to his

government, in the same manner as they took it from him to give it to

Shah Soojah; but will leave to the Ameer and Sirdar Mahomed Khan the

full control of the people and government; and if any enemy attack

the government thus established, the British Government will aid it

with either money or an army, and the friends of the one government

will be the friends of the other. The agreement which the Sirdar

will enter into is this, that he will hereafter be the friend of the

English; but that at present, to prevent himself being abused by his

people, he must proceed to close the Khybur Pass against the approach

of the English army; but he will not attempt to attack Jellalabad

before the arrival of Shah Soojah’s son and army; and after their

arrival he will use every endeavour to secretly aid the garrison until

the arrival of his father and family.” [_Major Pottinger to Major

Macgregor: Budeeabad, January 23, 1842. MS. Correspondence._] From

Major Pottinger’s letters written about this time, his real opinion of

the conduct of Akbar Khan can only be extracted by ascertaining the

circumstances under which the different documents were prepared—some

of them having been written at the request of the Sirdar himself.

There are two letters of January 23, one of an official tendency,

quoted above—the other of a more private and more genuine character,

in which the writer says: “He” (Akbar Khan) “sent out the day before

yesterday a Persian letter for me to send to you in English; I wrote

a letter telling you the meaning, which he sent back to-day, and

requesting me to give him an exact copy of his own. I have done so it

is true; but I fancy his humanity was only a sham, and every sinew

was strained to destroy our poor fellows. He has, however, treated

us personally well, and very much so.”—[_MS. Correspondence._] The

despatch of these private letters was discovered by the Sirdar, who

is said to have disarmed all the prisoners in consequence of this

discovery.—[_Eyre._]

THE EARTHQUAKE AT BUDEEABAD.

[_Book VIII., chapter 3, page 226._]

“_February 19._—At about eleven we were visited by the most fearful

earthquake within the memory of any man in this country. The day

was beautifully clear, and nothing indicated the approach of such

a visitation. Most of us were inside our rooms, when we heard a

heavy rumbling noise, as of thousands of heavy carriages. This was

immediately succeeded by a heaving of the earth, which caused a rocking

of the walls, and made us all rush out into the court-yard, which we

had no sooner entered than the shock, which had ceased for an instant,

again came on with a hundred-fold violence. The high massive walls by

which we were surrounded, heaved to and fro most fearfully, whilst

we, for security, huddled together as closely as we possibly could

in the centre of the square, where there was a deep wood-cellar. All

of a sudden, there was a frightful crash around us; and the earth

heaved up and down to such a degree that we could scarcely stand. The

crash was succeeded by a dense cloud of dust, which, for five or six

seconds, prevented our seeing the amount of injury done. The walls of

the wood-cellar fell in. The earth around us was giving way; and we

were afraid to move to the right or left, as it would bring us within

range of the walls which were falling on both sides of us. The shock

had now expended itself. The dust cleared away. And we then saw that

our out-houses and the roof of one of our sleeping-rooms had tumbled

in. The upper parts of the walls were down, and those portions

which still remained were either thrown out of their perpendicular

or had large rents in them. God grant we may never again experience

such a visitation. On the shock ceasing, we went outside the fort,

and frightful was the devastation. The whole valley was one cloud of

dust. Almost every part had been either wholly or partially destroyed,

and great was the loss of life. Even mountains did not escape; and

fearful were the crashes of huge rocks, as they were precipitated

with awful violence to the plains below. We had shocks at least a

dozen times during the day—but none of so alarming a nature as the

first.”—[_Captain Johnson’s Narrative of his Captivity. MS._]

LETTER OF FUTTEH JUNG TO CAPTAIN MACGREGOR.

[_Book VIII., chapter 5, page 265._]

HIGH IN PLACE,

The astounding event of the Shah’s murder will be known to you. These

treacherous tyrants, how tyrannical has been their act! If the Shah

had not been united to the interests of the English, and had not

attended and acted according to their advice, why should he have met

with such an end, and why was he with them until the last, save that

he hoped for their co-operation? They placed that ungrateful man,

the Nizam-oo-dowlah (Oosman Khan), in power, and, by their acting

according to his advice, matters came to such a pass. The Shah was

aware of the treachery and disaffection of these persons, and how

much soever he warned the English of this, it was of no use. It was

because the Shah looked upon himself and the English as one, and

attended to their pleasure, that the revolution took place; but this

is known to you. The people, high and low, have sealed the Koran, sent

their deputies with it to the Shah, stating that, if the Shah would

forsake the English and ally himself to Islam, they would acknowledge

him as their King. The Shah replied: “They and I are one; I am not

separated from them.” These bastards united and proclaimed the Shah an

infidel. The Shah told the English to leave the cantonments and enter

the Balla Hissar. The English did not consent to this. The Shah then

endeavoured to conciliate the rebels, and night and day took oaths

with them, with the view of carrying out the plans of the English.

After the English left the cantonments, the people tendered to the

Shah their submission, and endeavoured to persuade the King to attack

Jellalabad. The Shah, by a thousand devices, managed for two and a

half months to put them off, in order that the British reinforcements

might reach you. All the money that the Shah possessed he gave to

the people. The people gave out that as the Shah would not go to

Jellalabad, it was evident that he was friendly to the (British)

infidels; he and they were one. The Shah felt embarrassed. He said to

his confidential servants: “If I go to Jellalabad, lakhs of people

would collect, and I should be unable to control them, and if by this

time the British reinforcements had not arrived, it would be bad for

the cause.” The King, not knowing that the reinforcements had arrived,

agreed to leave the city, but determined not to reach Jellalabad for

twenty days—500,000 registered troops—and if he saw that it was to

their advantage, he would join the British. On the 22nd Suffur (5th of

April), the Shah’s murder took place; on the 23rd Suffur, the Populzye

nobles, and Ameen-oollah Khan, Loghuree, placed me on the throne.

Even as the Shah was the friend and well-wisher of the English, so

am I the friend and well-wisher of the English. On account of this

friendship the King sacrificed his life and property. Had he accepted

the friendship of the Mussulmans, the Shah would neither have been

proclaimed an infidel, nor have thus met with his death from the

hands of the Barukzyes. I am not pleased at having been placed on the

throne by these people. If God places me on the throne, and if this

country is again in the possession of the British, and they support

me on the throne and in getting my revenge from these tyrants who

killed the Shah, then I shall be pleased. The Shah sacrificed his

life and property on account of the English, and now it is for them

to uphold the reputation of his family. If in a few days your army

does not arrive at Caubul, they will carry off the Shah’s family.

Write speedily, and tell me what I am to do, and what the family of

the Shah is to do. It is necessary that the British should arrive

soon. The death of the Shah has caused disunion among the chiefs.

It is necessary that your army, with a large army of the Sikhs (God

willing), should advance. When I was first placed on the throne, the

people were considering the death of the Barukzyes, but on hearing

that your army had arrived at Jellalabad, and that Mahomed Akbar had

been defeated, the people agreed to suspend hostilities among us, and

endeavoured to induce me to attack Jellalabad. Up to the present time

this is what they are striving to effect, but I tell them, that if

they will in the first place avenge the Shah’s death, then I’ll go to

Jellalabad. But I am powerless, and shall anxiously expect a letter

from you. Tell me how to act. To defeat this people is at present

very easy, for great is their disunion. Start soon for Caubul.—[_MS.

Records._]

DEFEAT OF THE NEWAB ZEMAUN KHAN.

[_Book VIII., chapter 5, page 277._]

“The reason of the overthrow of the Newab is the disaffection of

some of the most influential men of his party—the chief one being

Oosman Khan, who was bought over with 1000 gold mohurs. The Pultuns

also went over, and our host (Meer Hadjee) was bribed with 4000 gold

mohurs, and during the fight his brother, Mahomed Dost, took an active

part against the Newab. Poor old Zemaun Khan was a dupe throughout

to Hotspur’s (Akbar Khan’s) perfidy, and a victim to misplaced

confidence.”—[_Lieutenant John Conolly to Captain Macgregor: Caubul,

June 23, 1842. MS. Records._]

Akbar Khan’s own account of the affair, and of his subsequent treatment

of Zemaun Khan, is on record in the following letter to the Shinwarree

chiefs: “Up to the day of writing this, the 17th of Jamadi-ul-aroal

(26th July), all is well here with me. As it was an object of paramount

importance that in the contest with the race of misguided infidels the

whole of the numbers of the true faith should be united together, and

the attainment and perfecting of this object appeared indispensable,

therefore did the whole of the devoted followers of the true faith

consent to choose me as their head, and to place themselves under

my command. All the tribes and leaders of the Douranees, Ghilzyes,

and Kuzzilbashes and Kakulees and Kohistanees, have submitted to me,

and I have placed on the throne the King, high in power, majestic

as Alexander, ambitious as Kai-Khusro, Shah-zadah Futteh Jung, son

of the late King, and caused the Khutba to be read and coin to be

struck in his name, redoubted as that of Faridoon. Newab Mahomed

Zemaun Khan, having in some respects opposed himself to my views and

interfered with me, at length came to an open rupture, and commenced

hostilities against me. After several of my people had been killed

and wounded, then, and not till then, I, of necessity, gave the order

to them to retaliate. In two hours the engagement was at an end; and

all order being destroyed among the troops of the Newab, they were

dispersed. His guns and magazines, stores and horses, and regiments

and jezailchees, and other appendages of power which he had newly

prepared, all fell into my possession. As the Newab was a part and

parcel of myself—not wishing to reduce him to a state of poverty and

want—I, on the same day, restored to him all his horses: the rest of

his property I kept possession of. Since then, all the leaders of the

different tribes have acknowledged my authority, and I firmly trust

that all my future undertakings will in like manner be crowned with

success, and that the object nearest the hearts of me and you, and all

the race of Islam—viz., the extermination, root and branch, of the

detested race of infidels, may be without difficulty accomplished.

Set your mind perfectly at rest on this subject, and do not entertain

any misgivings, and gird up your loins for action, and be ready with

the fear-inspiring and punishment-inflicting Ghazees, and use your

utmost exertions and efforts to close the Khybur road and intercept

their dawk communications, that their messengers may not pass to and

fro, and that no grain may reach them from any quarter; for this is

the real way to defeat this misguided and detested race,—this is the

real battle of martyrdom which you must fight: therefore consider this

injunction as of the very first importance. In a short time, by the

favour of God the Almighty, and the assistance of the founders of our

religion, this humble servant of God, with a terror-inspiring army from

this country, and an artillery thundering and flashing fire, and with

jezailchees threatening like Mars, and with artillerymen like Saturn,

and Ghazees, who march hand-in-hand with victory, will set out for your

direction: and if it be the will of God, will soon clear the surface

of that country, sweeping from it the rubbish from the bodies of the

enemies of our religion. Meanwhile it behoves you, in anticipation of

the arrival of the exalted standards, the emblems of victory, to spare

no exertions to stir up the strife of religion, and send me constantly

news of your welfare, and of the movements of the vile infidels, that

according to your information I may take measures to counteract them.

Futteh Mahomed, the son of Saadat Khan, is here, and will shortly leave

me to join you with the Ghazees.”—[_MS. Records._]

LORD ELLENBOROUGH AND SIR JASPER NICOLLS.

[_Book IX., chapter 1, page 286._]

It was not until the 27th of August that the Commander-in-Chief was

informed, by a letter from General Pollock, of the instructions sent to

General Nott on the 4th of July. How entirely the Governor-General had

set aside the authority of the Commander-in-Chief, and what Sir Jasper

Nicolls thought both of Lord Ellenborough’s conduct and of the advance

on Caubul, may be gathered from the following extracts from his journal:

“_June 6._—To my astonishment, Lord E., in consequence of General

Pollock’s complaints of want of carriage, has consented to his

remaining beyond the Khybur till October, though he quotes the Duke

of Wellington’s dictum, that an army, which cannot be moved as you

will, is no army at all. He will thus have an unhealthy, difficult

pass behind him for four or five months, and possibly involve us in

another dreadful campaign. These changes are dreadful. I wish that I

had nothing to do with them.”

“_June 30._—The Secret Committee review the proceedings of Government,

from December to February last, not with asperity, but with decided

disapprobation of the uncertain policy of that time, and the

contradictory resolutions and orders which were then passed. This is

very well deserved, for it was then, in November or December, that

Government ought to have decided to leave the country or to resume our

full control over it.”

“_August 8._—The wants of General Pollock’s army are put down at 6½

lakhs _per mensem_, and we are just going to send 20 to clear him

off—the last, I believe and hope, which we shall send to be buried in

the Punjab and Afghanistan. Twenty-one lakhs he had before.”

“_August 15._—General Nott has fixed on the 2nd of this month for

leaving Candahar, and in two divisions—the Bombay troops by Quettah

and Sukkur—the Bengal column by Dehra Ismael Khan. This is quite new

to me, and may be either ordered by the General or suggested by Lord E.”

“_August 20._—This order as to retirement by Dehra Ismael Khan appears

the effect of impulse. Its neglect of me I forgive, though a manifest

slight; but I do not find that he has ordered the necessary supplies to

be collected for the retreat through the Sikh territory, which is, in

parts near that place, almost a desert.”

“_August 24._—The 3rd Dragoons, and another troop of horse artillery,

are about to join Sir R. Sale at Futtehabad. Can the General be now

organising an advance on Caubul? Is he commanded to do so? Can he

effect it? Is he to encamp at Gundamuck till Nott’s attack on Ghuznee

(if that take place)? It is curious that I should have to ask myself

these questions; but so it is. I am wholly ignorant of the intended

movements of either. Lord Ellenborough means to surprise friend and foe

equally.”

“_August 27._—_To-day_ I find, by a despatch from General Pollock,

that General Nott has decided on returning to the provinces, _viâ_

Ghuznee and Caubul. Lord E., by letter dated 4th of July, gave him

a choice as to the line by which to withdraw, and he has chosen

this—certainly the noblest and the worthiest; but whether it

will release our prisoners and add to our fame, I cannot venture

to predict. Lord E.’s want of decent attention to my position is

inexcusable.”—[_Sir Jasper Nicolls’ MS. Journal._]

THE GHUZNEE PRISONERS.

[_Book IX., chapter 3, page 349._]

I have stated in a note that the Caubul prisoners, before their removal

to Bameean, had been joined by their fellow-captives from Ghuznee.

Some idea of the sufferings of the latter may be derived from the

following passages of Lieutenant Crawford’s Narrative: “Every little

thing we had managed to secure, such as watches, penknives, money,

&c., was taken from us, and we were strictly confined to a small

room, eighteen feet by thirteen. In it there were ten of us. * * *

When we lay down at night we exactly occupied the whole floor; and

when we wanted to take a little exercise we were obliged to walk up

and down (six paces) by turns. Few of us had a change of linen, and

the consequence was we were soon swarming with vermin, the catching

of which afforded us an hour’s employment every morning. I wore my

solitary shirt for five weeks, till it became literally black and

rotten. * * * On the 7th of April we heard of Shah Soojah’s death,

and from that date the severities of our confinement were redoubled.

They shut and darkened the solitary window from which we had hitherto

derived light and air, and they also kept the door of our room

constantly closed, so that the air we breathed became perfectly

pestiferous. On the 21st of the month they tortured Colonel Palmer

with a tent-peg and rope in such a manner that it is wonderful he

ever recovered the use of his foot. I cannot in a letter explain the

process of the torture, but we all witnessed it, and it was something

on the principle of the Scotch boot described in ‘Old Mortality.’ * *

* In the end of April our guards suddenly became particularly civil to

us for a few days, and we found that they had a report of the advance

of our troops. * * * On the 12th of May we were permitted to quit our

prison-room, and walk on the terrace of the citadel for one hour. * *

* Just at this period (June 15) one of our number, Lieutenant Davis,

27th N. I., had sickened with typhus fever. We had no medicines, no

comforts for him, and he lay on the ground delirious, raving about home

and his family, and every hour proving worse, till, on the 19th, death

put an end to his sufferings. We read the burial service, and then made

his body over to the guard to bury; but I am afraid they merely flung

the poor fellow into a ditch outside the gate. On the following day we

were removed to another building, where we had three or four rooms to

ourselves, and a court-yard to walk about in. This was a delightful

change. From this date the conduct of Shumshoodeen towards us improved

greatly. * * * It was on the 19th of August, we had, as usual, wrapped

ourselves up in our cloaks, and taken lodgings on the cold ground for

the night, when the chief suddenly entered the yard, and told us we

were to march immediately for Caubul; and sure enough in half an hour

we found ourselves moving towards the capital. * * * We went direct

to Mahomed Akbar’s quarters in the Balla Hissar, and from him we

met with the kindest reception. He bade us be of good cheer, as our

future comfort would be his care, and we should find ourselves treated

like officers and gentlemen. * * * We found our countrymen living in

what appeared to us a small paradise. They had comfortable quarters,

servants, money, and no little baggage, and a beautiful garden to walk

in.”

THE ALLEGED EXCESSES AT CAUBUL.

[_Book IX., chapter 3, page 360._]

ABSTRACT TRANSLATION OF A LETTER

FROM GHOLAM MAHOMED KHAN, THE

WUZEER, AND KHAN SHEREEN KHAN REMARKS BY GENERAL NOTT.

THE KUZZIL-BASH CHIEF, TO THE

ADDRESS OF GENERAL POLLOCK, C.B.

A.C.

On the 14th of Shah Bau 1. This is unfounded, with the

(20th September) the inhabitants exception of a few worthless

of Aushar and Chardeh were articles, stolen by surwans and

plundered by the Candahar force, grass-cutters, for which they were

and sustained loss of life and most severely punished.

property(1): their women were

not respected. In the village of 2. I never heard of two Afghans

Deh Dānā Causim, and in Zeibah having been killed; but

Shewan Khan, and at Chardeh, four Europeans unarmed, walking

two persons were killed(2). at a little distance from

The Ausharries are employed in camp, were killed by these

your service, in the rescue of monsters.

your prisoners: if their houses

are plundered and their people(3) 3. What people? The population

killed, all confidence among the of this valley had left ithave

people will at once be destroyed. before my force had arrived, and

If it is your intention that not been here since, with the

protectionshould be afforded to exception of a few individuals.

the people, and to avail yourself

of our resources(4), redress 4. Why are not these resources

should be granted under our brought in when an extravagant

promises of protection to the price is offered for them?

people returning to their homes.

5. This is a false assertion, for

We are satisfied that it is not which the writer ought to be

your pleasure that the troops instantly punished: the troops

should behave in this manner(5). have not behaved ill.

To-day, the 15th of Shau Bau 6. What this man means by this I

(21st September), the army know not; no army, no detachment

which was appointed to destroy was appointed by me to destroy a

Meer Hajee’s fort also destroyed fort. I did hear that General Sale

the property belonging to people ordered one to be burnt, but

of the neighbourhood: these whether he did so or no I do not

people should also have redress know; but if he did, I dare say he

granted them(6). had good reasons.

If the English do not grant 7. I repeat that there are no

them redress, the ryots(7) will ryots in the villages. All men

fly from their homes, and they capable of bearing arms are with

will have no longer confidence different chiefs, and there is no

in us. knowing the hour we may be

attacked by them.

Just now news has reached us

that the Candahar force has 8. Yes, I have encamped, and

encamped at Allaábád(8), which I can but admire the extreme

belongs to us, and where our insolence of this man in presuming

families are lodged(9); the force to object to it.

has already plundered our grain

and fruit(10). 9. This is false; there are no

families near the place.

If your friends suffer in this

way, what may your enemies 10. This is false; with the

expect?(11) Those people who exception of fruit in the

returned to the town are leaving immediate vicinity of camp.

it again.

11. We have not a friend in

Redress should be speedily Afghanistan; and I know what

granted, and Lamars should be our enemies ought to expect for

stationed at each village for its their cruelty, treachery, and

protection(12). bloody murders.

12. What insolence in this

man, whose hands are still red

with the blood of our countrymen,

to dictate how and where

we are to place our troops!

I cannot conclude my remarks

on this document without offering

my opinion that the writer

should be instantly seized and

punished for sending such a

grossly false and insolent

statement.

W. NOTT, M.-Gen.

Camp near Caubul, 22nd September, 1842.

SIR,—I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of

this day’s date, and to acquaint you that I conceive that General

Pollock, C.B., must have received some erroneous information. No army

ever moved with fewer instances of plunder than that under my command,

and not an instance of irregularity has occurred without punishment

being inflicted. The persons who had made this complaint ought to

be made to prove the truth of what they say. I believe the enemy (I

mean Futteh Jung’s party and the rest of the people) are organising

a system to bring our men to the same state of starvation to which

General Elphinstone’s army was reduced, in hopes of the same results.

While I think it my duty to state this, I must declare that I will

not, to please a few Afghans, who have scarcely washed their hands

from the blood of our countrymen, allow my army to be destroyed, and

my country to be dishonoured. There is grain in the country, and I

think it ought to be brought in immediately, the same being paid for.

General Pollock’s order shall be proclaimed through my camp

immediately, but I have not heard of a single act of plunder during

the last twenty-four hours.

I have, &c.

W. NOTT, Major-General,

Commanding Field Forces.

To Captain Ponsonby,

Assistant Adjutant-General, Camp.

SUCCESSION TO THE THRONE OF CAUBUL. FUTTEH JUNG AND SHAHPOOR.

[_Book IX., chapter 3, pages 366-367._]

[The following extract of a letter from General Pollock, shows what was

really done by that officer with respect to the Suddozye succession.

The declaration of the chiefs alluded to at page 367 is subjoined.]

“Shortly after my arrival at Caubul I despatched a force, under

Major-General M’Caskill, to disperse the followers of Ameen-oollah

Khan and Mahomed Akbar, and to endeavour to secure the person of the

latter. Futteh Jung continued for several days in power, and appeared

disposed to endeavour to retain it. The hope which then existed, that

Mahomed Akbar Khan would fall into our hands, no doubt had great

influence with him; but when this hope vanished, the representations

of his female relations, and the remembrance of the gross treachery he

had experienced from the chiefs on former occasions, appear to have

alarmed him; and at length he announced to me his determination to

accompany the British troops to Hindostan. At the same time I received

a letter, a translation of which I have now the honour to forward, from

Gholam Mahomed Khan (the minister) and Khan Shereen Khan, the chief of

the Kuzzilbashes, on the part of several other chiefs, avowing their

determination to support the brother of Futteh Jung (Shahpoor) on

the throne of Caubul. It was long before I could convince the chiefs

comprising this party that they could not hope for any assistance

from the British Government, either in money or troops; but as they

still persisted in urging me to allow the Prince Shahpoor to remain,

and as he repeatedly assured me he was anxious to do so, I did not

conceive myself authorised by my instructions to remove him forcibly

from Caubul, and only stipulated that the British Government should

not be supposed to have raised him to the throne. On the morning of

the 12th of October, after the British troops had marched from Caubul,

Prince Shahpoor was put on the throne, and the chiefs took the oaths

of fidelity to him.”—[_General Pollock to Lord Ellenborough: MS.

Correspondence._]

FROM WUZEER GHOLAM MAHOMED KHAN, POPULZYE; AND KHAN SHEREEN KHAN,

CHIEF OF THE KUZZILBASHES, ON THE PARTS OF ALL THE CHIEFS AT CAUBUL.

A.C.

Be it known to you, that since we, the Populzyes and the other

Douranee tribes and the Kuzzilbash cannot exist under the Barukzyes;

and as such a state of things is altogether out of the range of

possibility; and moreover, since his Royal Highness Futteh Jung has

decided on quitting the country; we agree and accept of the Prince

Shahpoor as our King, and will obey him as our ruler. But we hope that

you will, from this time, put a stop to the destruction of forts and

other property, that the people may regain confidence, and return to

their own houses; and we also beg that Meer Soofaee Byanee, who is a

prisoner in Charekur, be sent for and made over to us, that people

may be induced to come in to us. And if you will make over to us any

guns and ammunition, it will be a great assistance. For the rest,

as long as we live we shall hope for the friendship of the British

Government.[361]

DESTRUCTION OF THE BAZAAR AT CAUBUL AND THE IMPUTED EXCESSES OF THE

TROOPS.

[_Book IX., chapter 3, page 369._]

SIR GEORGE POLLOCK TO LORD ELLENBOROUGH.

_April 2nd, 1843_, Allahabad.

MY LORD,

I have had the honour to receive your Lordship’s letter, dated 23

ultimo, intimating that disapprobation had been expressed at the

destruction of the bazaar and mosque at Caubul, and of trees; also,

that excesses have been imputed to the troops.

It is difficult to grapple with vague and anonymous accusations

against the conduct of the troops. Many detailed statements in the

newspapers were entirely unfounded, and were got up with the sole

object of creating a sensation; but I confess that if individual and

isolated instances of excess had occurred, I should not have been much

surprised, composed, as all India armies are, of such a heterogeneous

mass, comprising all classes and castes; more than two-thirds of whom

are either public or private servants and adventurers, who, though

nominally following some occupation useful to an army, proceed with

it for the sole purpose of plundering when a favourable opportunity

offers. Some excesses may, unknown to me, have been committed; but I

will venture to assert that no troops ever conducted themselves with

more forbearance under such unprecedented aggravations: perhaps no army

was ever placed in a more trying situation.

During the whole course of their progress towards the capital they had

ocular proofs of the treachery and brutality of a merciless enemy;

but still I am unable to call to mind any wanton, deliberate act of

inhumanity on the part of the troops; and cannot but regret that

the culpable instances alluded to have not been specified, as I may

possibly be suspected of suppressing facts. This, however, I beg to

assure your Lordship I have no wish to do.

The feeling of the Hindoos against the Afghans was very naturally

strong, in consequence of the latter having deprived the Hindoos

of their caste whenever they came into their power; but no troops

could feel otherwise than excited at the sight of the skeletons of

their late brethren in arms, which still lie covering the road from

Gundamuck to Caubul; and as if the more to rouse a spirit of revenge,

the barricade at Jugdulluck was literally covered with skeletons.

What I have stated above will not be considered as justifying excesses

on the part of a British army; but it may be admitted in extenuation

of individual cases.

A few days previous to the march of the brigade under Brigadier

Monteith, an European was murdered by the Afghans at Jellalabad. The

destruction of Alli Boghan by some men under Brigadier Monteith’s

command, was caused by one of those sudden bursts of feeling which,

being wholly unexpected, no precautions were deemed necessary; but it

was a solitary instance, and occurred nearly as follows:—Some camp

followers entered the village, and having found parts of the dress of

some of our soldiers who had been massacred on the march from Caubul,

a number of men proceeded to the village, which was eventually burnt,

whether accidentally or intentionally is doubtful; so very soon was

the mischief perpetrated, that the Brigadier was hardly aware of it

till the place was in flames. He immediately took measures to prevent

a recurrence of such scenes, and I wrote in strong terms on the

subject. Subsequent to that event, during the whole time the Brigadier

was detached, I heard of no more excesses. In the instance of Alli

Boghan, after a most minute inquiry, I have reason to believe that not

a man, woman, or child was injured, and I know the greater part of the

property was returned to the head man of the village.

In subsequent engagements with the enemy at Mamookail, Jugdulluck,

and Tezeen, I neither saw or heard of any excesses. A report was

circulated that an European was burnt alive at Jugdulluck, and that

two Afghans were burnt in like manner by our troops in revenge, the

whole of which was an infamous fabrication.

I know of no instances of cruelty or excess at Istaliff; and the

feeling of the army could not have been very prone thereto when about

four or five hundred women and children were protected from insult and

injury, and made over to their families after the engagement. If any

excess has been committed which I have not noticed, I can only affirm

that I recollect none; and I beg to add, that the praise bestowed on

the troops on a late occasion by your Lordship for their “forbearance

in victory,” is, as far as I am able to judge, well merited; and I

trust your Lordship will never have cause to alter your good opinion

of their conduct.

On the subject of trees being destroyed, I am unable to call to

recollection what occurred in Brigadier Monteith’s detachment; and

the only instance of their destruction, which came under my personal

observation, was at Mamookail, where the ground was such that I was

obliged to encamp the different regiments in the gardens surrounding

the fort. Without this precaution I should have been subjecting the

troops to constant annoyance, as the enemy would certainly have

occupied them. The destruction of the vines and other small plants was

almost a necessary consequence of our occupying Mamookail.

With regard to the destruction of the Caubul bazaar and mosque, it may

possibly be supposed that with them was destroyed other property; but

this was not the case.

The insult offered to the remains of the late Envoy was notorious to

the whole of the chiefs and inhabitants of the city. They admitted

that the mutilated body was dragged through the bazaar and treated by

the populace with every indignity, and eventually hung there, that

every Afghan in the city might witness the treatment of the remains

of the representative of the British Government. The intended measure

was communicated to the chiefs, who not only admitted the propriety

of destroying a place were such scenes had transpired, but offered

to, and did, accompany the party sent for its destruction. Those

who resided at and near the bazaar had two days’ previous notice to

remove their property (which they did), and I am not aware of any

instances of violence having occurred. It was not possible entirely

to prevent plundering; but during the time the engineer was employed

in the destruction of the bazaar and mosque attached, both cavalry and

infantry were on duty in the city to prevent any outrage.

I have the honour, &c.

GEO. POLLOCK.

[_MS. Records._]

FROM GENERAL POLLOCK TO LORD ELLENBOROUGH.

Ghazeepore, _10th April, 1843_.

MY LORD,

Since I had the honour to address your Lordship on the 2nd instant, in

reply to your Lordship’s letter dated the 23rd ultimo, it has occured

to me that I could not produce better proof of the forbearance of

the troops under my command than by a reference to their conduct on

the morning of the 16th of September last. I have already officially

detailed the number of troops which accompanied me on the occasion

of planting the colours on the Balla Hissar. It was deemed advisable

on that occasion to go through a part of the city, and although

the troops had arrived only the day before from a march which was

abundantly calculated to irritate and exasperate them, they so fully

and literally obeyed the orders I had previously given, that not a

house or an individual was injured, either in going or returning from

the Balla-Hissar. The destruction of the residence of Koda Bux, the

chief of Teezeen, may perhaps have been considered an excess; I will

therefore explain, that during the time the army remained in advance

of Teezeen, the chief of that place was the cause of our communication

being cut off. He was repeatedly warned what the consequences would be

when an opportunity offered, if he persisted in such a course; but I

beg to add that the injury sustained by the chief in the destruction

of his residence entailed no loss on others that I am aware of, as the

injury done was confined almost entirely to the fortified dwelling.

Forage was found there and brought to camp, but not an individual was

injured.

I have the honour to be, &c., &c.

GEO. POLLOCK.

FROM GENERAL POLLOCK TO THE ADJUTANT-GENERAL.

Dinapore, _18th April, 1843_.

SIR,

I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter dated

the 29th ult., which awaited my arrival here. I regret that I was

not sooner in possession of your letter, as I fear this will be too

late for the purpose required. Nearly all the information it is in

my power to give is contained in the accompanying copies of letters

which I have addressed to the Right Honourable the Governor-General

in reply to a reference his Lordship was pleased to make to me. With

respect to the extent of injury done by the brigade under Brigadier

Monteith, I am unable to give any detailed account. The provisions,

grain, etc., and materials for building, were taken from those of the

inhabitants who were openly opposed to our troops; but in both cases

the cost of things taken was carried to the account of government.

I have already, in my letters to his Lordship, stated that I am not

aware of any Afghans having been killed when unresisting, or from

any feeling of revenge on the part of the troops. Torabauz Khan, the

chief of Lallpoora, and the governor of Jellalabad, accompanied the

brigade to point out what property should be respected. With regard

to the violation of woman, I heard of no instance of the kind; and I

am quite sure that Brigadier Monteith would have done his utmost to

prevent such excuses. I have stated to his Lordship what occurred at

Mamoo Kail, and I know most positively that no Afghan was killed on

that occasion except in fair fighting. The families had, I believe,

gone the day before the place was taken. I cannot say when or by whom

the fort or adjoining houses were set fire to. I passed through with

the right column in pursuit of the enemy, and did not return till

the afternoon, when I had determined to encamp there. On my return

I found Brigadier Pollock with his column (the left) occupying the

gardens. The fort and adjacent houses were still burning. On the

return of the whole of the troops, it was necessary for their security

to take advantage of the gardens surrounded by walls, and the men

were accordingly encamped there. The destruction of the vines was a

necessary consequence, as every one must know who has seen how grapes

are cultivated in Afghanistan. There were very few trees cut down,

but the bark of a number of them was taken from about two or three

inches. With reference to the third paragraph of your letter, I beg

to state, that from the date of my arrival at Caubul on the 15th of

September, the inhabitants commenced returning to their houses. They

had assurances from me of protection, and, with the exception of the

covered bazaar, I did my utmost to protect both the inhabitants and

their dwellings from injury. I have already stated to his Lordship why

I considered that particular spot (the bazaar) should suffer, and on

the 9th of October the engineer commenced his operations. I believe

I am quite justified in stating that no lives were lost; the private

property had been removed, and I had both cavalry and infantry on duty

in the city to prevent plundering. Some injury was no doubt sustained

by the city, but the damage done even when we left it was partial

and comparatively trivial. I consider it mere justice to the troops

who proceeded under my command to Caubul, and who passed over scenes

which were particularly calculated to cause great excitement among

them, to state, that their conduct on proceeding to the Balla Hissar

(passing through a part of the city) was quite unexceptionable, and

the good effect resulting therefrom was immediately felt: confidence

was restored; in proof of which I may state that supplies both of

grain and forage were brought in abundantly, everything being paid

for. I have no memorandum from which to quote the exact quantities

of grain which came into camp, but my recollection of the quantities

in round numbers is as follows:—The first day 500 maunds, second day

1000 maunds, third day 1600 maunds, fourth day 2000 maunds, fifth day

1000 maunds. The falling off of the supplies on the fifth day was

the consequence, I was told, of some of the men of General Nott’s

force having plundered those who were bringing in supplies. I wrote

to General Nott on the subject; but from that period the supplies

never came in so freely as before, and I am sorry to add that many

complaints were made. I have hitherto been silent on this subject, and

should have continued so, for reasons which it is perhaps unnecessary

to explain; but as the third paragraph of your letter calls for a more

particular report than I have hitherto made, I reluctantly forward the

accompanying documents, upon which it is unnecessary for me to make

any comments.

I beg, however, to state distinctly, that until plundering commenced

supplies of every description were abundant, and the people were

fast returning to the city. In reply to that part of the third

paragraph in which I am directed to state what injury I understood

had been committed by the Candahar force after my march, I have

merely to observe, that from all I had heard I thought it advisable

that the whole force should move from Caubul the same day; and this

precaution, I have reason to believe, prevented some excesses.

In reply to the fourth paragraph, I believe I may with great truth

state that no Afghans were destroyed in cold blood, either before or

after reaching Caubul. No women were either dishonoured or murdered,

that I am aware of. With regard to the destruction of that particular

part of the Caubul bazaar where the envoy’s remains were treated with

indignity, and brutally dragged through to be there dishonoured and

spit upon by every Mussulman, I admit that I considered it the most

suitable place in which to have decided proofs of the power of the

British army, without impeaching its humanity.

I have, as directed by you, forwarded a copy of this letter and the

original documents to Colonel Stewart, for the information of the

Governor-General.

I have the honour to be, Sir, &c. &c. &c.

GEO. POLLOCK.

POLITICAL DEPARTMENT.

THE COURT OF DIRECTORS TO THE GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF INDIA IN COUNCIL.

London, _2nd April, 1843_.

The Secret Committee has communicated to us the letters noted

below,[362] relating to inquiries addressed by order of the

Governor-General to the General Officers lately commanding in

Afghanistan, on the subject of certain rumours of outrages alleged to

have been perpetrated by the British troops, and conveying replies to

those inquiries from Major-Generals Sir George Pollock, Sir William

Nott,[363] and Sir John M’Caskill.

When these rumours were first brought to our knowledge, we deemed them

to be great exaggerations, if not altogether unfounded; and we did

not doubt that we should receive, in due course, full and exculpatory

explanations as to what had actually taken place.

Whilst we regard the statements made by the three General Officers

as generally satisfactory, we cannot avoid the expression of our

regret that Sir William Nott should have been hurried, by the warmth

of his feelings, into throwing on the government which he served the

reflection contained in the last paragraph of that letter, and which

was quite unnecessary to the vindication of his own character, and

that of the troops under his command.

Neither can we do otherwise than notice with regret the publication

of Sir William Nott’s letter in an English newspaper. We have not the

means of ascertaining how this irregularity occurred, but we must

observe, that unauthorised disclosure of official correspondence

on any subject is highly improper, and may lead to the greatest

inconvenience.

We are, &c.

(Signed) JOHN COTTON. E. MACNAGHTEN.

JOHN SHEPHERD. W. H. C. PLOWDEN.

W. ASTELL. JOHN MASTERMAN.

C. MILLS. W. B. BAYLEY.

J. LUSHINGTON. HY. ALEXANDER.

RUSSELL ELLICE. M. T. SMITH.

R. JENKINS.

[_MS. Records._]

THE END.

LONDON: PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD STREET AND

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