Coronation of Charles--The Nuncio Aleander--Will Luther's
Books be burnt?--Aleander and the Emperor--The Nuncios and
the Elector--The Son of Duke John pleads for
Luther--Luther's calmness--The Elector protects
Luther--Reply of the Nuncios--Erasmus at Cologne--Erasmus
with the Elector--Declaration of Erasmus--Advice of
Erasmus--System of Charles V.
The powerful words of the Reformer penetrated all minds, and
contributed to their emancipation. The sparks of light which each word
threw out were communicated to the whole nation. But a great question
remained to be solved. Would the prince, in whose states Luther dwelt,
favour the execution of the bull, or would he oppose it? The reply
seemed doubtful. At that time the Elector and all the princes of the
empire were at Aix-la-Chapelle where the crown of Charlemagne was
placed upon the head of the youngest but most powerful monarch of
Christendom. Unprecedented pomp and magnificence were displayed in the
ceremony. Charles V, Frederick, the princes, ministers, and
ambassadors, immediately after repaired to Cologne. Aix-la-Chapelle,
where the plague was raging, seemed to empty itself into this ancient
town on the banks of the Rhine.
[Sidenote: THE NUNCIO ALEANDER.]
Among the crowd of strangers who pressed into the city were the two
papal nuncios, Marino Carracioli and Jerome Aleander. Carracioli, who
had previously executed a mission to Maximilian, was appointed to
congratulate the new emperor, and confer with him on matters of state.
But Rome had become aware that, in order to succeed in extinguishing
the Reformation, it was necessary to send into Germany a nuncio
specially entrusted with the task, and with a character, address, and
activity fitted to accomplish it. Aleander had been selected.[318]
This man, who was afterwards decorated with the cardinals' purple,
seems to have been of rather an ancient family, and not of Jewish
parentage as has been said. The guilty Borgia called him to Rome to be
secretary to his son, the Cesar, before whose murderous sword all Rome
trembled.[319] "Like master like servant," says a historian, who thus
compares Aleander to Alexander VI. This judgment seems too severe.
After the death of Borgia, Aleander devoted himself to study with new
ardour. His skill in Greek, Hebrew, Chaldee, and Arabic, gave him the
reputation of being the most learned man of his age. He threw his
whole soul into whatever he undertook. The zeal with which he studied
languages was not a whit stronger than that which he displayed in
persecuting the Reformation. Leo X took him into his service.
Protestant historians speak of his epicurean habits--Roman historians
of the integrity of his life.[320] He seems to have been fond of
luxury, show, and amusement. "Aleander," says his old friend Erasmus,
"lived in Venice, in high office, but in low epicureanism." He is
admitted to have been violent in temper, prompt in action, full of
ardour, indefatigable, imperious, and devoted to the pope. Eck is the
blustering, intrepid champion of the school,--Aleander the proud
ambassador of the arrogant court of the pontiffs. He seemed formed to
be a nuncio.
[318] Studium flagrantissimum religionis, ardor idolis...incredibile
quanta solertia (Pallavicini, i, p. 84.)
[319] Capello, Venetian ambassador at Rome, in 1500, says of him,
"Tutta Roma trema di esso ducha non li faza amazzar"... (Relatione
M.S. Archives of Vienna, extracted by Ranke.)
[320] Er wird übel als ein gebohrner Jude und schaendlicher Epicurer
beschrieben. (Seckend. 286.)--Integritas vitæ qua prænoscebatur...
(Pallavicini, i, p. 84.)
Rome had made every preparation to destroy the monk of Wittemberg. The
duty of assisting at the coronation of the emperor, as representative
of the pope, was to Aleander only a secondary mission, fitted to
facilitate his task by the respect which it secured to him. The
essential part of his commission was to dispose Charles to crush the
growing Reformation.[321] In putting the bull into the hands of the
emperor, the nuncio had thus addressed him:--"The pope, who has
succeeded with so many great princes, will have little difficulty in
bringing three grammarians to order." By these he meant Luther,
Melancthon, and Erasmus. Erasmus was present at this audience.
[321] "Cui tota sollicitudo insisteret, nascentis hæresis evellendæ."
(Pallavicini, i, p. 83.) Whose whole anxiety was directed to the
extirpation of the growing heresy.
[Sidenote: WILL LUTHER'S WORKS BE BURNT?]
No sooner had Aleander arrived at Cologne, than he proceeded in
concert with Carracioli, to put everything in train for burning
Luther's heretical writings throughout the empire, but more especially
under the eyes of the princes of Germany who were then assembled.
Charles V had already consented to its being done in his hereditary
states. The minds of men were greatly agitated. "Such measures," it
was said to the ministers of Charles, and to the nuncios themselves,
"far from curing the evil, will only make it worse. Do you imagine
that the doctrine of Luther exists only in the books which you throw
into the flames? It is written where you cannot reach it--on the
hearts of the population.[322] If you will employ force, it must be
that of innumerable swords, drawn to massacre an immense
multitude.[323] Some billets of wood, collected for the purpose of
consuming some bits of paper, will do nothing; such weapons become not
the dignity either of the emperor or the pontiff." The nuncio defended
his faggot piles. "These flames," said he, "are a sentence of
condemnation written in gigantic letters, and understood alike by
those who are near, and those who are at a distance, by the learned
and the ignorant, by those even who cannot read."
[322] "Altiusque insculptam in mentibus universæ fere Germaniæ."
(Pallavicini, i, p. 88.)
[323] "In vi innumerabilium gladiorum qui infinitum populum
trucidarent." (Ibid.)
But, in reality the nuncio's efforts were directed not against papers
and books, but Luther himself. "These flames," resumed he, "are not
sufficient to purify the infected air of Germany.[324] If they deter
the simple, they do not correct the wicked. The thing wanted is an
edict from the emperor against Luther's head."[325]
[324] "Non satis ad expurgandam aërem Germaniæ jam tabificum." (Ibid.,
p. 89.)
[325] Cæsaris edictum in caput ... Lutheri. (Ibid.)
Aleander did not find the emperor so complying on the subject of the
Reformer's person as on that of his books.
"Having just ascended the throne," said he to Aleander, "I cannot,
without the advice of my counsellors, and the consent of the princes,
strike such a blow at an immense faction, surrounded by such powerful
defenders. Let us first know what our father, the Elector of Saxony,
thinks of the affair; after that, we shall see what answer to give to
the pope."[326] On the Elector, therefore, the nuncios proceeded to
try their wiles, and the power of their eloquence.
[326] "Audiamus antea hac in re patrem nostrum Fredericum." (L. Op.
Lat., ii, p. 117.)
On the first Sunday of November, after Frederick had attended mass in
the convent of the Cordeliers, Carracioli and Aleander requested an
audience. He received them in the presence of the Bishop of Trent, and
several of his counsellors. Carracioli first presented the papal
brief. Milder than Aleander, he thought it best to gain the Elector by
flattery, and began to laud him and his ancestors. "In you," said he,
"we hope for the salvation of the Roman Church and the Roman empire."
[Sidenote: THE NUNCIOS AND THE ELECTOR.]
But the impetuous Aleander, wishing to come to the point, came
briskly forward, and interrupted his colleague, who modestly gave way
to him.[327] "It is to me," said he, "and Eck, that Martin's affair
has been entrusted. See the immense perils to which this man exposes
the Christian commonwealth. If a remedy is not speedily applied, the
empire is destroyed. What ruined the Greeks if it was not their
abandonment of the pope? You cannot remain united to Luther without
separating from Jesus Christ.[328] In the name of his Holiness, I ask
of you two things: _first_, to burn the writings of Luther;
_secondly_, to punish him according to his demerits, or at least to
give him up a prisoner to the pope.[329] The emperor, and all the
princes of the empire have declared their readiness to accede to our
demands; you alone still hesitate...."
[327] "Cui ita loquenti de improviso sese addit Aleander ..." (L. Op.
Lat., ii, p. 117.)
[328] Non posse cum Luthero conjungi, quin sejungeretur a Christo.
(Pallavicini. p. 86.)
[329] Ut de eo supplicium sumeret, vel captum pontifici transmitteret.
(L. Op. Lat. ii, p. 117.)
Frederick replied, by the intervention of the Bishop of Trent, "This
affair is too grave to be decided on the spur of the moment. We will
acquaint you with our resolution."
Frederick's position was difficult. What course will he adopt? On the
one side are the emperor, the princes of the empire, and the chief
pontiff of Christendom, from whose authority the Elector has as yet no
thought of withdrawing; on the other, a monk, a feeble monk; for his
person is all that is asked. The reign of the emperor has just
commenced, and will discord be thrown into the empire by Frederick,
the oldest and the wisest of all the princes of Germany? Besides, can
he renounce that piety which led him as far as the sepulchre of
Christ?...
Other voices were then heard. John Frederick, son of Duke John, and
nephew of Frederick, the pupil of Spalatin, a young prince, seventeen
years of age, who afterwards wore the electoral crown, and whose reign
was marked by great misfortunes, had been inspired with a heartfelt
love of the truth, and was strongly attached to Luther.[330] When he
saw him struck with the anathemas of Rome, he embraced his cause with
the warmth of a young Christian and a young prince. He wrote to the
doctor, he wrote also to his uncle, soliciting him to protect Luther
against his enemies. At the same time, Spalatin, though indeed he was
often very desponding, Pontanus, and the other counsellors who were
with the Elector at Cologne, represented to him that he could not
abandon the Reformer.[331]
[330] ... Sonderliche Gunst und Gnade zu mir unwürdiglich und den
grossen Willen und Lust zer der heiligen göttlichen Wahrheit ... (L.
Ep. i, p. 548, to John Frederick, 30th October, 1520.)
[331] "Assiduo flabello ministrorum, illi jugiter suadentium ne
Lutherum desereret." (Pallavicini, i, p. 86.)
[Sidenote: THE ELECTOR PROTECTS LUTHER.]
Amid the general agitation, only one man remained tranquil--that man
was Luther. While others were trying to save him by the influence of
the great, the monk, in his cloister at Wittemberg, thought that the
great stood more in need of being saved by him. Writing to Spalatin,
he says, "If the gospel was of a nature to be propagated or maintained
by the power of the world, God would not have entrusted it to
fishermen.[332] To defend the gospel appertains not to the princes and
pontiffs of this world. They have enough to do to shelter themselves
from the judgments of the Lord and his Anointed. If I speak, I do it
in order that they may obtain the knowledge of the divine word, and be
saved by it."
[332] Evangelium si tale esset, quod potentatibus mundi aut
propagaretur aut servaretur, non illud piscatoribus Deus demandasset.
(L. Ep. i, p. 521.)
Luther's expectation was not to be deceived. The faith which a convent
of Wittemberg contained exercised its influence in the palaces of
Cologne. The heart of Frederick, shaken perhaps for an instant, became
gradually stronger. He was indignant that the pope, notwithstanding of
urgent entreaties to investigate the matter in Germany, had condemned
it at Rome, on the demand of the Reformer's personal enemy; and that
in his absence that enemy should have dared to publish in Saxony a
bull which threatened the existence of the university and the peace of
his people. Besides, the Elector was convinced that Luther had been
wronged. He shuddered at the thought of delivering an innocent man
into the cruel hands of his enemies. Justice, rather than the pope,
such was the rule he adopted. He resolved not to yield to Rome. On the
4th November, when the Roman nuncios were in his presence with the
Bishop of Trent, his counsellors announced to them, on the part of the
Elector, that he was much grieved to see how Doctor Eck had taken the
opportunity of his absence to involve in condemnation several persons
not adverted to in the bull; that it might be that, since his
departure, an immense number of the learned and the ignorant, the
clergy and the laity, had united in adhering to the cause and the
appeal of Luther;[333] that neither his Imperial Majesty, nor any
person, had shown him that the writings of Luther had been refuted,
and that the only thing now necessary was to throw them into the fire,
that he moreover demanded a safe conduct for Doctor Luther, to enable
him to appear before learned, pious, and important judges.
[333] "Ut ingens vis populi, doctorum et rudium, sacrorum et
profanorum, sese conjunxerint...." (L. Op. Lat., ii, p. 116.)
[Sidenote: ERASMUS AT COLOGNE.]
After this declaration, Aleander, Carracioli, and their suite, retired
to deliberate.[334] It was the first time the Elector had publicly
declared his intentions with regard to the Reformer. The nuncios had
anticipated a very different result. "Now," thought they, "that the
Elector, by persisting in playing his part of impartiality, would
expose himself to dangers, the full extent of which cannot be
foreseen, he will not hesitate to sacrifice the monk." So Rome had
reasoned. But her schemes were destined to fail before a power to
which she had not adverted--the love of justice and truth.
[334] "Quo audito, Marinus et Aleander seorsim cum suis locuti sunt."
(Ibid., p. 117.)
When again before the Elector's counsellors, "I would fain know," said
the imperious Aleander, "what the Elector would think were one of his
subjects to choose the King of France or some other foreign prince for
judge?" Seeing at length that the Saxon counsellors were not to be
shaken, he said, "We will execute the bull; we will prosecute and burn
the writings of Luther. As to his person," added he, affecting a
disdainful indifference, "the pope has no anxiety to dip his hand in
the blood of the wretch."
News of the reply which the Elector had given to the nuncios having
reached Wittemberg, Luther's friends were overjoyed. Melancthon and
Amsdorff, in particular, cherished the most flattering hopes. "The
German nobility," said Melancthon, "will shape their course by the
example of a prince whom they follow in every thing as their Nestor.
If Homer called his hero '_the wall of the Greeks_,' why should not
Frederick be called '_the wall of the Germans_?'"[335]
[335] Homerica adpellatione murum Germaniæ. (Corp. Ref. i, p. 272.)
[Sidenote: ERASMUS WITH THE ELECTOR.]
Erasmus, the oracle of courts, the torch of the schools, the light of
the world, was then at Cologne, having been invited thither by several
princes who wished to consult him. At the period of the Reformation,
Erasmus was at the head of the true middle (_juste milieu_) party, at
least he thought he was, but erroneously; for when truth and error are
in presence of each other, the right side is not the middle. He was
the chief of that philosophical and university party, which had for
ages aspired to correct Rome, without being able to do so; he was the
representative of human wisdom; but this wisdom was too weak to
repress the arrogance of the papacy. The wisdom of God was
necessary--that wisdom which the world often calls folly, but at the
bidding of which mountains are crushed. Erasmus was unwilling either
to throw himself into the arms of Luther, or to seat himself at the
feet of the pope. He hesitated, and often vibrated between these two
powers, sometimes attracted towards Luther, and then suddenly repelled
towards the pope. He had declared for Luther in a letter to the
Archbishop of Mentz, in which he had said, "The last spark of
Christian piety seems ready to be extinguished. It is this that has
moved Luther's heart; he cares neither for money nor honour."[336] The
publication of this letter by the imprudent Ulric von Hütten,
subjected Erasmus to so much annoyance that he resolved to act with
more prudence in future. Besides, he was accused of being in concert
with Luther whose unguarded speeches moreover offended him. "Almost
all good people,"[337] said he, "are for Luther, but I see that we are
on the high way to a revolt. I would not have my name coupled with
his. It hurts me and does him no good."[338] "Be it so," replied
Luther, "since it pains you, I promise never to mention your name, nor
that of any of your friends." Such was the man to whom both the
enemies and the friends of the Reformer applied.
[336] "Et futurum erat .... ut tandem prorsus extingueretur illa
scintilla Christianæ pietatis; hæc moverunt animum Lutheri .... qui
nec honores ambit nec pecuniam cupit." (Erasm. Ep. Londini, 1642, p.
586.)
[337] Favent vero ferme boni omnes. (Corp. Ref. i, p. 205.)
[338] Er will von mir ungenennt seyn. (L. Ep. i, p. 525.) Nam ea res
me gravat et Lutherum non sublevat. (Corp. Ref. i, p. 206.)
[Sidenote: OPINION OF ERASMUS.]
The Elector, aware that the opinion of a man so much respected as
Erasmus would carry great weight, invited the illustrious Dutchman to
come to him. Erasmus complied. This was on the 5th of December. The
friends of Luther saw this step not without secret apprehension. The
Elector was sitting before the fire, with Spalatin beside him, when
Erasmus was introduced. "What think you of Luther?" immediately asked
Frederick. The prudent Erasmus, surprised at the direct question, at
first tried to evade it. He twisted his mouth, bit his lips, and said
nothing. Then the Elector, opening his eyes (says Spalatin,) as he was
wont to do when speaking to persons from whom he wished a precise
answer, looked piercingly at Erasmus,[339] who, not knowing how to
disembarrass himself, at last said, half in jest, "Luther has
committed two great faults; he has attacked the pope's crown and the
monks' belly." The Elector smiled, but gave Erasmus to understand that
he was in earnest. Then Erasmus, laying aside his reserve, said, "The
source of all this dispute is the hatred of the monks against letters,
and the fear they have of seeing an end put to their tyranny.[340]
What have they put in operation against Luther? Clamour, cabal,
hatred, libels. The more virtuous, and the more attached to the
doctrines of the gospel a man is, the less is he opposed to
Luther.[341] The harshness of the bull has excited the indignation of
all good men, and nobody has been able to discover in it the meekness
of a vicar of Jesus Christ.[342] Out of so many universities two only
have attacked Luther, and even these have only condemned, not
convicted him. Let not people deceive themselves; the danger is
greater than some suppose. Things difficult and arduous are at
hand.[343]... To begin the reign of Charles with an act so hateful as
the imprisonment of Luther would be of sad augury. The world is
thirsting for evangelical truth.[344] Let us beware of culpably
resisting it. Let the affair be examined by grave men of sound
judgment; this would be more accordant with the dignity of the pope
himself."
[339] Da sperret auch wahrlich mein gnädister Herr seine Augen nur
wohl auf... (Spalatin Hist. MS. in Seckend. p. 291.)
[340] Lutherus peccavit in duobus, nempe quod tetigit coronam
pontificis et ventres monachorum, (See 1st vol.)
[341] Cum optimus quisque et evangelicæ doctrinæ proximus dicatur,
minime offensus Luthero. (Axiomata Erasmi in L. Op. Lat. ii, p. 115.)
[342] Bullæ sævitia probos omnes offendit ut indigna mitissimo Christi
vicario. (Ibid.)
[343] Urgent ardua negotia.... (Ibid.)
[344] Mundus sitit veritatem evangelicam. (Axiomata Erasmi in L. Op.
Lat. ii, p. 115.)
Thus spoke Erasmus to the Elector. The reader will perhaps be
astonished at his frankness; but Erasmus knew to whom he was speaking.
Spalatin was delighted, and going out with Erasmus, accompanied him as
far as the house of the Count of Nuenar, provost of Cologne, where the
illustrious scholar was residing. Erasmus, in a fit of frankness, went
into his room, took up the pen and wrote down the substance of what he
had said to the Elector, and gave it to Spalatin. But fear of Aleander
soon took possession of the timid Erasmus, the courage which he had
felt in the presence of the Elector and his chaplain vanished, and he
begged Spalatin to send back his too bold writing lest it should fall
into the hands of the terrible nuncio. It was too late.
The Elector, feeling strong in the opinion of Erasmus, spoke in more
decided terms to the emperor. Erasmus himself strove in nocturnal
conferences,[345] like Nicodemus of old, to persuade the counsellors
of Charles that it was necessary to remit the whole affair to
impartial judges. Perhaps he had some hope of being named arbiter in
this cause which threatened to divide the Christian world. His vanity
would have been flattered by the office. But, at the same time, not to
lose himself at Rome, he wrote the most submissive letters to Leo, who
replied in kind terms, and thereby put poor Aleander to the
torture.[346] From love to the pope, he could have sharply rebuked the
pope. Erasmus communicated the pontiff's letters because they added to
his credit. The nuncio made a complaint at Rome: "Pretend," was the
answer, "that you do not observe the naughtiness of that man. Prudence
requires it: it is necessary to leave the door open for
repentance."[347]
[345] Sollicitatis per nocturnos congressus. (Pallavicini, p. 87.)
[346] Quæ male torquebant Aleandrum. (Ibid.)
[347] Prudentis erat consilii hominis pravitatem dissimulare. (Ibid,
p. 88.)
[Sidenote: POLICY OF CHARLES V.]
Charles V himself embraced a vacillating system, which consisted in
flattering both the pope and the Elector, and in seeming to incline
alternately towards the one or the other according to the wants of the
moment. One of his ministers, whom he had sent to Rome on certain
Spanish matters, had arrived at the very time when Eck was loudly
prosecuting Luther's condemnation. The wily ambassador instantly saw
the advantages which his master might derive from the Saxon monk, and
on the 12th May, 1520, wrote the emperor, who was still in Spain:
"Your Majesty should go into Germany, and there show some favour to
one Martin Luther, who is at the Court of Saxony, and, by his
discourses, is giving much uneasiness to the Court of Rome."[348]
Such, at the outset, was the light in which Charles viewed the matter.
His object was not to know on which side truth or error lay, or to
ascertain what the great interest of Germany demanded. What does
policy require, and by what means can the pope be induced to support
the emperor? This was the whole question, and at Rome was well known
to be so. The ministers of Charles gave Aleander a hint of the plan
which their master meant to follow. "The emperor," said they, "will
act towards the pope as the pope acts towards the emperor: for he
cares not to increase the power of his rivals, and in particular of
the king of France."[349] At these words the imperious nuncio gave
vent to his indignation: "What!" replied he, "even should the pope
abandon the emperor must the emperor abandon religion? If Charles
means thus to take his revenge ... let him tremble! This unprincipled
course will turn against himself." The imperial diplomatists were not
moved by the menaces of the nuncio.
[348] Despatches of Manuel Llorente, i, p. 338.
[349] Pallav. p. 91.