CHAPTER V.

DISGRACE AND DEATH OF CROMWELL, EARL OF ESSEX.

(1540.)

Eight days after the imprisonment of Barnes and his two friends (April

12, 1540), parliament opened for the first time without abbots or

priors. Cromwell was thoughtful and uneasy; he saw everywhere occasions

of alarm; he felt his position insecure. The statute of the Six

Articles, the conviction which possessed his mind that the doctrines

of the Middle Ages were regaining an indisputable ascendency over the

king, the wrath of Norfolk, and Henry's ill-will on account of the

queen whom Cromwell had chosen for him--these were the dark points

which threatened his future. His friends were scattered or persecuted;

his enemies were gathered about the throne. Henry, however, made no

sign, but secretly meditated a violent blow. He concealed the game he

was playing so that others, and especially Cromwell himself, should

have no perception of it. The powerful minister, therefore, appeared

in parliament, assuming a confident air, as the ever-powerful organ

of the supreme will of the king. Henry VIII., the man of extremes,

thought proper at this time to exhibit himself as an advocate of a

middle course. The country is agitated by religious dissensions, said

the vicegerent, his representative; and in his speech to the House

he set forth on the one hand the rooted superstition and obstinate

clinging to popery, and on the other thoughtless and impertinent and

culpable rashness (referring doubtless to Barnes): that the king

desired a union of the two parties; that he leaned to neither side;

that he would equally repress the license of heretics and that of the

papists, and that he 'set the pure and sincere doctrine of Christ

before his eyes.'[329] These words of Cromwell were wise. Union in

the truth is the great want of all ages. But Henry added his comment.

He refused to turn to the right or to the left. He would not himself

hold, nor did he intend to permit England to hold, any other doctrine

than that prescribed by his own sovereign authority, sword in hand.

Cromwell did not fail to let it be known by what method the king

meant to bring about this union; he insisted on penalties against all

who did not submit to the Bible and against those who put upon it a

wrong interpretation. Henry intended to strike right and left with

his vigorous lance. To carry out the scheme of union a commission was

appointed, the result of which, after two years' labors, was a confused

medley of truths and errors.[330]

[Sidenote: CROMWELL'S HONORS AND WEALTH.]

Strange to say, although Cromwell was now on the brink of an abyss,

the king still heaped favors upon him. He was already chancellor of

the Exchequer, first secretary of state, vicegerent and vicar-general

of England in spiritual affairs, lord privy seal, and knight of

the Garter; but he was now to see fresh honors added to all these.

The earl of Essex had just died, and a week later died the earl of

Oxford, who had been lord chamberlain. Hereupon Henry made Cromwell,

'the blacksmith's son,' whom Norfolk and the other nobles despised

so heartily, earl of Essex and lord chamberlain, and had his name

placed at the head of the roll of peers. Wealth was no more wanting to

him than honors. He received a large portion of the property of the

deceased lord Essex; the king conferred on him thirty manors taken from

the suppressed monasteries; he owned great estates in eight counties;

and he still continued to superintend the business of the crown. We

might well ask how it came to pass that such a profusion of favors fell

to his lot just at the time when the king was angry with him as the

man who had given him Anne of Cleves for a wife; when the imprisonment

of Barnes, his friend and confidential agent, greatly compromised him,

and when, in addition to these things, Norfolk, Gardiner, and the whole

Catholic party were striving to put down this _parvenu_, who offended

them and stood in their way. Two answers may be given to this question.

Henry was desirous that Cromwell should make a great effort to secure

the assent of parliament to bills of a very extraordinary character

but very advantageous to the king; and it was his hope that the titles

under which Cromwell would appear before the houses would make success

easier. Several contemporaries, however, assigned a different cause

for these royal favors. 'Some persons now suspect,' wrote Hilles to

Bullinger, 'that this was all an artifice, to make people conclude

that he [Cromwell] must have been a most wicked traitor, and guilty

of treason in every possible way; or else the king would never have

executed one who was so dear to him, as was made manifest by the

presents he had bestowed upon him.'[331] Besides, was it not the custom

of the ancients to crown their victims with flowers before sacrificing

them?

Henry was greedy of money, and was in want of it, for he spent it

prodigally. He applied to Cromwell for it. The latter was aware that in

making himself the king's instrument in this matter he was estranging

from himself the mind of the nation; but he considered that a great

sovereign must have great resources, and he was always willing to

sacrifice himself for the king, for to him he owed every thing, and

he loved him in spite of his faults. On April 23, four days after

receiving from the king such extraordinary favors, Cromwell proposed to

the house to suppress the Knights of St. John of Jerusalem, and urged

that their estates, which were considerable, should be given to the

king. This was agreed to by parliament. On May 3 he demanded for his

majesty a subsidy of unparalleled character, namely, four tenths and

fifteenths, in addition to ten per cent. on the rents of lands and five

per cent. on the value of merchandise. This also he obtained. Next he

went to the convocation of the clergy, and claimed from them two tenths

and twenty per cent. on ecclesiastical revenues for two years. Again he

succeeded. By May 8 the king had obtained through Cromwell's energy all

that he wished for.

[Sidenote: THE KING'S LETTER TO HIM.]

On the very next day, Sunday, May 9, Cromwell received in his palace a

note from the king thus worded:[332]

'HENRY R.

'By the King.

'Right trusty and well beloved cousin,--We greet you well;

signifying unto you our pleasure and commandment is that

forthwith, and upon the receipt of these our letters, setting

all other affairs apart, ye do repair unto us, for the treaty

of such great and weighty matters as whereupon doth consist

the surety of our person, the preservation of our honor, and

the tranquillity and quietness of you, and all other our

loving and faithful subjects, like as at your arrival here ye

shall more plainly perceive and understand. And that ye fail

not hereof, as we specially trust you.

'Given under our signet, at our manor of Westminster, the 9th

day of May.'

What could this urgent and mysterious note mean? Cromwell could not

rest after reading it. 'The surety of our person, the preservation of

our honor' are in question, said the king. We may imagine the agitation

of his mind, his fears as to the result of the visit, and the state

of perplexity in which, without losing a minute, he went in obedience

to the king's command. We have no information as to what passed at

this interview. Probably the minister supposed that he had justified

himself in his master's sight. On the following day, Monday, the earl

of Essex was present as usual in the House of Lords and introduced a

bill. The day after, parliament was prorogued till May 25. What could

be the reason for this? It has been supposed that Cromwell's enemies

wished to gain the time needful for collecting evidence in support of

the charges which they intended to bring against him. When the fifteen

days had elapsed, parliament met again, and the earl of Essex was in

his place on the first and following days. He was still in the assembly

as minister of the king on June 10, on which day, at three o'clock,

there was a meeting of the Privy Council. The duke of Norfolk, the earl

of Essex, and the other members were quietly seated round the table,

when the duke rose and accused Cromwell of high treason. Cromwell

understood that Norfolk was acting under the sanction of the king, and

he recollected the note of May 9. The lord chancellor arrested him and

had him conducted to the Tower.[333]

[Sidenote: CHARGES AGAINST CROMWELL.]

Norfolk was more than ever in favor, for Henry, husband of Anne of

Cleves, was at this time enamored of Norfolk's niece. He believed--and

Gardiner, doubtless, did not fail to encourage the belief--that he

must promptly take advantage of the extraordinary good-will which

the king testified to him to overthrow the adversary of Anglican

Catholicism, the powerful protector of the Bible and the Reformation.

In the judgment of this party Cromwell was a heretic and a chief of

heretics. This was the principal motive, and substantially the only

motive, of the attack made on the earl of Essex. In a letter addressed

at this time by the Council to Sir John Wallop,[334] ambassador at

the court of France, a circular letter sent also to the principal

officers and representatives of the king, the crime of which Cromwell

was accused is distinctly set forth. 'The lord privy seal,' it was

therein said, 'to whom the king's said majesty hath been so special

good and gracious lord, neither remembering his duty herein to God,

nor yet to his highness ... hath not only wrought clean contrary to

this his grace's most godly intent, secretly and indirectly advancing

the one of the extremes, and leaving the mean indifferent true and

virtuous way which his majesty sought and so entirely desired; but

also hath showed himself so fervently bent to the maintenance of that

his outrage that he hath not spared most privily, most traitorously,

to devise how to continue the same, and plainly in terms to say, as it

hath been justified to his face by good witness, that if the king and

all his realm would turn and vary from his opinions, he would fight

in the field in his own person, with his sword in his hand, against

him and all other; adding that if he lived a year or two he trusted to

bring things to that frame that it should not lie in the king's power

to resist or let it, if he would; binding his words with such oaths

and making such gesture and demonstration with his arms, that it might

well appear he had no less fixed in his heart than was uttered with his

mouth. For the which apparent and most detestable treasons, and also

for ... other enormities ... he is committed to the Tower of London,

there to remain till it shall please his majesty to have him thereupon

tried according to the order of his laws.' It was added that the king,

remembering how men wanting the knowledge of the truth would speak

diversely of the matter, desired them to declare and open the whole

truth.

Nothing could be more at variance with the character and the whole

life of Cromwell than the foolish sayings attributed to him. Every

intelligent man might see that they were mere falsehoods invented by

the Catholic party to hide its own criminal conduct. But at the same

time it most clearly pointed out in this letter the real motive of

the blow aimed at Cromwell, the first, true, efficient cause of his

fall, the object which his enemies had in view and towards which they

were working. They fancied that the overthrow of Cromwell would be

the overthrow of the Reformation. Wallop did not fail to impart the

information to the court to which he was accredited; and Henry VIII.

was delighted to hear of 'the friendly rejoyce of our good brother the

French king, the constable and others there,' on learning the arrest of

the lord privy seal.[335] This rejoicing was very natural on the part

of Francis I., Montmorency, and the rest of them.

[Sidenote: CRANMER'S PLEA FOR HIM.]

As soon as the arrest of June 10 was known, the majority of those who

had most eagerly sought after the favor of Cromwell, and especially

Bonner, bishop of London, immediately turned round and declared

against him. He had gained no popularity by promoting the last bills

passed to the king's advantage; and the news of his imprisonment was

therefore received with shouts of joy.[336] In the midst of the general

defection, one man alone remained faithful to the prisoner--this was

Cranmer. The man who had formerly undertaken the defence of Anne Boleyn

now came forward in defence of Cromwell. The archbishop did not attend

the Privy Council on Thursday, June 10; but being in his place on the

Friday, he heard that the earl of Essex had been arrested as a traitor.

The tidings astonished and affected him deeply. He saw in Cromwell

at this time not only his personal friend, not only the prudent and

devoted supporter of the Reformation, but also the ablest minister and

the most faithful servant of the king. He saw the danger to which he

exposed himself by undertaking the defence of the prisoner; and he felt

that it was his duty not recklessly to offend the king. He therefore

wrote to him in a prudent manner, reminding him, nevertheless,

energetically, of all that Cromwell had been. His letter to the king

was written the day after he heard of the fall of the minister. 'I

heard yesterday in your grace's council,' he says, 'that he [Cromwell]

is a traitor; yet who can not be sorrowful and amazed that he should

be a traitor against your majesty, he that was so advanced by your

majesty; he whose surety was only by your majesty; he who loved your

majesty (as I ever thought) no less than God; he who studied always

to set forwards whatsoever was your majesty's will and pleasure; he

that cared for no man's displeasure to serve your majesty; he that was

such a servant, in my judgment, in wisdom, diligence, faithfulness,

and experience, as no prince in this realm ever had; he that was so

vigilant to preserve your majesty from all treasons that few could be

so secretly conceived but he detected the same in the beginning? If the

noble princes of memory, King John, Henry II., and Richard II. had had

such a counsellor about them, I suppose that they should never have

been so traitorously abandoned and overthrown as those good pious

princes were.... I loved him as my friend, for so I took him to be; but

I chiefly loved him for the love which I thought I saw him bear ever

towards your grace, singularly above all other. But now, if he be a

traitor, I am sorry that ever I loved him or trusted him, and I am very

glad that his treason is discovered in time. But yet again I am very

sorrowful, for who shall your grace trust hereafter, if you might not

trust him? Alas! I bewail and lament your grace's chance herein, I wot

not whom your grace may trust. But I pray God continually night and day

to send such a counsellor in his place whom your grace may trust, and

who for all his qualities can and will serve your grace like to him,

and that will have so much solicitude and care to preserve your grace

from all dangers as I ever thought he had.'[337]

Cranmer was doubtless a weak man; but assuredly it was a proof of some

devotion to truth and justice, and of some boldness too, thus to plead

the cause of the prisoner before a prince so absolute as Henry VIII.,

and even to express the wish that some efficient successor might be

found. Lord Herbert of Cherbury thinks that Cranmer wrote to the king

_boldly_; and this is also our opinion. The prince being intolerant of

contradiction, this step of the archbishop was more than was needed to

ruin him as well as Cromwell.

Meanwhile, the enemies of the prisoner were trying to find other

grounds of accusation besides that which they had first brought

forward. Indeed, it seemed to some persons a strange thing that he

who, under Henry VIII. was head of the church, vicegerent in spiritual

affairs, should be a heretic and a patron of heretics; and many found

in this charge an 'occasion of merriment.'[338] They set to work,

therefore, after the blow, to discover offences on the part of the

accused. After taking great pains, this is what they discovered and

set forth in the bill of attainder: 1. That he had set at liberty

some prisoners suspected of treason; a crime indeed in the eyes of a

gloomy despot, but in the judgment of righteous men an act of justice

and virtue. 2. That he had granted freedom of export of corn, horses,

and other articles of commerce; the crime of free trade which would

be no crime now. Not a single instance can be specified in which

Cromwell had received any present for such license. 3. That he had,

though a low-born man, given places and orders, saying only that he

was sure that the king would approve them. On this point Cromwell

might reasonably allege the multiplicity of matters entrusted to his

care, and the annoyance to which it must have subjected the king, had

he continually troubled him to decide the most trifling questions.

4. That he had given permission, both to the king's subjects and to

foreigners, to cross the sea 'without any search.' This intelligent

minister appears to have aimed at an order of things less vexatious

and more liberal than that established under Henry VIII., and in

this respect he stood ahead of his age. 5. That he had made a large

fortune, that he had lived in great state, and had not duly honored the

nobility. There were not a few of the nobles who were far from being

honorable, and this great worker had no liking for drones and idlers.

With respect to his fortune, Cromwell incurred heavy expenses for the

affairs of the realm. In many countries he kept well-paid agents, and

the money which he had in his hands was spent more in state affairs

than in satisfying his personal wishes. In all this there was evidently

more to praise than to blame. But Cromwell had enemies who went further

than his official accusers.[339] The Roman Catholics gave out that he

had aspired to the hand of the king's daughter, the princess Mary. This

would have been a strange and sympathetic union, between the _Malleus

monachorum_ and the fanatical Mary!

These groundless charges were followed by the true motives for his

disgrace. It was alleged that he had adopted heretical (that is to

say, evangelical) opinions; that he had promoted the circulation of

heretical works; that he had settled in the realm many heretical

ministers; and that he had caused men accused of heresy to be set at

liberty. That when any one went to him to make complaint of detestable

errors, he defended the heretics and severely censured the informers;

and that in March last, persons having complained to him of the new

preachers, he answered that 'their preaching was good.'[340] For

these _crimes_, the acts of a Christian, honest and beneficent man,

condemnation must be pronounced. Cromwell indeed was guilty.

[Sidenote: THE LEADER OF THE PROSECUTION.]

The conduct of the prosecution was entrusted to Richard Rich, formerly

speaker of the House of Commons, now solicitor-general and chancellor

of the court of augmentations. He had already rendered service to the

king in the trials of Bishop Fisher and Sir Thomas More; the same might

be expected of him in the trial of Cromwell. It appears that he accused

Cromwell of being connected with Throgmorton,[341] the friend and agent

of Cardinal Pole. Now the mere mention of Pole's name would put Henry

out of temper. Cromwell's alliance with this friend of the pope was the

pendant of his scheme of marriage with the lady Mary; the one was as

probable as the other. Cromwell wrote from his prison to the king on

the subject, and stoutly denied the fable. It was not introduced into

the formal pleadings; but the charge was left vaguely impending over

him, and it was reasserted that he was guilty of treason. Cromwell was

certainly not faultless. He was above all a politician, and political

interests had too much weight with him. He was the advocate of some

vexatious and unjust measures, and he acted sometimes in opposition to

his own principles. But his main fault was a too servile devotion to

the prince who pretended that he had been betrayed by him; and of this

he had given a lamentable proof in the case of Anne Boleyn.

His enemies were afraid that, if the trial were conducted openly before

his peers according to law, he would make his voice heard and clear

himself of all their imputations. They resolved therefore to proceed

against him without trial, and without discussion, by the parliamentary

method, by bill of attainder; a course pronounced by Roman Catholics

themselves 'a most iniquitous measure.'[342] He ought to have been

tried, and he was not tried. He was, however, confronted on Friday,

June 11, the day after his arrest, with one of his accusers, and thus

learnt what were the charges brought against him. Conducted again to

the Tower, he became fully aware of the danger which was impending over

him. The power of his enemies, Gardiner and Norfolk, the increasing

disfavor of Anne of Cleves, which seemed inevitably to involve his own

ruin, the proceedings instituted against Barnes and other evangelists,

the anger of the king--all these things alarmed him and produced the

conviction in his mind that the issue was doubtful, and that the danger

was certain. He was in a state of great distress and deep melancholy;

gloomy thoughts oppressed him, and his limbs trembled. The prison has

been called the porch of the grave, and Cromwell indeed looked upon it

as a grave. On June 30 he wrote to the king from his gloomy abode an

affecting letter, 'with heavy heart and trembling hand,' as he himself

said.

[Sidenote: EXAMINATION OF CROMWELL.]

About the end of June, the duke of Norfolk, the lord chancellor,

and the lord high admiral went to the Tower, instructed to examine

Cromwell and to make various declarations to him on the part of the

king. The most important of these related to the marriage of Henry

VIII. with Anne of Cleves. They called upon him to state all that he

knew touching this marriage, 'as he might do before God on the dread

day of judgment.' On June 30 Cromwell wrote to the king a letter in

which he set forth what he knew on the subject; and he added: 'And this

is all that I know, most gracious and most merciful sovereign lord,

beseeching Almighty God ... to counsel you, preserve you, maintain you,

remedy you, relieve and defend you, as may be most to your honor, with

prosperity, health and comfort of your heart's desire ... [giving you]

continuance of Nestor's years.... I am a most woeful prisoner, ready to

take the death, when it shall please God and your majesty; and yet the

frail flesh inciteth me continually to call to your grace for mercy and

grace for mine offences: and thus Christ save, preserve, and keep you.

'Written at the Tower this Wednesday, the last day of June, with the

heavy heart and trembling hand of your highness' most heavy and most

miserable prisoner and poor slave,

'THOMAS CRUMWELL.'

After having signed the letter, Cromwell, overpowered with terror at

his future prospects, added:--

'Most gracious prince, I cry for mercy, mercy, mercy.'[343]

The heads of the clerical party, impatient to be rid of an enemy

whom they hated, hurried on the fatal decree. The Parliament met

on Thursday, June 17, seven days after Cromwell's imprisonment;

and Cranmer, who had attended the sittings of the House of Lords on

the previous days, was not present on this occasion. The earl of

Southampton, who had become lord keeper of the privy seal in Cromwell's

place, entered and presented the bill of attainder against his

predecessor. It was read a first time. The second and third readings

followed on Saturday the 19th. Cranmer, whose absence had probably

been noticed, was present; and, according to his lamentable system,

adapted to the despotism of his master, after having complied with the

dictate of his conscience by calling to mind the merits of Cromwell,

he complied with the will of the king, and by his silence acquiesced

in the proceedings of the House. The bill was sent to the lower House.

It appears that the commons raised some scruples or objections, for

the bill remained under consideration for ten days. It was not until

June 29 that the commons sent the bill back to the peers, with some

amendments; and the peers, ever in haste, ordered that the three

readings should take place at the same sitting. They then sent it to

the king, who gave his assent to it. The man who was prosecuted had

been so powerful that it was feared lest he should regain his strength

and begin to advance with fresh energy.

The king, meanwhile, seems to have hesitated. He was less decided than

those who at this time enjoyed his favor.

Although the lord chancellor, the duke of Norfolk, and Lord Russell had

come to announce to Cromwell that the bill of attainder had passed,

he remained still a whole month in the Tower. The royal commissioners

interrogated him at intervals on various subjects. It seems even that

the king sent him relief, probably to mitigate the severities of his

imprisonment. Cromwell habitually received the king's commissioners

with dignity, and answered them with discretion. Whether the questions

touched on temporal or ecclesiastical affairs, he ever showed himself

better informed than his questioners.[344]

[Sidenote: HIS LETTER TO THE KING.]

Henry sent word to him that he might write any thing that he thought

meet under his present circumstances. From this, Cromwell appears to

have conceived a hope that the king would not permit his sentence to be

executed. He took courage and wrote to the king. 'Most gracious king,'

he said, 'your most lamentable servant and prisoner prostrate at the

feet of your most excellent majesty, have heard your pleasure ... that

I should write.... First, where I have been accused to your majesty

of treason, to that I say, I never in all my life thought willingly

to do that thing that might or should displease your majesty.... What

labors, pains, and travails I have taken, according to my most bounden

duty God also knoweth.... If it had been or were in my power, to make

your majesty so puissant, as all the world should be compelled to obey

you, Christ he knoweth I would,... for your majesty hath been... more

like a dear father... than a master.... Should any faction or any

affection to any point make me a traitor to your majesty, then all the

devils in hell confound me, and the vengeance of God light upon

me.... Yet our Lord, if it be his will, can do with me as he did with

Susan, who was falsely accused.... Other hope than in God and your

majesty I have not.... Amongst other things, most gracious sovereign,

master comptroller shewed me that your grace shewed him that within

these fourteen days ye committed a matter of great secresy, which I

did reveal.... This I did.... I spake privily with her [the queen's]

lord chamberlain... desiring him... to find some mean that the queen

might be induced to order your grace pleasantly in her behavior towards

you.... If I have offended your majesty therein, prostrate at your

majesty's feet I most lowly ask mercy and pardon of your highness....

Written with the quaking hand and most sorrowful heart of your most

sorrowful subject and most humble servant and prisoner, this Saturday

at your [Tower] of London.

'THOMAS CROMWELL.'[345]

Cromwell was resigned to death; and the principal object of his

concern was the fate of his son, his grandchildren, and likewise of

his domestic servants. His son was in a good position, having married

a sister of the queen Jane Seymour. 'Sir, upon my knees,' he said, 'I

most humbly beseech your gracious majesty to be good and gracious lord

to my poor son, the good and virtuous woman his wife, and their poor

children, and also to my servants. And this I desire of your grace for

Christ's sake.' The unhappy father, returning to his own case, finished

by saying, 'Most gracious prince, mercy, mercy, mercy!'[346] Cromwell

wrote twice in this manner; and the king was so much affected by the

second of these letters that he 'commanded it thrice to be read to

him.'[347]

Would Cromwell then, after all, escape? Those who were ignorant of what

was passing at court looked upon it as impossible that he should be

sacrificed so long as Anne of Cleves was queen of England. But the very

circumstances which seemed to them the guarantee of his safety were to

be instead the occasion of his ruin.

Henry's dislike to his wife was ever increasing, and he was determined

to get rid of her. But, as usual, he concealed beneath flowers the

weapon with which he was about to strike her. In the month of March,

the king gave, in honor of the queen, a grand fête with a tournament,

as he had done for Anne Boleyn; and amongst the numerous combatants,

who took part in the jousting were Sir Thomas Seymour, the earl of

Sussex, Harry Howard, and Richard Cromwell, nephew of the earl of

Essex, and ancestor of the great Protector Oliver.[348]

[Sidenote: CATHERINE HOWARD.]

One circumstance contributed to hasten the decision of the king.

There was at the court a young lady, small of stature, of a good

figure and beautiful countenance, of ladylike manners, coquettish and

forward, who at this time made a deep impression on Henry. This was

Catherine Howard, a niece of the duke of Norfolk, now residing with

her grandmother, the duchess-dowager, who allowed her great liberty.

Katherine was in every respect a contrast to Anne of Cleves. Henry

resolved to marry her, and for this purpose to get rid forthwith of

his present wife. As he was desirous of being provisionally relieved

of her presence, he persuaded her that a change of air would be very

beneficial to her, and that it was necessary that she should make

a stay in the country. On June 24 he sent the good princess, who

felt grateful for his attentions, to Richmond. At the same time he

despatched the bishop of Bath to her brother, the duke of Cleves,

with a view to prepare him for the very unexpected decision which was

impending over his sister, and to avert any vexatious consequences.[349]

Cromwell, then, had no aid to look for at the hands of a queen already

forsaken and ere long repudiated. He could not hope to escape death.

His enemies were urgent for the execution of the bill. They professed

to have discovered a correspondence which he had carried on with the

Protestant princes of Germany.[350]

Cromwell's determination to offer no opposition to the king led him

to commit serious mistakes, unworthy of a Christian. Nevertheless,

according to documents still extant, he died like a Christian. He was

not the first, nor the last, who in the presence of death, of capital

punishment, has examined himself, and confessed himself a sinner.

While he spurned the accusations made by his enemies, he humbled

himself before the weightier and more solemn accusations of his own

conscience. How often had his own will been opposed to the commandments

of the divine will! But at the same time he discovered in the Gospel

the grace which he had but imperfectly known; and the doctrines which

the Catholic church of the first ages had professed became dear to him.

On July 28, 1540, Cromwell was taken to Tower Hill, the place of

execution. On reaching the scaffold he said: 'I am come hither to die,

and not to purge myself.... For since the time that I have had years

of discretion, I have lived a sinner and offended my Lord God, for the

which I ask Him heartily forgiveness. And it is not unknown to many of

you that I have been a great travailler in this world, and being but

of a base degree, was called to high estate; and since the time I came

thereunto I have offended my prince, for the which I ask him heartily

forgiveness, and beseech you all to pray to God with me, that he will

forgive me. O Father, forgive me! O Son, forgive me! O Holy Ghost,

forgive me! O Three Persons in one God, forgive me!... I die in the

Catholic faith.... I heartily desire you to pray for the king's grace,

that he may long live with you in health and prosperity.'

By insisting in so marked a manner on the doctrine of the Trinity,

professed in the fourth century by the councils of Nicaea and

Constantinople, Cromwell doubtless intended to show that this was the

Catholic doctrine in which he asserted that he died. But he did not

omit to give evidence that his faith was that of the Scriptures.

[Sidenote: EXECUTION OF CROMWELL.]

After his confession, he knelt down, and at this solemn hour he uttered

this Christian and fervent prayer:[351] 'O Lord Jesu! which art the

only health of all men living and the everlasting life of them which

die in thee, I, wretched sinner, do submit myself wholly unto thy most

blessed will, and being sure that the thing can not perish which is

committed unto thy mercy, willingly now I leave this frail and wicked

flesh, in sure hope that thou wilt, in better wise, restore it to

me again at the last day in the resurrection of the just. I beseech

thee, most merciful Lord Jesus Christ! that thou wilt by thy grace

make strong my soul against all temptations, and defend me with the

buckler of thy mercy against all the assaults of the devil. I see and

acknowledge that there is in myself no hope of salvation, but all my

confidence, hope, and trust is in thy most merciful goodness. I have

no merits nor good works which I may allege before thee. Of sins and

evil works, alas! I see a great heap; but yet through thy mercy I

trust to be in the number of them to whom thou wilt not impute their

sins; but wilt take and accept me for righteous and just, and to be

the inheritor of everlasting life. Thou, merciful Lord! wast born for

my sake; thou didst suffer both hunger and thirst for my sake; thou

didst teach, pray, and fast for my sake; all thy holy actions and

works thou wroughtest for my sake; thou sufferedst most grievous pains

and torments for my sake; finally, thou gavest thy most precious body

and thy blood to be shed on the cross for my sake. Now, most merciful

Saviour! let all these things profit me, that thou freely hast done

for me, which hast given thyself also for me. Let thy blood cleanse

and wash away the spots and foulness of my sins. Let thy righteousness

hide and cover my unrighteousness. Let the merits of thy passion and

blood-shedding be satisfaction for my sins. Give me, Lord! thy grace,

that the faith of my salvation in thy blood waver not in me, but

may ever be firm and constant; that the hope of thy mercy and life

everlasting never decay in me: that love wax not cold in me. Finally,

that the weakness of my flesh be not overcome with the fear of death.

Grant me, merciful Saviour! that when death hath shut up the eyes of

my body, yet the eyes of my soul may still behold and look upon thee;

and when death hath taken away the use of my tongue, yet my heart may

cry and say unto thee, "Lord! into thy hands I commend my soul; Lord

Jesu! receive my spirit!" Amen.'[352]

This is one of the most beautiful prayers handed down to us in

Christian times.

Cromwell having finished his prayer and being now ready, a stroke of

the axe severed his head from his body.

Thus died a man who, although he had risen from the lowliest to the

loftiest estate, never allowed himself to be seduced by pride, nor

made giddy by the pomps of the world, who continued attached to his

old acquaintances, and was eager to honor the meanest who had rendered

him any service; a man who powerfully contributed to the establishment

of Protestantism in England,[353] although his enemies, unaware of the

very different meanings of the words 'Catholicism' and 'Popery,' took

pleasure in circulating the report in Europe, after his death, that he

died a Roman Catholic; a man who for eight years governed his country,

the king, the parliament, and convocation; who had the direction of all

domestic as well as foreign affairs; who executed what he had advised,

and who, in spite of the blots which he himself lamented, was one of

the most intelligent, most active, and most influential of English

ministers.[354] It is said that the king ere long regretted him.

However this may be, he protected his son and gave him proofs of his

favor, doubtless in remembrance of his father.

Another nobleman, Walter, Lord Hungerford, was beheaded at the same

time with Cromwell, for having endeavored to ascertain, by 'conjuring,'

how long the king would live.[355]

History of the Reformation in Europe in the Time of Calvin, Vol. 8 (of 8) · 第 5 / 15 章