CHAPTER XII.

GREAT CONFUSION IN GENEVA.--THE COUNCIL OF BERNE MAKES A FRUITLESS

INTERVENTION.

(END OF APRIL, 1538.)

Meanwhile, the friends of the Gospel in Geneva had received a very

severe blow, which had fallen on them in an unexpected way. Many were

plunged into excessive grief; some lost all hope of ever seeing the

Gospel honored in that turbulent city. Some mourned silently, others

spoke their grief aloud. The most pious of them undoubtedly expected

from the faithfulness of God that restoration of faith, order, and

prosperity for which they longed so ardently. But ‘all good men,’ says

Beza, ‘saw with great pain their three pastors, in obedience to the

edict of banishment,’[661] depart from that town to which they had

desired to do so much good; and with regretful eyes, or with tender

thoughts, they followed them as if they could not part with them.

[Sidenote: GREAT CONFUSION IN GENEVA.]

The vulgar and mischievous demonstrations by which the most lawless

part of the population celebrated its triumph still further aggravated

the grief of serious men. The discomfiture of the pastors was laughed

at and turned into ridicule. Professional jesters have almost all a

false and superficial wit, and in every country it rains insects of

this kind.[662] They were not wanting at Geneva. We do not know whether

they went on the stage, but they played in masquerades. Large bodies of

these jesters were seen parading the streets, laughing, brawling, and

making disturbances. One of them, and he was the principal personage,

was holding a fryingpan by its long handle; and in the fryingpan were

lamp-wicks, which were called in the patois of the country _farets_.

Those who surrounded this standard-bearer exclaimed that they had

fricasseed _Farel_ (and his colleagues with him) like chickens or

turnips which are cut in pieces and then cooked in a stewpan. These

poor wretches were at bottom right: the ministers had in fact been

burned over a slow fire. _Bons mots_ and sarcasms gave a relish to this

strange dish; and there were persons in those days who would have been

glad to see the ministers who left Geneva ‘fall out of the fryingpan

into the fire’--from one state of vexation into another still worse.

Insults and derision were showered from all quarters. ‘Processions

of this sort usually end in debauchery. The citizens took license,’

says Rozet, ‘for impurity, dancing, games, and drunkenness.’ ‘Nothing

was talked of but masquerades, gallantries, and excesses in wine and

good cheer.’[663] Thus did the mass of the population celebrate the

departure of the pastors. ‘The wicked travaileth with iniquity, and

hath conceived mischief, and brought forth falsehood.’

As for the members of the councils, they let things take their course.

If they did issue any proclamation for the purpose of repressing these

disorders, little attention was paid to it. Besides, they did not

insist on its being obeyed. They attempted, however, to establish a

Church of some kind. The minister, Henri de la Mare, had not dared,

in spite of the order which he had received, to preach and administer

the supper on Easter Day, for fear of offending Farel and Calvin.

But, like the former superior of the Franciscans Jacques Bernard,

he had abstained from joining in their protest. These two men were

intrusted by the council with the functions of the three banished

ministers. At the same time the lords of Berne were requested to send

the ministers Marcourt and Morand, who did not come till afterwards.

The magistrates also ordered the restoration of the baptismal fonts

which had been taken down, and which were thenceforth to be used at

the baptism of children. Then they had proclamation made, with sound

of trumpet, that everyone would have to conform to what had been

decreed touching the supper, baptism, festivals, etc. But De la Mare

and Bernard were not men powerful enough to fill the place of Farel

and Calvin. They were far from enjoying high consideration, and were

frequently exposed to the criticism and even to the rebukes of their

hearers. Porral especially made loud complaint of their preaching. The

council took their part; and one Groli having accused Bernard of not

preaching according to the Word of God, the critic was condemned ‘to

beg for mercy at the hands of God and of the law, _with both knees on

the ground_.’ Had this happened in the time of Calvin, it would have

been a very godsend for those who delight in slandering that great

man; but the punishment was inflicted by his adversaries on one of

his partisans. The question, however, remains ever the same; and this

act of compulsion in the sphere of religious opinion was even more

censurable because it was the act of the very men who had driven away

the reformers for having attempted to infringe on their liberty. There

were, however, some cases more quietly settled. An influential citizen,

the former syndic Porral, having also criticised the preachers, the

council did nothing more than threaten him with its _indignation_; he

had not _to go down on his knees and beg for mercy_.

[Sidenote: THE REFORMERS AT BERNE.]

The exile of the two great reformers and this lamentable state of

things, which rejoiced the men of the Romish party, everywhere filled

the friends of the Reformation with sorrow. They wept over ‘the great

joy of the Pharisees and of the enemies of God’s holy name.’ There were

groans, prayers, and exclamations. ‘How is it that this town, which the

Son of God had chosen as his abode and his sanctuary, was nevertheless

as deeply sunk in its pollutions as before, just as if no single

drop of God’s grace had ever fallen upon it?’[664] People thought

of Capernaum, which was at first lifted up to heaven and then cast

down to hell! Calvin perceived that the causes which had led to his

exile endangered not only the progress but the very existence of the

Reformation. Terrified at the peril, he was resolved to do his utmost

to prevent such a calamity.

Où le danger est grand, c’est là que je m’efforce.

Will not the Churches and even the States of Switzerland sympathize

in their trials? Will they not help them to save Geneva? If Roman

Catholicism were reëstablished there and if by that means Savoy should

become predominant, the Reformation in Berne and the other cantons

would be more or less menaced, and the Pays de Vaud might return to

its former lords. Calvin, assuredly, might have elsewhere a more

peaceful and comfortable life than at Geneva; but he had decided to

‘lose his life,’ and had given it up for God and his kingdom. This

town, in which he hoped to raise the standard of the Gospel, might have

become one day a fortress whose formidable front would have repelled

the combined attacks of the enemy. And now he has to abandon it. He

hastened to Berne, where he expected to obtain assistance, as formerly

the Bertheliers and the Besançon Hugh had done, when threatened by the

forces of Savoy.

[Sidenote: THE COUNCIL OF BERNE.]

The arrival of the two reformers created a sensation in that town. At

the sight of that Farel whose labors in French Switzerland had been

for ten years crowned with such signal success; of that Calvin who

was already hailed as a master-spirit; of those two men banished,

driven away, having no refuge, men’s minds were struck and their

hearts touched. The Bernese magistrates themselves had not anticipated

measures so extreme. Admitted to the council April 27, the reformers

said,--‘We have been falsely accused. The Genevese (_Messieurs de

Genève_) have brought forward two charges: the one that we have

rebelled against their commands, and the other that we have refused

to conform to the ceremonies in use at Berne. These accusations are

both false; for we have done all that we could to obey them, and never

did we directly refuse such conformity, but on the other hand we have

rather protested our willingness to consider in what manner it could

best be arranged for the edification of the church. Further, it is

evident that these accusations are a mere cloak, for these gentlemen

were prepared to consent that this affair of ritual should be postponed

till the assembly at Zurich, on condition that we would consent to

our colleague Courault being deprived of his office as preacher. But

to this, as contrary to the express word of Scripture, we refused to

agree. On Easter Day we protested that if we did not administer the

supper it was not on account of the unleavened bread, the use of which

is in itself a matter of indifference, but for fear of profaning a

mystery so holy,--unless the people were better disposed. The reason

we gave was this,--the disorders and abominations prevailing at this

time in the town, as well execrable blasphemies and mockings of God and

of his Gospel, as disturbances, sects, and divisions. In public, and

unrepressed, a thousand derisive speeches are uttered against the Word

of God and even against the supper. And, more than that, the members

of the council have all along refused us leave to state our reasons;

and, without hearing us, they have stirred up against us both the Two

Hundred and the people, making charges against us which are not true

either in God’s sight or in the sight of men. By acting thus they show

plainly that they are only seeking for slanders and scandals to defame

the Gospel. And it is a fact that, six months ago, there was a rumor

at Lyons and at other places in France of such a nature that some

merchants were desirous of selling goods for large sums _payable when

we should be expelled_!... From this it appears that there are secret

intrigues of long standing. Likewise they are not content with loading

us with ignominy, but they have several times exclaimed that we should

be thrown into the Rhone.’ The reformers having thus spoken handed in a

memoir in which the same grievances were set forth.[665]

This discourse was severe; but the evil was great. It is useless to

deny it; the evidence is too positive. All the people, indeed, were

not guilty of these disorders and mockeries; but it happened then, as

it too often happens, that the agitators took the upper hand and good

men held their peace. We must also observe what Calvin said, that he

feared a profanation of the mystery of the supper, _unless the people

were better disposed_. He allows, therefore, a better disposition of

the people; he desires it; and then, he is certainly ready to celebrate

the sacred feast. As to his assertion that his colleagues and he

_had done all that in them lay_ to obey the magistrates, he indicates

clearly thereby that something _did not lie in their power_; to wit,

to act against their conscience and the command of God. Many in their

own time blamed them for this; but who now will make it a matter of

reproach? The most strenuous upholders of the union of church and state

say themselves, ‘That no state authority ought to interfere with any

man’s religious belief. If such a principle were really involved in

the maintenance of an established church, I should probably have been

found on the other side.’[666] No man, in our days, will censure the

reformers. In maintaining the independence of the faith, they did what

they were bound to do.

The council of Berne, which was not swayed by passion, like that of

Geneva, saw clearly into these matters, and was impressed with a sense

of the danger which was impending over their allies. Without loss of

time, they wrote the same day to their ‘singular good friends and

loyal fellow-citizens’: ‘Masters G. Farel and Calvin have this day

appeared before us and made the complaints comprised in the enclosed

schedule. We heard them with much sorrow of heart, for if these things

have actually taken place, they cause great offence and will turn _to

the dishonor of the Christian religion_. For this cause we earnestly

beg you, and in brotherly affection admonish and require you, to

abate the severity with which you deal with Farel and Calvin, for the

love of us and to avoid scandal. What we wrote touching conformity in

matters of ceremonial, we wrote from affection and not by any means

to constrain you. But you must know _that the troubles which exist at

the present time in your town, and the rigorous treatment which you

adopt towards your preachers, have been very offensive to us, and

that our enemies are greatly rejoiced at it_. Herein you will do us

a most welcome favor.’[667] This was the view of the lords of Berne,

themselves opponents of Calvin; and they might have a grudge against

him, particularly in this business, on the subject of unleavened bread.

But their views were loftier, wiser, and more profoundly religious and

politic than those of Richardet and his friends.

[Sidenote: REPLY OF THE GENEVESE COUNCIL.]

On receiving this letter the council of Geneva was still more excited

than that of Berne had been. The angry feelings which actuated its

members and which had led them to banish the reformers were not yet

soothed; and, as it has been remarked, their reply was of such a nature

as was to be expected from men dominated by passion.[668] They wrote

to Berne that they considered ‘very strange’ the complaints which were

sent to them; that they ‘could not imagine how Farel and Calvin were

so bold as to make untrue statements to their Excellencies; that there

was no great discord in their town, for on the previous Sunday the

supper had been observed, according to their own ceremonial, by a great

number of people, all of one mind.’ Which amounted to this--that the

pastors having been driven away without a hearing, their hearers being

intimidated, and the party opposed to the Gospel triumphant, uniformity

prevailed by means of violence and of fear. This is, indeed, the usual

result of a _coup d’état_.

History of the Reformation in Europe in the Time of Calvin, Vol. 6 (of 8) · 第 12 / 18 章