CANUTE AND THE NORWEGIAN CONSPIRACY
1023-1026
The sons of Earl Hakon, Eric and Sweyn, who ruled Norway for fifteen
years after the fall of Olaf Trygvesson, were not aggressive rulers.
They were not of the blood royal, they were vassals of alien kings, both
seem by nature to have been of an easy-going disposition; hence they
were not able to command obedience to the extent that a strong monarchy
demanded. As a result, the Norwegian aristocracy arrogated to itself a
great measure of independence. The peasantry resumed their old habits
and practices; in many places the old worship was wholly restored,
including the sacrificial festivals. The Earls were Christians, but did
not interfere.
Of a different type was King Olaf Haroldsson. He was determined and
forceful, equipped with a vigorous intellect and a will that could brook
no opposition. Though his policies extended far beyond the religious
field, his chief anxiety was to make Norway a Christian kingdom. His
zeal was that of the convert, the passion of the devotee; but it was
more than that: it was the purpose of the far-seeing statesman. In his
viking adventures he had become acquainted with the advantages of the
European political system. He wished to introduce this into his own
kingdom, to Europeanise Norway. This was the great king-thought for
which Saint Olaf lived and fell. But at the basis of the European system
lay Christianity. In his proselyting endeavours, he met opposition from
the very beginning; but for a time he was able to overcome all
resistance. However, the spirit of rebellion was silenced only; after
five years of missionary effort, King Olaf found that Christian progress
was apparent rather than real. He also found that the devotees of the
old worship were still determined and that a group of chiefs were
organising an opposition that might overturn his throne.
The opposition was of two sorts: on the one hand the Christian was
opposed by the partisan of the old gods; on the other hand Olaf's strong
kingship was disliked by the chiefs who recalled the freedom that they
had enjoyed in the days of the two earls. Distances were great in
Norway; travel was difficult; the ocean was the best highway. But with
sail and oar it took time to reach the settlements on the long coast
line, and the King soon learned that promises to renounce the Anses were
easily forgotten or broken. Then followed crop failures in the far
North: it was clear that Frey was angry and wished to punish the
apostacy of his people.[286]
In the aristocratic opposition five chieftains bear special prominence.
At Soli on the wide plains of Jæderen in South-western Norway, not far
from the modern city of Stavanger, lived Erling, the son of Skjalg.
Erling had sailed with King Olaf to Wendland, but had had no part in the
fight at Swald. Later the Earls found it advisable to make peace with
the Soli family and gave Erling Skjalgsson a magnificent fief in the
South-west. From the Naze to the Sogn Firth his was the ruling
influence. Of all the Norwegian magnates Erling was unquestionably the
most powerful; and though both Earl Eric and King Olaf had looked
askance at his power, he maintained his position for a quarter of a
century. Five active sons and a spirited daughter grew up in Erling's
house. The lord of Soli never was an ideal subject; but after his nephew
Asbjörn slew one of King Olaf's servants in the royal presence during
the Easter festivities, a quarrel broke out that had fatal
consequences.[287]
The island of Giski some distance north of Cape Stadt was the ancestral
seat of the famous Arnung family, which for several generations held a
prominent place in the councils of Norway. According to tradition the
family was founded by one Finnvid who was found in an eagle's nest, and
hence was known as Finnvid Found. The family took its name from Arne, a
prominent chief in Saint Olaf's day and a good friend of the King. Seven
sons and a daughter were born to Arne and his good wife Thora. The
oldest of the sons married the only daughter of the mighty Erling.
Arne's daughter became the wife of another prominent lord and enemy of
Olaf, Harek of Tjotta. For a time all the sons of Arne supported the
King and Kalf alone finally joined his enemies. Olvi of Egg, a wealthy
Thronder, was found to have continued the old sacrificial practices in
secret, and on the King's orders was slain. Kalf Arnesson married his
widow, and from that day his loyalty was shaken.[288]
Far to the north lived two chiefs who were also counted among the King's
opponents: Harek of Tjotta and Thor the Dog. Thor was the ill-fated
Asbjörn's uncle and the brother-in-law of the slain Olvi. He lived on
the Bark-isle beyond the Arctic Circle and was easily the most powerful
man in those regions.[289] Harek lived on the isle of Tjotta, a little
to the south of the Polar Circle. He seems to have had something of a
monopoly of the Finnish trade and from this and other sources amassed
great wealth. In the Norse nobility few stood higher than Harek: he
counted among his kinsmen the reigning King as well as his predecessors
the Earls.[290] In the rebellion that finally cost King Olaf his life,
Thor and Harek were prominent leaders.
In the Throndelaw, some distance south of Nidaros, dwelt Einar
Thongshaker. Einar, the strongest and most athletic Norseman of his day,
the archer who could pierce a damp ox-hide with a blunt shaft, was also
a man of great personal influence. Married to Earl Eric's sister, he was
naturally in sympathy with the dynastic claims of the Earl's family. For
some years after the defeat at the Nesses, he had lived in exile in
Sweden; but finally he was reconciled to King Olaf and was permitted to
return.[291]
It does not appear that any of these leaders had any enthusiasm for the
old faith; Erling Skjalgsson and Einar Thongshaker seem to have been
zealous Christians. But among their kinsmen were many who clung to the
worship of Woden and Thor. Wherever the King found heathen rites
celebrated in open or secret, harsh measures were employed--loss of
property, of limb, and even of life. Thus the chiefs saw many a kinsman
dishonoured or dead, and to their disinclination to obey the royal
mandate was joined the motive of private revenge. Soon dissatisfaction
was rife everywhere, and over the North Sea fled yearly a band of exiles
who had resisted the royal will.
Among those who went west was Einar Thongshaker, though he went
ostensibly as a pilgrim, not as a plotter. Soon after his return from
Sweden he found it advisable to seek expiation at Rome for earlier sins,
and in 1022 or 1023 he left for the Eternal City. It seems probable that
his brother-in-law Eric joined him in this expedition or planned to do
so, for the sagas persist in connecting Eric's death, which must have
occurred about 1023, with a pilgrimage to Rome, at least projected and
perhaps carried out. In England Einar is said to have visited young Earl
Hakon, possibly in his earldom in the Severn Valley; he also had an
interview with Canute "and was given great gifts."[292] Einar's visit
was probably just after Canute's return from his expedition to the
Slavic lands. Whether the pilgrimage was more than a mere pretext we do
not know, though it probably was made in good faith. After his return to
Norway he was not active in King Olaf's service, though he showed no
open hostility.
Many magnates or sons of prominent franklins had fared to Canute on
various errands; but all who came to King Canute were given their
hands full of wealth. There one could see greater splendour than
elsewhere, both as to the multitude of people in daily attendance
and in the other arrangements on the manors that he possessed and
occupied. Canute the Mighty gathered tribute from the lands that
were the richest in the North; but in the same measure as he had
more to receive than other kings, he also gave much more than any
other king....
But many of those who came from Norway lamented the loss of their
liberties and hinted to Earl Hakon and some to the King himself,
that the men of Norway were now surely ready to renew their
allegiance to King Canute and the Earl, and to receive their old
liberties from them. These speeches suited the Earl's mind, and he
suggested to Canute that Olaf be called on to surrender the kingdom
to them, or to agree to divide it.[293]
Snorre attributes Canute's delay in claiming the Norse kingship to a
difference between himself and his cousin, Earl Hakon, as to who should
possess and rule the country. It is evident, however, that before 1023
Canute was hardly in a position to press a claim of such a doubtful
character. But in that year the situation was more favourable: he was in
uncontested possession of the English and Danish crowns; he had
successfully fought and subdued the Slavs to the south of Denmark; his
prestige was consequently greater than ever before. That year, the
subject of Norse conquest must have been discussed quite seriously at
Winchester, for as soon as the winter was past, an embassy was on its
way to King Olaf's court to demand the kingdom of Norway for Canute.
Among the various regions that composed the Norwegian realm, two enjoyed
a peculiar prominence: the Wick and the Throndelaw. The Throndelaw was
a group of "folks" or shires about the Throndhjem Firth, a region that
had developed considerable solidarity and in one sense was reckoned as
the heart of the kingdom. Here was for some time the capital of the
nation, as it has remained in ecclesiastical matters to this day, at
least nominally. The Wick was the country that bordered on the great
"Bay" in the extreme south. It was this region that first came into
contact with European civilisation and where culture and Christianity
had perhaps taken firmest root. In a sense the Wick was disputed
territory: it had earlier been under Danish overlordship, and a part of
it had also for a brief period been subject to Sweden; national feeling
was therefore not strong on these shores. For this reason, perhaps, King
Olaf had established a royal residence at Tunsberg near the mouth of the
Firth on the western shore. Here the King held his court in the winter
of 1024-1025; it was here that he received the English embassy.
It was a splendid company that Canute sent to Norway, but Olaf was not
pleased with their errand. For several days he kept them waiting before
he was willing to grant them an audience.
But when they were permitted to speak with him they brought into
his presence Canute's writ and recited their message, that Canute
claims all of Norway as his possession and asserts that his
ancestors have possessed the realm before him; but whereas King
Canute offers peace to all lands, he will not fare to Norway with
war shields if another choice is possible. But if King Olaf
Haroldsson wishes to rule Norway, let him fare to King Canute and
receive the land from him as a fief and become his man and pay such
tribute as the earls had earlier paid.[294]
Such a proposal was an insult to the Norse nation, and it is not likely
that Canute expected a favourable reply. But in its apparent moderation,
in its appeal to historic rights, the demand served well the intended
purpose: to extort a challenge that would make hostilities unavoidable
and make Olaf appear as the aggressor. King Olaf's anger did not permit
a diplomatic reply:
"I have heard tell in olden story that Gorm the Dane-king was an
excellent ruler, but he ruled Denmark only; but the Dane-kings who
have come since his day do not seem to have been satisfied with
that. It has come to this now that Canute rules Denmark and England
and in addition has subjected a large part of Scotland. Now he
challenges my inheritance. He should, however, learn to be moderate
in his avarice,--or does he plan to govern all the Northlands
alone? Or does he intend to eat alone all the cabbage in England?
He will be able to accomplish that before I shall pay him tribute
or do him any sort of homage. Now you shall tell him these my
words, that I will defend Norway with point and edge as long as
life days are granted me; but never shall I pay tribute for my
kingdom to any man."[295]
Such is Snorre's account. The speeches are doubtless the historian's
own; but they reveal a keen insight into the shrewd diplomacy of Canute
and the impetuous methods of Olaf. The ambassadors soon prepared to
retire, little pleased with the outcome. It is reported that in
conversation with Sighvat the Scald they expressed their surprise at the
Norse King's rashness. The lord of England was gentle and forgiving.
Only recently two kings came from north in Scotland, from Fife, and
he laid aside his wrath and let them keep all the lands that they
had earlier possessed and gave them great gifts of friendship in
addition.
The poet later put his reply into verse:
Able kings have carried
Their heads to Canute, coming
From Fife in the far north
(Fair was the purchase of peace).
Olaf has never sold
(Oft has the stout one conquered)
Here in the whole world
His head to any man.[296]
There could be no question about unpeace after Olaf's defiance had been
repeated to Canute. It is said that Norsemen looked on cabbage eaters
as naturally stupid; hence the taunt, if given, had a sharp point. The
great King is said to have remarked that Olaf should find something
besides cabbage within his ribs. That summer two of Erling's sons, Aslak
and Skjalg, appeared at the English court. "And King Canute gave the
brothers large revenues."[297]
During the succeeding summer (1025) King Olaf remained in the South.
Rumour had it that Canute was coming from England with a powerful host,
and the Norwegian King made preparations to meet him. The chiefs were
summoned to the Wick and seem to have appeared with their retainers in
large numbers. Olaf's spies were everywhere on the lookout for the
English fleet. Merchant ships were eagerly sought for news. But Canute
was not yet ready to fight and did not appear before autumn. He spent
the winter in Denmark but mainly for precautionary purposes; hostile
activities were evidently to be postponed to a more favourable
time.[298]
That same autumn Olaf approached the King of Sweden on the subject of an
alliance against the ambitious King of Denmark. The young Anund Jacob,
King Olaf's brother-in-law and admirer, was now on the Swedish throne.
It was easy to convince the youthful King that his realm would not long
be left in peace should Canute succeed in adding Norway to his
dominions. An alliance was accordingly concluded: the king who should
first need assistance should have the other's help. A conference was
also arranged for, as more definite plans would have to be agreed upon.
That year King Olaf prepared to winter at Sarpsborg, just across the
firth from Tunsberg. King Anund made a winter journey into Gautland
toward the Norse frontier, and tarried there for some months. During his
stay there, envoys appeared from Canute with gifts and fair words. Anund
was assured of peace and security if he would renounce his alliance with
the Norsemen. But this embassy also had to return with unsatisfactory
reports: Anund intended to be faithful to his pledge; no friendship for
Denmark was to be looked for in Sweden.[299]
Spring came (1026) and developments were looked for; but the unexpected
happened: Canute returned to England, leaving his young son
Harthacanute, a boy of eight or nine years, as regent in Denmark under
the guardianship of Ulf, Canute's brother-in-law, who seems to have
succeeded Thurkil the Tall as viceroy in Denmark. The allied kings now
proceeded to hold their projected conference at Kingscrag, near the
south-east corner of Olaf's kingdom. In this conference a new agreement
seems to have been reached; the defensive alliance was apparently
changed to an offensive one and an attack on Canute's Danish
possessions was planned.[300]
[Illustration: ORNAMENTS (CHIEFLY BUCKLES) FROM THE VIKING AGE.]
Why Canute failed to attack Norway in the autumn of 1025, or in the
following spring, is not known. It seems, however, a fairly safe
conjecture that he felt unprepared to meet the allied forces. He
evidently preferred to wait until the spirit of disaffection and
rebellion had spread more widely in Norway; for thus far only the great
house of Soli had openly espoused the pretender's cause; most of the
dissatisfied lords were in King Olaf's host. Doubtless he also hoped
that by diplomatic means or otherwise dissension might be sown between
the confederated kings, and their alliance dissolved.
Gold was the power that Canute depended upon to prepare rebellion in
Norway. That the Danish King employed bribery in these years to a large
extent is a well-attested fact. Florence of Worcester who wrote three
generations later recounts how gold was distributed among the Norwegian
chiefs in the hope that they would permit Canute to rule over them,
though Florence is clearly misinformed when he tells us that the
Norsemen had renounced their allegiance to King Olaf because of his
simplicity and gentleness.[301] Olaf was a saint when the scribe at
Worcester wrote his history; but he was not a saint of the ideal sort,
and hence Florence is led into error. Richard of Cirencester, too, has
heard of these proceedings and the "great supply of gold and silver that
was sent to the magnates of that country."[302] Both writers represent
the Norsemen as eager for the bribes. The sagas, of course, give fuller
details. The result was that King Olaf's forces to some extent were made
up of men whose loyalty had been undermined, who were in the pay of the
enemy. The following year (1027), the year when the most Christian
monarch made his pilgrimage to the tomb of Peter, seems to have seen the
greatest activity in this direction; out the probabilities are that
large sums of Danegeld had found their way to Norway also in the earlier
two or three years.
FOOTNOTES:
[286] Snorre, _Saga of Saint Olaf_, c. 106.
[287] _Ibid._, cc. 22, 23, 116 ff.
[288] Snorre, _Saga of Saint Olaf_, cc. 106-110.
[289] _Ibid._, c. 106.
[290] _Ibid._, c. 104.
[291] On the subject of the Norse chiefs in King Olaf's day, see Munch,
_Det norske Folks Historie_, I., ii., 659-670; _Norges Historie,_ I.,
ii., 340-348.
[292] Snorre, _Saga of Saint Olaf_, c. 121. According to Snorre's
reckoning, he left in the summer of 1023 and returned the following
summer.
[293] Snorre, _Saga of Saint Olaf_, c. 130.
[294] Snorre, _Saga of Saint Olaf_, c. 131.
[295] Snorre, _Saga of Saint Olaf_, c. 131.
[296] _Corpus Poeticum Boreale_, ii., 133-134.
[297] Snorre, _Saga of Saint Olaf_, c. 131.
[298] _Ibid._
[299] Snorre, _Saga of Saint Olaf_, c. 132. The legendary _Olafs-saga_
tells us that the gifts were two golden candlesticks, a golden dish
highly jewelled for the table service, and two gold rings. Anund is said
to have remarked that he did not wish to sell Olaf for a dish.
[300] Snorre, _Saga of Saint Olaf_, c. 134.
[301] Florence of Worcester, _Chronicon_, i., 184.
[302] _Speculum Historiale_, ii., 178.