THE TWILIGHT OF THE GODS
The question what attitude to assume toward the organised English Church
may have caused Canute some embarrassment; but the English problem was
simple compared with the religious complications that the young King had
to face in the North. England was Christian, at least officially, while
Scandinavia was still largely heathen; though every day saw the camps of
Christendom pitched a little farther toward the Arctic. In all the
Northern kingdoms missionaries were at work planting the seeds of the
new faith. By the close of the millennium Christianity had made great
progress in the Danish kingdom; it was firmly rooted in Jutland and had
found a foothold on the islands and in Scania. Among the Norwegians the
new worship had also made some progress; but in Sweden the darkness of
heathendom still hung heavy and low.
Norse Christianity doubtless filtered in with the viking raids: with the
plunder of the Catholic South and West, the sea-kings also appropriated
many of the forms and ideas of Western civilisation, and it is not
to be supposed that the fields of religious thought were neglected or
overlooked. King Hakon the Good became a Christian at the court of his
foster-father, Ethelstan, the grandson of Alfred.[259] The sons of Eric
Bloodax were also baptised in England, where their father had found an
exile's refuge.[260] Olaf Trygvesson found his faith and his mission
while fighting as viking in England. Olaf the Saint received baptism in
Rouen on his return from a raid as viking mercenary. Thus Norway had
been in close touch with the new faith for nearly a century; and yet,
Christianity had made but little actual progress. During the reign of
Canute the Danish Church reached the stage of effective organisation,
while in Norway the religious activities were still of the missionary
type.
[Illustration: HAMMERS OF THOR (From the closing years of heathendom).]
The forces of the Anse-gods were in retreat all along the religious
frontier; but it is not to be supposed that they were panic-stricken. To
their zeal for the ancestral worship was added a love for the conflict
which inspired the faithful to contest every inch of the Christian
advance. The challenge of Thor has a sort of historic reality in it: in
a sense the issue of religion was settled in the North by wager of
battle. In his admiration for strength and force, many a Northman seemed
willing to follow the lead of the stronger cult.
The Anse-faith of the viking age seems to have been a development of an
ancient form of heaven worship or possibly of sun worship, traces of
which have been found in the North from the days of the stone age.[261]
In time the deity came to be viewed from various angles, and each
particular aspect was individualised and made the object of separate
worship. Thus, apparently, arose the three great divinities, Thor,
Woden, and Frey. Thor is the god of strength, the mighty defender of
gods and men. His name (O. Eng. _Thunor_), his flaming beard, the crash
of his hammer-stroke show that the Thor-conception was closely
associated with early notions of thunder and lightning. Similarly, the
name of Woden[262] associates his divinity with the untamed forces of
nature, the fury of the tempest, the wrath of the storm. He is,
therefore, the god of the battle rush, the divine force that inspires
the athletic frenzy of the berserk. Thor is armed with a hammer, Woden
with a spear. Thor rides in a cart drawn by rams; Woden's mount is a
swift eight-footed horse. But Woden is more than a mere god of conflict;
he is wise and cunning and knows the mysteries of the world. Frey is the
god of fruitfulness, the sun-god as giver of life and growth. He should
be worshipped by tillers of the soil.
In the course of time, new deities were admitted to the Scandinavian
pantheon; some of these were no doubt developed from older conceptions;
others were evidently introduced from neighbouring cults. Gradually the
old, rude beliefs came to be overlaid with myths, a series of strange
tales, bold, strong, and weird. Recent scholars have held that many of
these were borrowed from the bulging storehouse of Christian faith and
legend--the result of intellectual contact between the old races and the
Norse immigrant on the Western Islands.[263] But even where this
borrowing can be clearly traced, the modifying touches of the Norse
imagination are clearly in evidence.
The Northern peoples also developed a system of ethics of which we have
a remarkable statement in the Eddic poem, the "Song of the High One."
While of a lower character than that associated with Christianity, it
was, when we consider the soil from which it sprang, a remarkable
growth. Candour, honesty, courage, strength, fidelity, and hospitality
were enjoined and emphasised. The Northman was impressed with the fact
that all things seem perishable; but he hoped that the fame of a good
life would continue after death.
Cattle die, kinsmen die,
Finally dies one-self;
But never shall perish the fame of him
Who has won a good renown.
Cattle die, kinsmen die,
Finally dies one-self;
But one thing I know that always remains,
Judgment passed on the dead.[264]
But the duties toward the hostile and the weak, that Christianity strove
to inculcate, the Northman did not appreciate: slavery was common; weak
and unwelcome children were often exposed at birth; revenge was a sacred
duty.
It is not the intention to enter upon a full discussion of Old Northern
faith and morals: in the conversion of a people that had reached the
particular stage of culture that the Norsemen occupied in the eleventh
century, neither is of prime importance. It is doubtful whether the
vikings were much interested in the intricacies of dogma, be it heathen
or Christian. It also seems unlikely that Christian morals as practised
at the time could have proved very attractive. In the life of Saint
Olaf, for instance, there was little that we should regard as saintly,
but much that was cruel, sinful, and coarse. The Celtic Church, with
which the Norwegians first came into close contact, seems to have put a
somewhat liberal construction on the ten commandments. The forms of
worship, however, were of the first importance: in the gorgeous ritual
of the mediæval Church the heathen could not fail to see a tangible
excellence that his own rude worship did not possess.
The Anse-faith knew no priesthood: the various local officials were
charged with the duty of performing the ancient rites, though some
evidently had peculiar responsibilities in this matter. In the family
the father had certain sacerdotal duties. The gods were worshipped in
temples, though not exclusively so; sacred groves and fountains were
also used for such purposes. Frequently, also, the great hall of a chief
was dedicated to the gods and used for sacrificial feasts.[265]
Most famous of all the Old Scandinavian sanctuaries was that at Upsala
in Eastern Sweden, built, we are told, by the god Frey himself. It was a
large wooden structure, highly ornamented with gold. Within were rude
images of the three major divinities, Thor, Woden, and Frey, with Thor's
image in the chief place. Near the temple there grew, according to the
account in Adam's chronicle, an exceedingly large tree that always kept
its verdure, in winter as well as in summer. There was also a fountain
where the victims were sometimes drowned; if the corpse did not
reappear, the favour of the gods was assured. In the sacred grove about
the sanctuary, the sacrificial victims were hung--horses, dogs, and
other beasts, frequently also human beings. The corpses were not removed
but permitted to hang from the trees. Adam reports that an eye-witness
once counted seventy-two such sacrificial victims.[266]
Every ninth year the entire Swedish nation was summoned to sacrifice at
Upsala. The feast was celebrated shortly before the vernal equinox and
continued nine days. At least one human being was sacrificed each day.
Great multitudes were in attendance--king and people all sent their
offerings to Upsala. It seems, however, that Christians were released
from the duty of attendance on the payment of money.[267] It is clear
that the gathering had a national as well as a religious significance.
Elaborate festivities were combined with the sacrifices.
Three times in the year did the Northmen gather in this manner to feast
and to invoke the gods: at Yule-tide in January, at the vernal equinox,
and late in the autumn. Of these gatherings the sagas speak somewhat
explicitly and seem to give reliable information.
It was the old way, when a sacrifice was to be, that all the
franklins should come to the place where the temple was, and carry
thither the victuals that they wished to have as long as the feast
lasted. All were to have a drinking together, and there were also
slaughtered all kinds of cattle and also horses.
And all the blood that came thereof was then called
sortilege-blood, and sortilege-bowls those wherein the blood stood,
and sortilege-twigs that were made like a sprinkler. With this
blood were all the altars to be sprinkled withal, and also the
walls of the temple without and within, and also sprinkled on the
people, but the meat was seethed for the entertainment of the
people.
There had to be fires in the midst of the floor of the temple, and
kettles over them, and the toasts were carried across the fire.
And he that made the feast or was chief had to make a sign over the
toast and the sanctified meat.
First must come Woden's toast: that was drunk to victory and power
of the king; and then Niard's toast; and Frey's toast for good
seasons and peace.
It was many men's wont to drink Brage's toast after that.
Men also would drink a toast to their kinsmen that had been laid in
their barrows, and that was called the memory toast.[268]
This description applies more especially to the great Yule-festivities,
but its more prominent features, the gathering, the sacrificial
slaughter, the blood-sprinkling, the toasts, and the feasting, were
evidently common usages, though places and occasions probably developed
varieties of customary worship. On the same occasions, the will of the
gods was ascertained by the casting of lot or other processes of
sortilege. Vows were pledged and oaths were registered.
A ring of two-ounce weight or more must lie on the altar in every
head temple. This ring every _godë_ (temple-official) must carry in
his hand to any law-moot that he himself was to preside over, and
he must first redden it in the blood of the sacrificial beast which
he sacrificed there himself.[269]
In the myth Ragnarok the Sibyl has told of the end of all things, even
of the divinities; how the twilight shall settle down upon the life of
the Anses; how their strength shall wither and age steal upon them; and
how at last Swart, the lord of the fire-world, shall come to the attack
wrapped in flames.
Swart from the south comes
With flaming sword;
Bright from his blade
The sun is blazing.
Stagger the stony peaks,
Stumble the giants;
Heroes fare Helward
And heaven yawns.[270]
It is an awful picture that the prophetess unrolls for us of all the
personified forces of destruction mustering to do battle against the
gods. The forces of evil win, for weakness has stolen upon the world
in the "twilight" preceding the final conflict: "an age of lust, of ax
and sword, and of crashing shields, of wind and wolf ere the world
crumbles."[271] Then comes the end of all things:
Swart is the sun,
Earth sinks in the ocean,
The shining stars
Are quenched in the sky.
Smoke and steam
Encircle the Ash-tree,
Flame-tongues lick
The lofty heaven.[272]
[Illustration: THE TJÄNGVIDE STONE (Monument from the Island of Gotland.
The stone shows various mythological figures; see below, page 302.)]
The prophecy of destruction as well as an expressed hope of future
regeneration shows quite clearly the result of Christian influence on
thought and imagery. The poem must consequently have been produced after
the North had come under the spell of Western culture, some time,
perhaps, in the tenth century. Less than a century later the "twilight
of the gods" had set in.
The union of the Anglo-Saxon to the Danish crown could not fail to
affect missionary operations in the North. It would seem at first sight
as if the work would be strengthened and hastened, for now the
Christianising energies of Britain would be added to those of Germany.
As a matter of fact the situation became more complex and difficult:
the union brought out the question whether the primacy of the new
church should belong to Hamburg-Bremen or to Canterbury. It seems that
Canute at one time held out hopes to Archbishop Ethelnoth of rising to
metropolitan authority of the Danish as well as of the English nation.
Such an arrangement would seem natural and highly desirable: the empire
that Canute ruled from Winchester could be more readily held together if
its ecclesiastical concerns were all directed from the cathedral at
Canterbury.
These new plans with respect to the young Danish Church apparently date
from the years immediately following Canute's return to England as
Danish king (1020). His new interest in English ecclesiastical matters
has been discussed elsewhere. In 1022, Ethelnoth consecrated three
bishops for Danish sees: Gerbrand for Zealand (Roeskild); Reginbert for
Funen (Odense); and Bernhard for the Scanian lands.[273] The sources
also state that many other English bishops were sent to Denmark from
England, but no names are given. It is to be noted that the names given
above are not Anglo-Saxon but German. It has therefore been thought that
these bishops were from Flanders or Lorraine, in which regions there was
an ecclesiastical movement of some importance in the days of
Canute.[274]
Of these three the most important was doubtless Gerbrand, whose
cathedral was located at Roeskild, the royal residential city. At this
time Unwan was archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen. Unwan was an aggressive and
ambitious prelate; it was not with pleasure that he learned of the new
bishops from the West; without the North as its mission-field, Bremen
would be a sorry province. Bishop Gerbrand on his journey to his new
parish,--he was probably sailing along the German coast according to
custom,--was captured and brought before Archbishop Unwan who forced him
to do proper homage. Apparently the German Prelate made a favourable
impression on Bishop Gerbrand for through his influence the Archbishop
induced Canute to agree that future bishops should be consecrated at
Bremen.[275]
Tradition is doubtless correct in ascribing to Canute considerable
activity in the endowment of churches. The statement that he established
monasteries in Denmark is probably an error; if he attempted to do so,
his efforts failed[276]; some time still had to pass before the viking
could find contentment in the cloister. Danish monasticism dates from
the closing years of the century, when twelve monks from Evesham on the
Avon came on request of King Eric to found a monastery at Odense. It
seems likely that the payment of Peter's pence dates from this reign. As
to the amount of this tax nothing is known; but it is probable that the
sum was a very modest one, as the Danes in England seem to have been
specially favoured in this matter, the tax in the Danelaw being half as
large as in the rest of England.[277]
Across the Sound in Scania, the introduction of Christianity was a
slower process. We learn that in Sweyn's time an Englishman, Godebald,
was appointed bishop there, and that he occasionally preached in the
neighbouring sections of Sweden and Norway.[278] The results were
evidently meagre, but it is significant that the preacher came from
England.
The Norwegian Church is in a peculiar sense a daughter of the English
Church. The first serious attempt at mission work in Norway was made
about the middle of the tenth century, when King Hakon built a few
churches and sent for English priests to officiate in them. One of these
apparently bore the episcopal title, Sigfrid, a monk of
Glastonbury.[279] The yeomanry gathered and slew the missionaries and
the work came to nought.
When Olaf Trygvesson seized the kingship (995), he came accompanied by
English priests. Among these was Bishop Sigurd, who was probably a
Northumbrian of Norse ancestry, and evidently a man of strength and
discretion. After the battle of Swald he seems to have continued his
labours in Sweden. English missionaries also came with Olaf the Stout.
He was accompanied by a number of priests and bishops from England
through whose doctrine and instruction he prepared his heart for
God, and to whose guidance he entrusted the people who were subject
to him. Among these were men who were famous for learning and
virtue, namely Sigfrid, Grimkell, Rudolf, and Bernhard.[280]
[Illustration: THE CHURCH AT URNES (NORWAY) (From about 1100.)]
It is to be observed once more that none of these bears an Anglo-Saxon
name: Sigfrid and Grimkell were doubtless natives of the Danelaw, of
Norse blood, but English in culture and faith; Bernhard may have been a
German from the country of the lower Rhine; Rudolf is said to have been
a kinsman of Edward the Confessor; as his name is Norman, we shall have
to conclude that he was a relative of Queen Emma, Edward's mother. Late
in life he received from the Confessor an important appointment as abbot
of Abingdon (1050).[281] So long as King Olaf lived Grimkell seems to
have held the office of chief bishop.
These were the men who laid the foundation of the Norwegian Church;
later missionaries from Britain continued the work along the earlier
lines. The result was that the new Church came largely to be organised
according to English models. Its ceremonial came to reflect Old English
practices. Its terminology was formed according to Anglo-Saxon
analogies.[282] Characteristic of both the English and the Norse Church
was an extensive use of the vernacular. And many remarkable parallels
have been found in the church legislation of King Ethelred and the
ecclesiastical laws attributed to Saint Olaf.[283]
It would seem most fitting that a church so intimately connected with
English Christianity should pass under the metropolitan jurisdiction of
the see at Canterbury, and such may have been Saint Olaf's original
intention. But the establishment of Danish power at Winchester, the
appointment of Canute's friend Ethelnoth to the primacy, and Canute's
designs on the Norwegian throne made such an arrangement impractical.
There was consequently nothing to do but to enter into relations with
the see of Bremen. Adam tells us that Olaf sent an embassy[284] headed
by Bishop Grimkell
with gifts to our archbishop and bearing the request that he
receive these [English] bishops favourably and send others of
his own consecration that the rude Norwegian people might be
strengthened in the Christian faith.
[Illustration: RUNIC MONUMENT SHOWS HAMMER OF THOR
THE ODDERNESS STONE]
It is difficult to appreciate the tremendous social changes that the
introduction of Christianity worked among the Northmen of the eleventh
century. There was so much that was new in Christian practice that the
adjustment was a difficult matter. The rigid observance of the seventh
day; the numerous holidays; the frequent fasts and the long abstentions
of Lent; the duties of confession and penance; the support of a new
social class, the priests; all these things the unwilling convert found
exceedingly irksome. In addition to this, there were certain
prohibitions that also worked hardships: marriage within certain degrees
of kinship; the exposure of children (except such as were born with
deformities, who might be exposed after baptism); the eating of
horseflesh, and other honoured Northern customs. Much that was heathen
could not be rooted out. The churches were frequently built near the old
sanctuaries and the new worship unavoidably came to be associated in
many minds with much that was heathen.[285]
While Canute was organising the Church in Denmark, Olaf was striving to
reshape Norwegian society and uproot the old faith. With force and fair
words he won many for the new order, but many more refused to receive
baptism. Ten years passed with growing discontent; so long as the nation
was still heathen in morals and view of life, resistance was inevitable.
Finally the partisans of the old rites and practices turned to Canute,
the great Christian King. And he who should have been a defender of the
faith heard their complaints with unfeigned joy.
FOOTNOTES:
[259] Snorre, _Saga of Harold Fairhair_, c. 41. Hakon's dates according
to saga are 935-961. The earlier date should probably be corrected to
945 or a later year, perhaps 947. See _Norges Historie_, I., ii., 139.
[260] Snorre, _Saga of Hakon the Good_, c. 3. Eric Bloodax was Hakon's
half-brother. For a time he ruled Northumbria as vassal of the English
King. _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, 952. The vassal relationship is asserted
in the sagas.
[261] Montelius, _Kulturgeschichte Schwedens_, 312. Two symbols of sun
worship, the wheel and the axe (the symbol of lightning which later
developed into Thor's hammer), can be traced back to the close of the
stone age. _Ibid._, 55. The worship of the bright sky may have preceded
that of the sun.
[262] German _Wotan_. Cf. Mod. Ger. _Wuth_.
[263] Particularly the late Sophus Bugge in _The Home of the Eddic
Poems_ and elsewhere.
[264] _Hávamál_, 39-40. (_Corpus Poeticum Boreale_, i, 8.)
[265] Montelius, _Kulturgeschichte Schwedens_, 321.
[266] _Gesta_, iv., c. 27 and schol. 134, 137.
[267] _Ibid._
[268] Vigfusson and Powell, _Origines Islandicæ_:, i., 309-310. From the
_Hakonar Saga_.
[269] Vigfusson and Powell, _Origines Islandicæ_, i., 311. From the
_Landnáma-bóc_.
[270] Voluspá, II. 155-158. (_Corpus Poeticum Boreale_, i., 199.)
[271] Voluspá, II. 133-134.
[272] _Ibid._, II. 175-178.
[273] Stubbs, _Registrant Sacrum Anglicanum_, 33.
[274] Steenstrup, _Normannerne_, iii., 383.
[275] Adamus, _Gesta_, ii., c. 53.
[276] _Danmarks Riges Historie_, i., 403, 500-501.
[277] _Danmarks Riges Historie_, i., 403.
[278] Adamus, _Gesta_, ii., c. 39.
[279] Taranger, _Den angelsaksiske Kirkes Indflydelse paa den norske_,
143.
[280] Adamus, _Gesta_, ii., c. 55.
[281] _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, 1050. _Anglia Sacra_, i., 167.
[282] An illustration of this appears on a runic monument at Odderness
in Southern Norway raised in memory of a godson of Saint Olaf: "Oivind,
Saint Olaf's godson [_kosunr_ or _gosunr]_ raised this church on his
allodial land."
[283] For the account of the Anglo-Saxon missionaries I am indebted to
Taranger's work on the influence of the Anglo-Saxon on the Norwegian
Church: _Den Angelsaksiske Kirkes Indflydelse paa den norske_.
[284] _Gesta_, ii., c. 55; iv., c. 33. The embassy was probably sent
some time during the years 1020-1023, and perhaps shortly before Canute
accepted the supremacy of Hamburg-Bremen in Denmark.
[285] This paragraph is summarised from Professor Bugge's discussion in
_Norges Historie_, I., ii., 379-381.