With regard to the choice of situation proper for the residence of this

controuling power; (which is indeed a point of high importance,) we

shall readily conceive, from adverting to its nature and the purposes of

its institution, that this residence ought to be some convenient sea

port; situated at a considerable distance from the limits of all these

territorial governments; but, at same time, so centrically near to each,

that the communication, to and from it, shall, in either monsoon, be not

only practicable, but certain and speedy. I shall reserve the farther

explanation of this intended seat of residence, till I come to treat of

the military system; because there are some properties, particularly

requisite to a proper centre of military defence: and it is proposed

that the same power, and consequently the same residence, that

superintends the political government, should likewise direct the

military government and defence, of this dominion.

But this supreme controuling power being thus centrically situated, with

respect to the several subordinates, as that it shall at all times hold

a ready and speedy correspondence with each, will be thereby enabled to

effectually superintend, enforce, and controul the execution of

political government in that whole dominion. For, in the first place,

the ready and speedy communication with all the subordinates, affording

to the supreme power an opportunity of obtaining, from each, the most

early intelligence of every transaction, incident, or occurrence; as

likewise of immediately transmitting the orders and instructions, that

may be suitable to the occasion; will cut off from the several governors

of the territorial dominions all pretext for acting discretionally. And,

in consequence, that despotic and arbitrary power, which hath subsisted

under the Company’s system, will be completely suppressed. And, from

adverting to this circumstance, we shall perceive the importance of a

proper choice of situation, for this supreme center of government.

In the second place, this ready correspondence with all the subordinate

governments, enabling the supreme power to acquire a minute and complete

knowledge of every circumstance, respecting the state and nature of the

general police, in this whole dominion, will qualify it for originally

planning, and for afterwards improving, all such designs and measures as

can contribute to the institution of regularity and good order. It will

likewise attain an intimate knowledge of the whole manoeuvre of finance,

respecting the mode of collecting as well as appropriating the revenue

and taxes: and it will be thereby enabled to project judicious forms,

with different offices, as mutual checks upon each other, in that

branch: which will serve to remedy that incredible extortion, rapine,

and peculation: which, by ruining the farmer of the lands, hath almost

totally suppressed agriculture, and greatly depopulated those miserable

countries; whilst it hath grievously defrauded the sovereign of his

right. And all these planned modes, being approved and confirmed by the

sovereign, would be continued in vigorous and perpetual action, by the

vicinity of the supreme political power: and all these several measures,

being enacted into laws, the strict observance of them would be

effectually enforced by the same vicinity. And thus, that supreme power

will, not only establish, but perpetually conserve a just regularity in

police, and an exact oeconomy in finance.

In the third place, the supreme judicial power will, by its

neighbourhood to these dependent dominions, acquire a just knowledge of

the modes, customs, and dispositions of the inhabitants; and, by that,

it will be enabled to devise the best forms or offices, together with

skilful rules for administring the jurisdiction, in a manner truly

effectual, and at same time consonant and agreeable to the humour of the

subject. It will likewise be capable of afterwards improving and adding

to these forms and rules, as future occasion may require, or better

information may suggest. All which forms or offices may, by the

approbation of the sovereign, be established into standing courts; and

the rules enacted into laws. And a punctual observance of all these laws

enacted, either for the regular administration of justice, or

conservance of the police, will be completely enforced, by the awe of

this supreme tribunal: the communication with which, from all parts of

that dependent dominion, being easy and speedy, will afford a ready

access and opportunity to all the subjects, of presenting their

complaints, against any oppression of their government, or denial, or

perversion of justice: whilst the same ready communication will render

the trial of all litigated cases, speedy and easy. A mighty innovation

this, from the former mode of justice in those dominions; when it was

impossible for even Europeans to obtain redress, in our distant precise

European courts, against the most glaring oppression of government: and

the natives were excluded from even that distant and deceitful prospect

of remedy.

And in order that the course of justice may be rendered thoroughly

complete, it may be enacted, after the manner of the Dutch, that no

person, who hath held any office of power or trust within the

subordinates, shall depart immediately from thence for Europe; but shall

be obliged to repair to the supreme residence; there to remain for three

months; to the end that any person or persons who may, by any means,

have been restrained, during the existence of his office, from

preferring their complaint against him, on the score of either public or

private trespass, may there have the free opportunity of prosecuting

him.

The supreme political power shall immediately appoint to all offices, as

well political as military, within the subordinate governments; with

reference held to the future approbation, and confirmation, of the

sovereign: and it shall preserve regular minutes of all such

appointments, orders, and other transactions made in its supreme

capacity; which minutes, together with regular and properly vouched

accounts of the collection, as well as the appropriation of the revenue,

shall be punctually transmitted, by every occasion, to the sovereign.

The judicial power shall likewise keep an exact register of all trials,

causes, and proceedings; more particularly those of the grand inquest

and assizes: this latter to be signed by all the judges and officers of

the court, and attested by the foremen, with a majority of the juries:

two copies of which shall be regularly transmitted to Britain; one to

the sovereign; and the other to the Company; which, as holding a

material interest and share in these law proceedings, hath a claim to

such participation of knowledge. All which minutes, accounts, and

proceedings, being communicated to the sovereign, will enable him to act

as an ultimate check on the political government, the finance, and the

jurisdiction of that Indian dominion.

Such is the form of this intermediate power, through which I propose to

convey, into the execution of government in those distant Indian

dominions, that plenary exertion of the sovereign’s restraining and

compelling power, which, alone, can suffice to prevent tyranny and

anarchy. And notwithstanding the materials are, through hurry and want

of time, rude, unpolished and coarsely arranged, yet do I flatter

myself, that candour will allow them to be solidly good, proper, and

fully sufficing to construct, at least, the groundplot, or basis, of a

regular political system. Sure I am, the high propriety, nay the

indispensable necessity of such a measure, must immediately strike every

person who employs his own judgment, however slightly, to consider,

first, the nature, interests, and views of the executive government in

those Indian dominions; as being foreign, deputed, mutable, and

temporary. Second the timid, passive, and slavishly submissive

disposition of the native subjects. And third, the distance of

situation, betwixt the sovereign residence, and the scene of government;

which, rendering the immediate restraint and constraint of the sovereign

perfectly impotent, confers on this foreign executive deputation an

unlimited and arbitrary power, of promoting its own personal views and

interest, by measures, which tend to the intolerable oppression of the

wretched inhabitants, and the utter ruin of those subjected countries;

as well as to the mighty detriment of Britain’s dearest interest, and

the blackest reproach to her reputation. Nor can all this be remedied or

prevented, but by such a measure as is here proposed.

And now we shall take a slight glance at the operation of this measure,

on the jurisdiction, and police, of the subordinate dominions. And

though, for the sake of perspicuity, we confine the view to Bengal

alone, as being the most eminent part, yet will the effects be equally

felt through the whole.

As to the fundamental establishments of Governors, Councils, &c. these

are sufficiently obvious; as likewise are the proper chambers of

revenue: and these, with the minutiæ appointments of inferior offices,

will be more properly provided and improved, by the better judgment,

true information, and future experience of the supreme controuling

power. Here we mean to offer only one or two hints on the mode of

jurisdiction and police.

And first, with regard to the courts of justice, I should propose that

the mayor’s court at Culcutta should still subsist, as a court of equity

for the whole country: and a most equitable court it is, if properly

regulated: for the truth of which assertion, I appeal to all those who

knew it previous to that alteration of the Company’s charter of justice,

which rendered it dependent on, and subservient to, the Governor and

Council: never was justice more exactly or more expeditiously

administered, than it was by this court, previous to that alteration. In

order therefore to restore it to its primitive utility, it ought to be

restored to its original state. Let the judges or aldermen, who at

present compose it, continue such: being servants to the Company, or

free merchants, they must be unconnected with, and uninfluenced by the

national government. And, in the case of death, or removal, the vacuum

to be supplied by the court itself, from amongst the Company’s servants,

or free merchants only: and if any alderman shall, subsequent to

entering on his office, accept of any post or place under government,

let that be an express disqualification and vacation of his office;

which is to be immediately made good, by the choice of another person,

properly qualified. The newly elected aldermen to be presented, for

acceptance, to the supreme court of judicature only. And the officers of

this court to be chosen by itself.

But as it would be impossible for the mayor’s court to dispatch all the

business that might be brought before it, there ought likewise to be a

court of law; consisting of a chief justice, with three judges; to be

appointed by the sovereign. And this court should guide itself, by such

laws as may be enacted for the jurisdiction of those countries;

otherwise by equity.

Appeals from this court of law, as well as that of equity, to be made

immediately to the supreme court of judicature; and from thence to his

Majesty in council.

If it is thought proper, there might be another mayor’s court, of the

same nature, established at Cossimbuzar, in the neighbourhood of the old

capital, Maxadavad.

And as to the forms, for the more universal distribution of justice to

the natives, these will be adjusted by the supreme supervising power; as

before mentioned. We shall only observe, that their courts of Zemindary

and Cutchery are, as they stand at present, a grievous nuisance.

But the noblest institution for protecting the liberty and property of

the subject, from the extortion and oppression of their foreign

government, and of its inferior train of native harpies, who are

infinitely more rapacious than the Europeans, would be that of juries,

properly constructed. Let the grand inquest of the country be held at

Culcutta, four times in the year: and let the juries, both grand and

petit, be expresly composed of Company’s servants, or free merchants,

Europeans, and none others: the judges of law, or at least two of them,

to sit on the assizes: the sheriff to be chosen annually, from amongst

the Company’s servants.

The powers of this grand inquest, if adapted to the situation of things,

must be enlarged beyond these of our juries in Britain; where there are

judicial and political aids, that must be wanting in those countries:

for instance, the enquiry must not be confined to place, but must extend

every where through the country: it must likewise have authority to

bring before it all manner of nuisance or trespass committed against the

liberty or property of the subject, natives as well as Europeans. And

the judges should have no power to reject or postpone the bills, found

by the grand jury: but should bring them on to decision, in turn, as

presented. Moreover, as the extent of enquiry may render it impossible

for the more distant defendant to appear with his evidences, during the

sitting of that assize to which the bill hath been presented against

him; let summons be issued, upon the bill’s being presented, for such

distant defendant to appear at next assizes; or let some other method be

found, either by means of the grand jury’s meeting a sufficient time

before the commencement of trials, or by some extraordinary power vested

in the judges or sheriff to produce such distant defendant with his

evidences in due time. And as this same extent of enquiry may, on the

other hand, produce inconvenience to the subject, by affording occasion

to litigious persons of distressing others, by bringing them from a

great distance to these assizes, on frivolous or ill grounded

complaints, it may be ordered that, where the cause shall appear to the

court truly litigious, the plaintiff shall be bound over to stand suit

at law, for damages to the defendant: and, one or two examples, of this

nature, will prove a barr to frivolous litigation.

And least the judges should, by any means, be influenced to act that

part which the Company’s governor and council commonly act, when they

absurdly preside at these assizes, as his Majesty’s judges in their own

cause; namely, to dismiss the Court, so soon as the grand jury shall

find a bill that may be disagreeable to them; it may be ordered that

neither the judges, nor any officer of the Court, shall have power to

adjourn the assizes, until all the trials shall be decided; or,

otherwise, by the consent of a majority in both juries.

The principal check however upon the conduct of these assizes, would be

that of obliging the Court to keep exact registers, of all trials, and

proceedings; signed and attested, as before mentioned. And if any part

of either jury shall except to the authenticity of such register, which

shall be publickly exposed in the Court, then, such dissenting part

shall have a right to protest, and assign its reasons. Three copies of

which register, with protest, (if any,) shall be dispatched, by the

earliest occasion, after each assize. One copy to the supreme Court of

Judicature, which will, thereby, have the earliest notice of any abuse;

and, with the concurrence of the supreme political power, shall have the

opportunity of immediately correcting it. A second copy shall be

transmitted to the sovereign; who will act as an ulterior check on the

supreme controuling power. And a third copy to the Company for the

reasons before specified.

But, as this single inquest at Calcutta cannot possibly carry justice to

the extremes of that extensive country, circulating assizes may be held,

at least once, or if possible twice a year, at Muxadavad as the center,

and at Patnah as the northern extreme; two judges to go this northern

circuit: and the other two judges to go on an eastern circuit, at Dacca.

And, as there may not be a sufficient number of Company’s servants,

properly qualified, to form complete juries at these northern and

eastern assizes: I would propose that, to make up any such deficiency,

natives should be mixed with the Europeans. Which mixture, if it shall

be artfully tempered, in the following manner, would produce all the

efficacy of entirely European juries; and, at same time, none of the bad

effects, that might be apprehended, from an attempt to confer freedom

and impartiality on juries entirely native.

Let, at least, one half of both the grand and petit juries be Europeans;

and the remaining part natives: and if it should happen, that there

cannot be collected, at the assize factory, and from the neighbouring

inferior factories, so many Company’s servants as shall make up half the

usual number of jurymen; then, let the whole number be diminished, to

the sufficing half of Europeans. Let the unanimity of verdict, in such

mixt juries, be dispensed with; and let the majority of voices, in

either jury, find the bill or verdict; as is the custom in Scotland. And

let an additional provision be made to the oath of the juryman,

purporting that he shall not, on any account, disclose the opinion given

by any individual, in the jury room.

By this artful mixture, and these precautions, the native jurymen would

be liberated from that slavish dread, of future revenge from their own

countrymen employed under government; seeing it would be impossible, for

these native officers of government, to discover the particular opinion

of each individual; which, if the juries were entirely native, they

would infallibly do, to the utter ruin of the poor native jurymen. So

that the native Jurymen, acting thus with freedom, under the cloke and

protection of the Europeans, would answer all the effectual purposes of

Europeans. Whilst, being sensible that they owed their freedom and

impartiality, together with all the other benefits arising from juries,

to their connection with the Europeans; this freedom conferred on them

in the jury room, would not in the least diminish their awe and

deference to government. The proceedings at these circuit assizes to be

registered and transmitted in like manner as at Calcutta.

These juries would prove the Magna Charta, the palladium, and true

security of Indian liberty and property, against the despotism and

extortion of their foreign government. And it evidently appears that the

virtue of these juries, (as being, at one and the same time, truly

effectual to the subject, and perfectly safe to the sovereign,) entirely

depends upon the circumstance, of completely excluding the Company and

her servants, from the smallest participation in the executive powers of

government. But the efficacy of these juries, and of other inferior

institutions made through the supreme controuling power, being once felt

and known, would speedily induce the natives to purchase perpetual

property in lands: seeing they would perceive themselves thoroughly

secured in the produce of those lands. And this, being divulged abroad,

would draw the inhabitants of the neighbouring countries to the standard

of Britain; together with their wealth, and industry. By which means the

British dominion in India, which, at present is, through oppression and

consequent famine, in a great measure deserted and depopulated, would

again be completely peopled and cultivated: arts, manufactures, and

commerce would soon be restored to their former state; nay, they would

be extended to a degree far superior: and these countries would, of

course, be enabled to richly repay Britain for the blessings conferred

by her, of perfect security in liberty and property; blessings, never

before known in India.

And all this may be effected by means of that intermediate supreme

controuling power: which would, not only create, but preserve, the full

and vigorous efficacy of all these institutions, in the subordinate

dominions. Whereas, if it was even possible, (though indeed it is

morally impossible,) to institute, by any temporary means, all these

powers, forms, rules, and regulations in those dominions, yet is it

evidently certain that, so soon as these temporary means were withdrawn,

the virtue and efficacy of all these institutions would immediately

vanish, and be suppressed by the power of the executive government;

which, from the nature of things, must unavoidably be, either despotic

over the native subjects, or cannot exist at all.

But this same controuling power, as it would, on the one hand, by its

fixed residence in the immediate neighbourhood, perpetually preserve the

action and motion of all these institutions, like to a power ever

present to wind up the springs of the machine; and, so, would check all

the bad effects of that naturally necessary despotism in executive

government: so would it, on the other hand, effectually support the

power and authority of that executive government; and prevent its being

encroached on, by an over exertion of the privileges conferred on the

subject. For, on this side too, there is a danger; which will be readily

comprehended, by those who consider the nature of government; and, at

same time, the disposition of human nature. But all danger, of

preponderating either scale, would be prevented, by the vicinity of the

controuling power: which, holding the balance in its hands, and nicely

diminishing from one, or adding to the other scale, would ever preserve

a just equilibrium, betwixt the liberty of the subject, and the power of

government.

Nor would the institution of new regulations be the only means, in the

hands of the controuling power, of preventing the dangerous over

exertion of privilege: it would likewise possess the instantaneous power

of seizing, or otherwise of ordering to its own residence, all such

persons as should prove over troublesome, or dangerous to the due

authority of executive government. For, though it would be extremely

absurd to trust a power of this nature, immediately in the hands of

executive government; which would, infallibly, employ it to its own

worst purposes: yet might such power be safely trusted to this

controuling government; which could not have the same motives to abuse

it.

Nevertheless, we do not mean that this, and all these other powers,

should be unlimitedly confided to this controuling deputation: we still

preserve a check over it, in the national government. And a most

effectual check too; by means of the beforementioned copies of

registers, immediately transmitted to Britain, from the subordinates; as

likewise by its own minutes, accounts, and registers.

So that here would be a regular gradation of effectual political checks.

The privilege of juries, and other institutions in the subordinate

dominions, being preserved in vigorous action, by the influence of the

intermediate controuling power, would prove an effectual check on the

despotism or extortion of executive government; and would thus

completely secure the liberty and property of the subject. And the same

influence of the controuling power would sufficiently check the

luxuriancy of privilege; and support the power of government; thus

preserving an exact poise betwixt both. Whilst the sovereign, at a

distance, could deliberately and effectually watch the hand that trimmed

the scales.

The Present State of the British Interest in India With a Plan for Establishing a Regular System of Government in That Country · 第 6 / 8 段