conversation on the affairs of the United States. He laughed at the
cry of prosperity, and the deriving it from the establishment of the
treasury: he said, that, so far from giving in to this opinion, and that
we were paying off our national debt, he was clear the debt was growing
on us: that he had lately expressed this opinion to the President, who
appeared much astonished at it. I told him I had given the same hint to
the President last summer, and lately again had suggested, that we
were even depending for the daily subsistence of government on borrowed
money. He said, that was certain, and was the only way of accounting for
what was become of the money drawn over from Holland to this country.
He regretted that the President was not in the way of hearing full
information, declared he communicated to him every thing he could learn
himself; that the men who vaunted the present government so much on some
occasions, were the very men who at other times declared it was a poor
thing, and such a one as could not stand, and he was sensible they
only esteemed it as a stepping-stone to something else, and had availed
themselves of the first moments of the enthusiasm in favor of it, to
pervert its principles and make of it what they wanted: and that though
they raised the cry of anti-federalism against those who censured the
mode of administration, yet he was satisfied, whenever it should come to
be tried, that the very men whom they called anti-federalists, were the
men who would save the government, and he looked to the next Congress
for much rectification.
April the 18th. The President sends a set of questions to be considered,
and calls a meeting. Though those sent me were in his own hand-writing,
yet it was palpable from the style, their ingenious tissue and suite,
that they were not the President’s, that they were raised upon a
prepared chain of argument, in short, that the language was Hamilton’s,
and the doubts his alone. They led to a declaration of the executive,
that our treaty with France is void. E. Randolph, the next day, told me
that the day before the date of these questions, Hamilton went with him
through the whole chain of reasoning of which these questions are the
skeleton, and that he recognised them the moment he saw them.
We met. The first question, whether we should receive the French
minister, Genet, was proposed, and we agreed unanimously that he should
be received; Hamilton, at the same time, expressing his great regret
that any accident had happened, which should oblige us to recognise
the government. The next question was, whether he should be received
absolutely, or with qualifications. Here Hamilton took up the whole
subject, and went through it in the order in which the questions sketch
it. See the chain of his reasoning in my opinion of April the 28th. Knox
subscribed at once to Hamilton’s opinion that we ought to declare the
treaty void, acknowledging, at the same time, like a fool as he is,
that he knew nothing about it. I was clear it remained valid. Randolph
declared himself of the same opinion, but on Hamilton’s undertaking to
present to him the authority in Vattel (which we had not present), and
to prove to him, that if the authority was admitted, the treaty might be
declared void, Randolph agreed to take further time to consider. It was
adjourned. We determined unanimously the last question, that Congress
should not be called. There having been an intimation by Randolph, that
in so great a question he should choose to give a written opinion, and
this being approved by the President, I gave in mine April the 28th.
Hamilton gave in his. I believe Knox’s was never thought worth offering
or asking for. Randolph gave his May the 6th, concurring with mine.
The President told me, the same day, he had never had a doubt about the
validity of the treaty; but that since a question had been suggested,
he thought it ought to be considered: that this being done, I might
now issue passports to sea-vessels in the form prescribed by the French
treaty. I had for a week past only issued the Dutch form; to have issued
the French, would have been presupposing the treaty to be in existence.
The President suggested, that he thought it would be as well
that nothing should be said of such a question having been under
consideration. Written May the 6th.
May the 6th, 1793. When the question was, whether the proclamation of
April the 22nd should be issued, Randolph observed, that there should
be a letter written by me to the ministers of the belligerent powers, to
declare that it should not be taken as conclusive evidence against our
citizens in foreign courts of admiralty, for contraband goods. Knox
suddenly adopted the opinion before Hamilton delivered his. Hamilton
opposed it pretty strongly. I thought it an indifferent thing, but
rather approved Randolph’s opinion. The President was against it; but
observed that, as there were three for it, it should go. This was
the first instance I had seen of an opportunity to decide by a mere
majority, including his own vote.
May the 12th. Lear called on me to-day. Speaking of the lowness of
stocks (sixteen shillings), I observed it was a pity we had not money to
buy on public account. He said, yes, and that it was the more provoking,
as two millions had been borrowed for that purpose, and drawn over here,
and yet were not here. That he had no doubt those would take notice of
the circumstance whose duty it was to do so. I suppose he must mean the
President.
May the 23rd. I had sent to the President, yesterday, draughts of a
letter from him to the Provisory Executive Council of France, and of one
from myself to Mr. Ternant, both on the occasion of his recall. I called
on him to-day. He said there was an expression in one of them, which he
had never before seen in any of our public communications, to wit, ‘our
republic’ The letter prepared for him to the Council, began thus: ‘The
Citizen Ternant has delivered to me the letter wherein you inform me,
that yielding &c. you had determined to recall him from his mission, as
your Minister Plenipotentiary to our republic.’ He had underscored
the words our republic. He said that certainly ours was a republican
government, but yet we had not used that style in this way; that if any
body wanted to change its form into a monarchy, he was sure it was only
a few individuals, and that no man in the United States would set his
face against it more than himself: but that this was not what he was
afraid of; his fears were from another quarter; that there was more
danger of anarchy being introduced. He adverted to a piece in Freneau’s
paper of yesterday; he said he despised all their attacks on him
personally, but that there never had been an act of the government, not
meaning in the executive line only, but in any line, which that paper
had not abused. He had also marked the word republic thus X, where it
was applied to the French republic. (See the original paper.) He was
evidently sore and warm, and I took his intention to be, that I should
interpose in some way with Freneau, perhaps withdraw his appointment
of translating clerk to my office. But I will not do it. His paper has
saved our constitution, which was galloping fast into monarchy, and has
been checked by no one means so powerfully as by that paper. It is well
and universally known, that it has been that paper which has checked the
career of the monocrats; and the President, not sensible of the designs
of the party, has not, with his usual good sense and _sang froid_,
looked on the efforts and effects of this free press, and seen that,
though some bad things have passed through it to the public, yet the
good have preponderated immensely.
June the 7th, 1793. Mr. Beckley, who has returned from New York within
a few days, tells me that, while he was there, Sir John Temple, Consul
General of the northern States for Great Britain showed him a letter
from Sir Gregory Page Turner, a member of parliament for a borough in
Yorkshire, who, he said, had been a member for twenty-five years, and
always confidential for the ministers in which he permitted him to read
particular passages of the following purport: that the government was
well apprized of the predominancy of the British interest in the United
States; that they considered Colonel Hamilton, Mr. King, and Mr.
Smith of South Carolina, as the main supports of that interest; that
particularly, they considered Colonel Hamilton, and not Mr. Hammond as
their effective minister here; that if the anti-federal interest (that
was his term) at the head of which they considered Mr. Jefferson to be
should prevail, these gentlemen had secured an asylum to themselves
in England.’ Beckley could not understand whether they had secured it
themselves* or whether they were only notified that it was secured
to them. So that they understand that they may go on boldly in their
machinations to change the government, and if they should be overset
and choose to withdraw, they will be secure of a pension in England, as
Arnold, Deane, &c. had. Sir John read passages of a letter (which he did
not put into Beckley’s hand, as he did the other) from Lord Grenville,
saying nearly the same things. This letter mentions Sir John, that
though they had divided the Consul-Generalship, and given the southern
department to Bond, yet he Sir John, was to retain his whole salary.
[By this it would seem, as if, wanting to use Bond, they had covered his
employment with this cloak.] Mr. Beckley says that Sir John Temple is a
strong republican. I had a proof of his intimacy with Sir John in this
circumstance. Sir John received his new commission of Consul General for
the northern department, and, instead of sending it through Mr. Hammond,
got Beckley to enclose it to me for his exequatur I wrote to Sir John
that it must come through Mr Hammond enclosing it back to him. He
accordingly then sent it to Mr. Hammond.
[* In the margin is written, by Mr. Jefferson; ‘Impossible
as to Hamilton; he was far above that.]
In conversation with the President to-day, and speaking about General
Greene, he said that he and General Greene had always differed in
opinion about the manner of using militia. Greene always placed them
in his front: himself was of opinion, they should always be used as a
reserve to improve any advantage, for which purpose they were the finest
fellows in the world. He said he was on the ground of the battle of
Guilford, with a person who was in the action, and who explained the
whole of it to him. That General Greene’s front was behind a fence at
the edge of a large field, through which the enemy were obliged to pass
to get at them; and that, in their passage through this, they must have
been torn all to pieces, if troops had been posted there who would have
stood their ground; and that the retreat from that position was through
a thicket, perfectly secure. Instead of this he posted the North
Carolina militia there who only gave one fire and fell back, so that the
whole benefit of their position was lost. He thinks that the regulars,
with their field-pieces, would have hardly let a single man get through
that field.
Eodem die (June the 7th). Beckley tells me that he has the following
fact from Governor Clinton. That before the proposition for the present
General Government, i.e. a little before Hamilton conceived a plan for
establishing a monarchical government in the United States, he wrote
a draught of a circular letter, which was to be sent to about
-------persons, to bring it about. One of these letters in Hamilton’s
hand-writing, is now in possession of an old militia General up the
North River, who, at that time, was thought orthodox enough to be
entrusted in the execution. This General has given notice to Governor
Clinton, that he has this paper, and that he will deliver it into
his hands, and no one’s else. Clinton intends, the first interval of
leisure, to go for it, and he will bring it to Philadelphia. Beckley is
a man of perfect truth as to what he affirms of his own knowledge, but
too credulous as to what he hears from others.
June the 10th, 1793. Mr. Brown gives me the following specimen of
the phrenzy which prevailed at New York on the opening of the new
government. The first public ball which took place after the President’s
arrival there, Colonel Humphreys, Colonel W. S. Smith, and Mrs. Knox
were to arrange the ceremonials. These arrangements were as follows:
a sofa at the head of the room, raised on several steps whereon the
President and Mrs. Washington were to be seated. The gentlemen were to
dance in swords. Each one, when going to dance, was to lead his partner
to the foot of the sofa, make a low obeisance to the President and his
lady, then go and dance, and when done, bring his partner again to the
foot of the sofa for new obeisances, and then to retire to their chairs.
It was to be understood, too, that gentlemen should be dressed in bags.
Mrs. Knox contrived to come with the President, and to follow him and
Mrs. Washington to their destination, and she had the design of forcing
an invitation from the President to a seat on the sofa. She mounted up
the steps after them unbidden, but unfortunately the wicked sofa was so
short, that when the President and Mrs. Washington were seated, there
was not room for a third person; she was obliged therefore to descend in
the face of the company, and to sit where she could. In other respects
the ceremony was conducted rigorously according to the arrangements, and
the President made to pass an evening which his good sense rendered a
very miserable one to him.
June the 12th. Beckley tells me that Klingham has been with him to-day,
and relates to him the following fact. A certificate of the old Congress
had been offered at the treasury and refused payment and so endorsed in
red ink as usual. This certificate came to the hands of Francis, (the
quondam clerk of the treasury who, on account of his being dipped in
the infamous case of the Baron Glaubec, Hamilton had been obliged
to dismiss, to save appearances, but with an assurance of all future
service, and he accordingly got him established in New York). Francis
wrote to Hamilton that such a ticket was offered him, but he could not
buy it unless he would inform him and give him his certificate that it
was good. Hamilton wrote him a most friendly letter, and sent him
the certificate. He bought the paper, and came on here and got it
recognised, whereby he made twenty-five hundred dollars Klingham saw
both the letter and certificate.
Irving, a clerk in the treasury, an Irishman, is the author of the
pieces now coming out under the signature of Verita’s and attacking the
President. I have long suspected this detestable game was playing by the
fiscal party, to place the President on their side.
July the 18th, 1793. Lear calls on me. I told him that Irving, an
Irishman, and a writer in the treasury, who, on a former occasion, had
given the most decisive proofs of his devotion to his principal, was the
author of the pieces signed Veritas: and I wished he could get at some
of Irving’s acquaintances and inform himself of the fact, as the person
who told me of it would not permit the name of his informer to be
mentioned. [Note. Beckley told me of it, and he had it from Swaine,
the printer to whom the pieces were delivered]; that I had long before
suspected this excessive foul play in that party of writing themselves
in the character of the most exaggerated democrats and incorporating
with it a great deal of abuse on the President to make him believe it
was that party who were his enemies, and so throw him entirely into
the scale of the monocrats. Lear said he no longer ago than yesterday
expressed to the President his suspicions of the artifices of that party
to work on him. He mentioned the following fact as a proof of their
writing in the character of their adversaries; to wit, the day after the
little incident of Richet’s toasting ‘the man of the people’ (see the
gazettes), Mrs. Washington was at Mrs. Powel’s, who mentioned to her
that, when the toast was given, there was a good deal of disapprobation
appeared in the audience, and that many put on their hats and went out:
on inquiry, he had not found the fact true, and yet it was put into
------‘s paper, and written under the character of a republican,
though he is satisfied it is altogether a slander of the monocrats.
He mentioned this to the President, but he did not mention to him the
following fact, which he knows; that in New York, the last summer, when
the parties of Jay and Clinton were running so high, it was an agreed
point with the former, that if any circumstances should ever bring it to
a question, whether to drop Hamilton or the President, they had decided
to drop the President. He said that lately one of the loudest pretended
friends to the government, damned it, and said it was good for nothing,
that it could not support itself, and it was time to put it down and
set up a better; and yet the same person, in speaking to the President,
puffed off that party as the only friends to the government. He said
he really feared, that by their artifices and industry, they would
aggravate the President so much against the republicans, as to separate
him from the body of the people. I told him what the same cabals had
decided to do, if the President had refused his assent to the bank bill;
also what Brockhurst Livingston said to ------, that Hamilton’s life was
much more precious to the community than the President’s.
August the 1st. Met at the President’s, to consider what was to be
done with Mr. Genet. All his correspondence with me was read over.
The following propositions were made. 1. That a full statement of Mr.
Genet’s conduct be made in a letter to G. Morris, and be sent with his
correspondence, to be communicated to the Executive Council of France;
the letter to be so prepared, as to serve for the form of communication
to the Council. Agreed unanimously. 2. That in that letter his recall be
required. Agreed by all, though I expressed a preference of expressing
that desire with great delicacy; the others were for peremptory terms.
3. To send him off. This was proposed by Knox; but rejected by every
other. 4. To write a letter to Mr. Genet, the same in substance with
that written to G. Morris, and let him know we had applied for his
recall. I was against this, because I thought it would render him
extremely active in his plans, and endanger confusion. But I was
overruled by the other three gentlemen and the President. 5. That
a publication of the whole correspondence, and statement of the
proceedings should be made by way of appeal to the people. Hamilton
made a jury speech of three quarters of an hour, as inflammatory and
declamatory as if he had been speaking to a jury. E. Randolph opposed
it. I chose to leave the contest between them. Adjourned to next day.
August the 2nd. Met again. Hamilton spoke again three quarters of an
hour. I answered on these topics. Object of the appeal. The democratic
society; this the great circumstance of alarm; afraid it would extend
its connections over the continent; chiefly meant for the local object
of the ensuing election of Governor. If left alone, would die away after
that is over. If opposed, if proscribed, would give it importance and
vigor; would give it a new object, and multitudes would join it merely
to assert the right of voluntary associations. That the measure was
calculated to make the President assume the station of the head of a
party, instead of the head of the nation. Plan of the appeal. To consist
of facts and the decisions of the President. As to facts we are agreed;
but as to the decisions, there have been great differences of opinion
among us. Sometimes as many opinions as persons. This proves there will
be ground to attack the decision. Genet will appeal also; it will become
a contest between the President and Genet--anonymous writers--will be
same difference of opinion in public, as in our cabinet--will be
same difference in Congress, lot it must be laid before them--would,
therefore, work very unpleasantly at home. How would it work abroad?
France--unkind--after such proofs of her friendship, should rely on
that friendship and her justice. Why appeal to the world? Friendly
nations always negotiate little differences in private. Never appeal to
the world, but when they appeal to the sword. Confederacy of Pilnitz
was to overthrow the government of France. The interference of France
to disturb other governments and excite insurrections, was a measure of
reprisal. Yet these Princes have been able to make it believed to be the
system of France. Colonel Hamilton supposes Mr. Genet’s proceedings
here are in pursuance of that system: and we are so to declare it to
the world, and to add our testimony to this base calumny of the Princes.
What a triumph to them to be backed by our testimony. What a fatal
stroke at the cause of liberty; _Et tu, Brute?_ We indispose the French
government, and they will retract their offer of the treaty of commerce.
The President manifestly inclined to the appeal to the people.* Knox, in
a foolish, incoherent sort of a speech, introduced the pasquinade lately
printed, called the funeral of George W--n and James W---n, King and
Judge, &c, where the President was placed on a guillotine. The President
was much inflamed; got into one of those passions when he cannot command
himself; ran on much on the personal abuse which had been bestowed on
him; defied any man on earth to produce one single act of his since he
had been in the government, which was not done on the purest motives;
that he had never repented but once the having slipped the moment of
resigning his office, and that was every moment since; that by God he
had rather be in his grave than in his present situation; that he had
rather be on his farm than to be made Emperor of the world; and yet
that they were charging him with wanting to be a King. That that rascal
Freneau sent him three of his papers every day, as if he thought he
would become the distributor of his papers; that he could see in this,
nothing but an impudent design to insult him: he ended in this high
tone. There was a pause. Some difficulty in resuming our question; it
was, however, after a little while, presented again, and he said there
seemed to be no necessity for deciding it now; the propositions before
agreed on might be put into a train of execution, and perhaps events
would show whether the appeal would be necessary or not. He desired we
would meet at my office the next day, to consider what should be done
with the vessels armed in our ports by Mr. Genet, and their prizes.
* He said that Mr. Morris, taking a family dinner with him
the other day, went largely, and of his own accord, into
this subject; advised this appeal, and promised, if the
President adopted it, that he would support it himself, and
engage for all his connections. The President repeated this
twice, and with an air of importance. Now Mr. Morris has no
family connections; he engaged then for his political
friends. This shows that the President has not confidence
enough in the virtue and good sense of mankind, to confide
in a government bottomed on them, and thinks other props
necessary.
August the 3rd. We met. The President wrote to take our opinions,
whether Congress should be called. Knox pronounced at once against it.
Randolph was against it. Hamilton said his judgment was against it, but
that if any two were for it, or against it, he would join them to make
a majority. I was for it. We agreed to give separate opinions to the
President. Knox said we should have had fine work, if Congress had
been sitting these two last months. The fool thus let out the secret.
Hamilton endeavored to patch up the indiscretion of this blabber, by
saying ‘he did not know; he rather thought they would have strengthened
the executive arm.’