A new band of religious arrives in the province, one of whom dies
at sea
[More than two hundred religious went to the Philippines in 1684, as
recruits for the orders of St. Francis, St. Augustine (both calced and
discalced), and St. Dominic. Those for the last-named order number
forty-nine, "which is the most abundant succor which has reached
this province since its foundation." [11] Those missionaries are
as follows:]
The said father, Fray Jacinto Jorva, son of the convent of Santa
Catharina Martyr, of Barcelona.
Father Fray Francisco Miranda, of the convent of San Pablo, of
Valladolid, and collegiate of San Gregorio of the same city.
Father Fray Pedro Mexorada, of the convent of San Estevan, of
Salamanca.
Father Fray Diego Pinero, of the province of Andalucia.
Father Fray Diego Velez, of the province of Espana.
Father Fray Juan Truxillo, of the convent of Santo Domingo, of Xerez.
Father Fray Miguel de la Villa, of the convent of San Pablo,
of Sevilla.
Father Fray Sebastian de el Castillo, of the same convent.
Father Fray Francisco Marquez, of the convent of San Pablo, of Cordova.
Father Fray Thomas Croquer, of the convent of Santo Domingo, of Xerez.
Father Fray Thomas de Gurruchategui, of the convent of San Estevan,
of Salamanca.
Father Fray Antonio Beriain, of the convent of Santo Domingo,
of Victoria.
Father Fray Joseph Beltroli.
Father Fray Jacobo de el Munt.
Father Fray Juan de Soto, of the convent of San Pablo, of Palencia.
Father Fray Pedro Martin.
Father Fray Diego Casanueva.
Father Fray Gaspar Carrasco.
Father Fray Manuel Ramos, of the convent of San Estevan, of Salamanca.
Father Fray Miguel de San Raymundo.
Father Fray Raymundo de Santa Rosa.
Father Fray Sebastian Bordas, of the convent of Santo Domingo,
of Mexico.
Father Fray Juan de Abenojar.
Father Fray Diego Vilches, of the convent of San Pablo, of Sevilla.
Father Fray Antonio de Santo Thomas, a Pole.
Father Fray Francisco de la Vega.
Father Fray Nicolas de el Olmo, of the convent of San Estevan,
of Salamanca.
Father Fray Francisco Morales, of the same convent.
Father Fray Gabriel Serrano, of the same convent.
Father Fray Santiago de Monteagudo, of the convent of Santiago,
of Galicia.
Father Fray Francisco Ruiz.
Father Fray Julian de la Cruz.
Father Fray Juan de la Barrera.
Father Fray Joseph Plana, of the convent of Xirona.
Father Fray Juan de la Nava, of the convent of San Pablo, of Cordova.
Father Fray Juan Romero, of the convent of San Gines, of Talavera.
Father Fray Francisco Gomez, of the convent of Santo Thomas, of Avila.
Father Fray Thomas Escat, of the convent of Santa Catharina Martyr,
of Barcelona.
Father Fray Diego Arriola.
Father Fray Blas Iglesias, of the convent of San Vicente, of Plasencia.
Father Fray Miguel Matos, of the convent of Nuestra Senora de la
Candelaria, of the Canary Islands.
Fray Fernando Ybanez, deacon.
Fray Thomas de Plasencia, acolyte.
And six lay-brethren, who are the following:
Fray Francisco Tostado, of the convent of San Pablo, of Sevilla.
Fray Manuel Santos, of the convent of Santa Cruz, of Segovia.
Fray Juan Ruiz, of the convent of Santa Cruz, of Villaescusa.
Fray Thomas Gomez.
Fray Manuel Goncales.
And Fray Lucas de el Moro, of the convent of Nuestra Senora, of Atocha.
[To this band must be added the name of Fray Juan Marcort, son of the
convent of Xirona, who died at sea after the vessel had left the port
of Acapulco.]
[Chapter lxiv treats of an English pirate (Dampier) who cruises among
the Babuyanes, and defiles a church of the Dominicans. Chapter lxv,
the last of the first book, reviews the life of Fray Antonio Calderon,
who dies while provincial of his order. Chapter i, of the second book,
records the election as provincial of Fray Bartholome Marron.]
CHAPTER II
Of the reduction of the Mandayas Indians to our holy faith
[Father Pedro Ximenez, who had labored for six years in the mission of
Irraya, being compelled to leave that place because of slanderous
reports, is sent in 1684 to the village of Fotol, on the border
of the Mandaya country in the central part of Luzon. The needs
that he finds there will not allow him to take the rest that
he has planned after his active and laborious campaign against
infidelity in Irraya, and he takes up his work in the new mission
with undiminished zeal. The people of Fotol he finds in the midst
of famine, for the fierce Mandayas [12] of the uplands will not
allow them to cultivate their fields. The father resolves upon
the reduction of the Mandayas. He begins by writing letters to an
influential apostate who is living in the mountain region, and
those letters so stir up the conscience and memory of that man
that he resumes the faith which he had abandoned, and is later
of great service to the father, and lives in Christian humility
until his death which occurs within a short time. Not without
hindrances from the evil one, however, are the efforts of the
gospel worker. That enemy of mankind causes an inhabitant of the
village of Nabayugan to murder another heathen, whereupon all is
confusion and the breathing forth of threats. The father learning
that that murder may be atoned for by two ways, namely, by fighting
or by a fine, promises to pay for it himself in the interests of
peace. Through his native ambassadors he sends a present of shirts,
salt, needles, combs, and tibors, to the aggrieved faction. Won by
such generous kindness, the ambassadors are treated most cordially,
and a favorable answer sent to the father, and they promise to
descend the mountain to meet him near Capinatan. The energetic
priest immediately sets out, but the devil ever watchful in the
interests of his evil trade, manages to upset the boat in which the
father is journeying on the river at the hour of midnight. However,
nothing but a wetting and considerable discomfort is the result,
and next day Fray Pedro meets the heathens. After a stay with
them of two days, the father returns accompanied by two chiefs
and four others of the heathens, a not slight undertaking on
the part of those timid people, as they are in constant fear
of treachery. They return to the mountains after short visits
to the villages of Capinatan and Affulug, accompanied by some
of the inhabitants of the former village. Among their people
they relate the good treatment which they have received from
the father, "as well as from the commandant of the fort, who
really aided considerably in that reduction by his affability,
kindness, and good treatment. If the other commandants of the
forts near the heathens carried themselves in that manner, they
could gather more fruit than the fathers for their conversion and
reduction. But the pity is that most of them not only do not aid,
but even offer opposition on this point, and think only of their
profit and interests." Once more the devil endeavors to destroy the
peace which seems about to spread throughout the district. One of
three heathens, who go down to the village of Malaueg, is killed
by the inhabitants of that place, and the other two are seized
and sent to the commandant of Nueva Segovia. To their surprise
that commandant, instead of praising them for their vigilance,
seizes the captors and frees the captives, the latter upon the
supplication of the father, being sent to him and returned to
their people. Other troubles are also satisfactorily settled
through the agency of Fray Pedro. At his invitation twenty-two
of the heathens accompany him to Apparri, where the alcalde-mayor
confers on them titles and honors, thus increasing the favorable
opinion of the Mandayas. The village of Calatug still proves
an obstacle to the general peace, for they are hostile to the
Mandayas, and have declared that if the latter become reduced
they will attack and kill them. The Mandayas who wish to become
civilized, after holding a council, resolve to ask aid of the
alcalde-mayor against the village of Calatug, and that aid is
promised them. Meanwhile it is reported that there is a plot to
kill Fray Pedro, and that all the friendliness of the Mandayas is
only treachery. Refusing to believe that, the father determines,
against advice from all sides, and a vigorous protest from the
commandant of the fort at Capinatan, to ascend the mountains in
company with only one Mandaya and his daughter, and the necessary
rowers, eight in number. His confidence is well answered by
the joyful reception accorded him by the Mandayas, among whom
he remains for about a fortnight. The following September, in
conformity with his promise he again ascends the mountains, and at
that time a church is built which is dedicated to Nuestra Senora
de la Pena de Francia. In 1686 that church numbers more than one
thousand three hundred converts and apostates who have come back to
the faith. The number of converts in that mission is opportunely
increased by an epidemic of smallpox, when the mercy of God is
seen in many, both those who die and those who recover. In 1687
the growth of the work causes the chapter held that year to assign
Fray Pedro two associates, and in 1688 he is made an independent
missionary and given one other associate. That increase enables
him to found another village in a district less mountainous and
hence less difficult to administer, and soon there is a Christian
population of over five hundred there. But the father falling
ill, and finding it necessary to retire, the people of Calatug,
still hostile to the Mandayas, assault the village, and all but
one hundred and forty of them are either killed or flee to the
mountains. Them the alcalde-mayor of the province removes to the
village of Camalayugan, and that mission comes to an end.]
[Chapters iii-ix discuss the lives of various gospel workers, and
Chinese affairs. Chapter x treats of certain miracles that occurred
in the hospital of San Gabriel.]
CHAPTER XI
Of the intermediary congregation of the year eighty-eight, and
the houses which were accepted by it.
[In 1688 the intermediary chapter held at Manila, accepted the
ministries of San Policarpo of Tabuco and its adjacent ministries of
Santo Thomas and El Rosario; and that of San Bartholome of Anno in
Pangasinan. The first had been assigned to the Dominicans in 1685
by Felipe Pardo because of the lack of seculars to administer it
and they keep it until the death of that archbishop, when it again
passes into the control of the seculars. Much has been done there
in the meanwhile by the religious entrusted with its administration,
namely, Fray Juan Ybanez de Santo Domingo and two associates. The other
house of San Bartolome was founded for the reduction of the Igorots
and Alaguetes in its neighborhood. With the ones converted from those
peoples and some oldtime Christians from Pangasinan, the village soon
acquires considerable Christian population and a church and convent are
built at the cost of the Dominican province. Since the location of the
mission is poor, and communication with the nearest Dominican houses of
Pangasinan difficult, an intermediary mission is founded midway between
San Bartolome and the other missions, to which is given the name of
San Luis Beltran. In the mission, many are baptized, "especially
of the Alaguetes, who were more docile than the Igorots, although
also many of the latter were converted." That mission lasts more than
twenty years. In 1709 or 1710 "because of disputes that arose between
those of the village and the Igorots, who lived in the mountain, the
latter descended the mountain at night and set fire to the village,
without being perceived." Consequently the village is deserted,
and the father and the inhabitants remove to San Luis Beltran, which
being farther from the mountains is safer. After six years there, a
government decree removes them to Maoacatoacat. Later the mission is
moved to Pao, and finally to Manaoag. But since the natives dislike
to leave the sites where they are settled, and also enjoy a life
of freedom where they are not molested by the tribute, many of the
inhabitants refuse to move at the successive transfers. Falling into
relaxation in consequence, many become infidels, and their number
is increased by others who flee to them to escape the tribute and
the restrictions of religion. In 1732, in response to a petition by
the Dominican provincial, the government again establishes a mission
village in San Luis Beltran. Starting thence, a new mission is opened
on almost the same site of San Bartolome under the name of San Joseph
at a site called Maliongliong for the conversion of the Igorots. As a
result of the efforts put forth there, a new province called Paniqui
is opened up which is in charge of four Dominican religious. Much
fruit is gathered for the faith in that region.]
[Chapters xii-xxi treat of the lives of various missionaries, among
them that of the famous Fray Felipe Pardo.]
CHAPTER XXII
Election as provincial of the father commissary, Fray Christoval
Pedroche, and founding of the mission of Tuga.
[The above father is elected provincial in 1690, after his return from
exile to Nueva Espana, on account of the Pardo troubles. During his
term there is considerable activity among the Chinese missions, those
of Batanes, and that of Tuga. This last mission is the outcome of the
work of father Fray Juan Yniguez, [13] who is entrusted in 1688 "with
the conversion of the Indians of Mananig and the other neighboring
nations who inhabited the rough mountains near the village of Tuao
in the province of Cagayan, on the western side of the said village;
and extend north and south for many leguas. At the same time the said
father was charged to learn the language peculiar to that country
of Ytabes, [14] and compile a grammar and lexicon in it.... In the
short space of six months, he learned the language of the Ytabes, and
reduced it to a very detailed grammar.... In the same time he founded
a new village in the mission in the very lands of the heathens about
six leguas south of the village of Tuao, on a plateau below the creek
of Tuga, whence that mission took its name, which it keeps even in
our times." The church built there is dedicated to St. Joseph, and
mass said on the second of February, 1689. Notwithstanding the many
oppositions offered to the new mission, it grows and prospers. At the
end of eight years, the mission is moved to a more pleasant site two
leagues nearer Tuao, and although it receives the name of Tuga there,
it is sometimes called San Joseph de Bambang, from a mountain called
Bambang. In 1710, lack of friars causes the abandonment of Tuga as an
active mission, and it becomes a visita of Tuao. That epoch marks its
decline, and in 1715, after many have fled to the mountains where they
have resumed their pagan life, the remaining Christians are transferred
to Tuao. "After the year 1718 the whole province of Cagayan rose in
revolt [15], and that disturbance began especially in that district
of Ytabes where the said village of Tuao is located. Thereupon the
new Christians of the mission who had assembled in that village,
returned to their former sites and mountains, and apostatized from the
faith which they had received." At the close of that insurrection,
the Dominicans attempt to regain the ground that they had lost. In
1722 a friar is assigned to that mission to regain the apostates and
work for new conversions among the heathens. Both objects are largely
fulfilled. In 1731, the missionary established there, Fernando de
Lara, moves the site of the mission still nearer to Tuao because of
the greater conveniences. The new site which is maintained is called
Orac, although it is still called by the former name of Tuga.]
CHAPTER XXIII
Foundation of the mission of Batanes; death of Fray Matheo
Goncalez, and Fray Juan Rois in those islands.
[At the chapter meeting of 1680, Father Matheo Goncalez [16] is chosen
vicar of the Babuyanes Islands which lie north of the province of
Cagayan. His work there is successful and he reduces many to the faith,
those who are baptized moving to the chief village where the church
and convent are located. Extending his labors to the farthest of the
Babuyanes Islands, the father arrives there at the time when a volcano
is filling its natives with terror. Taking advantage of the situation,
he so adds to their terror by his preaching that both apostates
(of whom many have gone to that island) and heathen resolve to leave
the island and go to Cagayan with the father. Leaving en masse they
are taken to Cagayan and form a new village on the seacoast between
the two villages of Yguig and Nassiping. That village is however
suppressed later by order of the government, and its inhabitants
return to the Babuyanes. Another village called Amulung is stationed
there in 1733 which is formed of Indians from other villages, and a
church and convent established there. Casting their eyes to the three
Batanes Islands north of the Babuyanes, [17] and thirty leagues from
Cagayan, the Dominicans plan for their spiritual conquest; but not
until the year 1686 can anything be done. In that year Fray Matheo
Goncalez is again appointed vicar of the Babuyanes, and given Fray
Diego Pinero [18] as associate. They visit the Batanes with the object
of exploring them and learning the language. The islands appear ripe
for the harvest but more laborers are needed. Consequently, as it is
the time for the intermediary chapter the vicar returns to Cagayan
for help, leaving Fray Diego Pinero alone. One other worker, Fray
Juan de Rois is assigned to the field. But scarcely have the three
fathers begun their labors when sickness causes the death of the
father vicar and his latest associate, whereupon Fray Diego Pinero,
notwithstanding the murmurs of the natives, returns to Cagayan to seek
more aid. But no more religious can be spared just then for there is
a great lack of them for even the settled missions. Not for thirty
years later (1718) is another attempt made in the Batanes, when Fray
Juan Bel being appointed vicar of the Babuyanes, visits them. In 1720,
as a consequence to his report, five religious are assigned for the
mission. As the Batanes are not healthful for Europeans, the island of
Calayan [19] midway between the Batanes and the Babuyanes is chosen
as the place of residence for the new mission. In that island as
many as possible of the new converts are removed, and the church and
convent are established there. The king being petitioned bears part
of the expenses of the transferring of the converts to Calayan. The
venture is successful, and at the time of Salazar's writing (1742),
the mission still exists.]
[Chapters xxiv-xxxiii discuss the lives and work of various
missionaries, and Chinese affairs.]
[Chapter xxxiv treats of the life of Mother Sebastiana de Santa Maria,
a native woman, who became a member of the tertiary branch of the
Dominican order.]
CHAPTER XXXV
Foundation of the mission of Santa Cruz in Cagayan; and the death
of two most virtuous hermits in this province.
In the year 1693, the mission of Santa Cruz was established at a place
called Gumpat, near a visita of Malaveg, called Santa Cruz, whence the
mission took its name. It was founded by father Fray Joseph Galfaroso,
[20] or de la Santissima Trinidad, son of the convent of Pamplona,
a man most zealous for the welfare of souls. While vicar of Malaveg,
he, not being satisfied with the administration of the said village,
made various entrances through the neighboring mountains in search of
the heathens who lived in them, in order to lure them to the bosom of
our holy faith. Those mountains are rough and broken, and the heathen
who inhabit them are very brave, and give the Christian villages
much to do with their continual raids and assaults with which they
keep them terrified. Among those heathens of the mountain, a chief
named Don Joseph Bucayu, who was the terror of all those mountains
and of the neighboring villages, was prominent for his valor and
courage, and was feared by all. This man God wished to take as the
instrument for the foundation of that mission, for with the authority
and respect that all had for him, he could attract many to his side,
and taking example from him whom they considered their leader, many
should embrace our holy faith.
[Through the grace of God, the fierce heart of this chief is softened
and he embraces the faith, and by the force of his example draws many
after him. He becomes the chief pillar of the new mission that is
formed at Santa Cruz. Great success attends that mission until the
year of the insurrection in Cagayan (1718), when that place is also
deserted and its inhabitants take to the mountains. The remainder of
this chapter is concerned with the life and death of Domingo Pinto of
the tertiary branch of the Dominicans, who had lived as a hermit for
twenty-three years; and information concerning a man known as Diego
Peccador (i.e., Sinner), a Spaniard presumably of good blood, who lived
as a hermit close beside the church at San Juan del Monte, for five
or six years, practicing the most austere penances and mortifications,
after which he disappeared and nothing else was heard of him.]
CHAPTER XXXVI
Election of the father commissary, Fray Juan de Santo Domingo
[21] as provincial. Mention of the deceased of the records of that
time. The new mission of religious which arrived at the province
that year.
[The above-named father is elected provincial in 1694. At that
chapter meeting mention is made of two members of the order who have
passed away--Fray Manuel Trigueros, who dies in China in 1693; and
Sister Mariana Salzedo; of the tertiary branch of the order, a Spanish
woman. In 1694 a band of thirty-eight religious arrives at the islands,
[22] which has been collected in Spain by Fray Francisco Villalba,
who has been exiled from the islands by order of the Audiencia
in consequence of the Pardo troubles. Of the original number of
forty religious in this band two remain in Mexico. The names of the
thirty-eight men are as follows:]
The father lector, Fray Pedro Munoz, son of the convent of Nuestra
Senora, of Atocha.
The father lector, Fray Francisco Cantero, son of the convent of San
Pablo, of Ezija.
Father Fray Vicente de el Riesgo, son of the convent of Leon.
The father lector, Fray Jayme Mimbela, son of the convent of Preachers
of Zaragoca, and collegiate of the college of San Vicente, of the same
city, who afterward became bishop of Santa Cruz, of the port of Peru,
and later of Truxillo.
Father Fray Pedro de Santa Theresa, son of the very religious convent
of Nuestra Senora, of Las Caldas.
Father Fray Fernando Diaz, son of the convent of San Pablo, of
Palencia.
Father Fray Francisco Goncalez de San Pedro, son of San Estevan,
of Salamanca.
Father Fray Juan Cavallero, son of the convent of San Pablo,
of Valladolid.
Father Fray Joseph Martin, of the convent of San Gines, of Talavera.
Father Fray Alonso Robles, of the convent of Salamanca.
Father Fray Alonso Texedor, of the convent of Valladolid.
Father Fray Francisco Marzan, of the convent of Santo Thomas, of Avila.
Father Fray Marcos de Arroyuelo, of the convent of San Pablo,
of Burgos.
Father Fray Juan Ruiz de Tovar, of the convent of Santo Domingo,
of Oviedo.
Father Fray Francisco Goncalez, of the convent of Salamanca.
Father Fray Juan Goncalez, of the same convent.
Father Fray Fernando de la Motta, of the convent of Valladolid.
Father Fray Francisco de Escalante, of the convent of San Pedro Martir,
of Toledo.
Father Fray Andres Lozano, of the convent of San Pablo, of Sevilla.
Father Fray Diego Ballesteros, son of the convent of Toledo.
Father Fray Manuel de Santa Cruz, of the convent of Avila.
Father Fray Geronimo Martin, of the convent of Valladolid.
Father Fray Lorenzo Fernandez, of the convent of San Pablo, of Sevilla.
Father Fray Joseph de el Rosario, of the convent of San Ildephonso
of Zaragoca.
Father Fray Manuel Ruiz, of the convent of Salamanca.
Father Fray Pedro Vegas, of the convent of Santo Domingo, of Ocana.
Father Fray Francisco Lopez, of the convent of Salamanca.
Father Fray Antonio Ruidiaz, of the convent of Valladolid.
All the above were already priests. Those who came as choristers are
the following:
Fray Manuel de Escobedo, deacon, of the convent of Nuestra Senora,
of Atocha.
Fray Juan de Astudillo, deacon, of the convent of Santo Thomas,
of Madrid.
Fray Pedro Humanes, deacon, of the convent of San Pablo, of Sevilla.
Fray Diego Constantino, of the convent of Atocha.
Fray Martin de Ona y Ocadiz, of the convent of Burgos.
Fray Diego Liano, of the same convent.
And Fray Francisco Novarin, an Asturian, son of Santo Domingo,
of Mexico.
And two religious lay-brothers: the first, Fray Francisco de Toledo,
son of the convent of Guadalaxara; and the second, Fray Vicente de el
Castillo, son of the convent of Burgos. In addition there were two
others, who as above said remained in Mexico with the father vicar,
Fray Francisco Villalba, who could not return to the province because
of his sentence of exile.
[With that band also comes one Fray Domingo Mezquita, who had first
gone to the Philippines in 1671, but after some years residence there
had returned secretly to Spain. Moved again by the will of God,
he returns to the islands where he dies after some years. Those
missionaries are detained in Mexico for two years waiting for a
ship. Finally a ship is bought at Acapulco in which is sent the
royal situado, the Dominican religious, a mission band of sixty
Recollects, and a few soldiers. After a voyage fraught with danger,
for the ship is old and rotten, the harbor of Cavite is finally reached
June 28, and as soon as all the cargo and passengers are safely off,
it founders. The much-needed missionaries are distributed among the
Philippine and Chinese missions.]
[Chapters xxxvii and xxxviii treat of the Chinese missions and
the lives and work of certain fathers. Chapter xxxix notes the
celebration of the intermediary chapter of 1696, and treats of
members of the Dominican order who die during this period: namely,
father Fray Diego Vilches, a Montanes native, who takes the habit at
the Sevilla convent; and Dona Antonio de Jesus y Esguerra, a Spanish
woman, and a member of the tertiary branch of the order. Chapters
xl-xliii relate the foundation and progress of the beaterio of Santa
Catharina, of Manila. The disputes between Archbishop Camacho and the
orders (see VOL. XLII, pp. 25-116) and the questions of the friars'
estates, are taken up in chapters xliv-xlvi. The following chapter
records the results of the provincial chapter of April 10, 1698, and
states the condition of both Philippine and Chinese missions. That
chapter accepted the mission of San Luis Beltran (of which mention is
made in an earlier chapter) in Pangasinan. The mission work of that
district results in the intermarriage of Pangasinans and Alaguetes,
and the idiom of Pangasinan becomes the common language. Chapter
xlviii reviews the lives of prominent members of the order who die
in this period: Fray Francisco Sanchez, Fray Francisco de Escalante,
and Sister Jacinta de la Encarnacion, of the beaterio.]
CHAPTER XLIX
New reenforcement of religious, which arrived at this province,
and the voyage of two of them to Kun-King.
[In 1699 a band of thirty-seven missionaries reaches the province. They
have been collected by Fray Francisco Villalba (his third mission)
who escorts them to Acapulco. [23] Those missionaries are as follows:]
The father lector, Fray Thomas Tocho, son of the royal convent of
Santo Domingo, of Mallorca.
The father lector, Fray Francisco de Barrera, son of the convent of
Santa Maria, of Nieva.
The father preacher, Fray Juan Martinez, son of the convent of San
Pablo, of Burgos.
The father lector, Fray Juan de Toro, son of the royal convent of
San Pablo, of Sevilla.
The father lector, Fray Antonio Diaz, son of the convent of San Pablo,
of Valladolid.
Father Fray Antonio Goncalez Laso, son of the convent of La Puebla
de los Angeles.
Father Fray Phelipe Fernandez, son of the royal convent of Santa Maria,
of Nieva.
Father Fray Diego Perez de Matta, son of the royal convent of Santo
Domingo, of Mexico.
Father Fray Antonio de Argollanes, son of the convent of Santo Domingo,
of Oviedo.
Father Fray Joseph de Rezabal, son of the convent of San Pablo,
of Victoria.
Father Fray Domingo Salzedo, son of the convent of San Pablo,
of Burgos.
Father Fray Balthasar de Andueza, son of the convent of San Pablo,
of Valladolid.
Father Fray Antonio Rodriguez, son of the convent of Santo Domingo,
of Ciudad de San-Tiago.
Father Fray Juan Pinta, of the convent of San Pablo, of Valladolid.
Father Fray Andres Goncalez, of the convent of Santo Domingo,
of San-Tiago.
Brother Fray Francisco Petite, deacon, of the convent of San Pablo,
of Valladolid.
Brother Fray Bartholome Sabuquilla, deacon, of the convent of Santo
Thomas, of Madrid.
Brother Fray Manuel de Esqueda, deacon, of the convent of Santo
Domingo, of Cadiz.
Brother Fray Antonio Perez, deacon, of the convent of Santo Domingo,
of Zamora.
Brother Fray Mauro Falcon, deacon, of the convent of Santo Domingo,
of San-Tiago.
Brother Fray Antonio Zabala, deacon, of the convent of San Pablo,
of Burgos.
Brother Fray Juan Crespo, subdeacon, of the convent of San Pablo,
of Valladolid.
Brother Fray Francisco Cavallero, subdeacon, of the same convent.
Brother Fray Francisco Molina, subdeacon, of the same convent.
Brother Fray Bernardino Membride, subdeacon, of the same convent.
Brother Fray Gregorio Vigil, acolyte of the convent of Santo Domingo,
of Oviedo.
Brother Fray Juan Matheos, acolyte, of the convent of San Estevan,
of Salamanca.
Brother Fray Pedro Campuenas, acolyte, of the convent of San Pablo,
of Valladolid.
Brother Fray Andres de Lubitero, acolyte, of the convent of San
Estevan, of Salamanca.
Brother Fray Miguel Velasco, acolyte, of the convent of Santo Domingo,
of Mexico.
Brother Fray Joseph de Palencia, acolyte, of the convent of San Pablo,
of Valladolid.
Brother Fray Joachin de la Torre, acolyte, of the convent of Santo
Domingo, of Oxaca.
Brother Fray Joseph Barba, lay-brother, of the convent of San Pablo,
of Valladolid.
Brother Fray Joseph Barba, lay-brother, of the convent of San
Ildephonso, of Zaragoca.
Brother Fray Domingo Sena, lay-brother, of the convent of San Pablo,
of Valladolid.
Brother Fray Martin de San Joseph, lay-brother, of the convent
of Burgos.
Brother Fray Joseph Pina, lay-brother, of the convent of Burgos.
Besides these thirty-seven religious, came another, a Genoan, who
was sent by the Propaganda, one Fray Thomas Sextri, of the Dominican
convent of Turin. [The remainder of the chapter is occupied with the
relation of the voyage to Tun-King by two of the above religious.]
[Chapter l mentions the intermediary chapter of May 1, 1700, and the
state of the Philippine and other missions of the order. In Cagayan
the missions of Zifun and those to the Mandayas are in a flourishing
condition. Through the efforts of Fray Francisco de la Vega, [24]
the earnest work of Fray Pedro Ximenez is carried on, and the fierce
dwellers of the village of Calatug are reduced to the faith. The
assembly earnestly charges the missionary at Fotol to bend all his
energies to the conversion of the Mandayas. Fray Vicente de el Riesgo
[25] is appointed to the mission of Ytugug, and he is charged with
the reduction of Yogat and Paniqui; and well does he obey those
injunctions. Not only does he reduce again the villages of Ytugug,
Santa Rosa, and San Fernando, but also villages of Cagayan. "Besides
that mission of Ytugug or Paniqui, another harvest field, no less
abundant, had been discovered, in the very center of those mountains,
on the side looking toward the east, in an extensive field called
Zifun. There the venerable father, Fray Geronimo Ulloa, vicar of the
village of Tuguegarao, filled with zeal for the reduction of those
infidels, had made various raids in those mountains. That father was
very fond of missions and had labored in others with zeal and fervor,
and although he was now very old, and had in his charge so large a
village as Tuguegarao, and was very far from those mountains, yet
he was unable to restrain his zeal, and his desire for the welfare
of souls. Hence burning with the ardor of youth, as soon as he was
freed from the obstacles of the necessary occupations of his ministry,
he entered those mountains alone in search of those straying souls
in order to lure them to the flock of Christ, without stopping to
consider dangers or discomforts in order that he might gain some souls
for heaven." So great is his success, and so many the souls that he
reduces that the intermediary chapter gives him an associate, in order
that the father may give all of his time to the mission work of Zifun.]
[Chapters li-lvii (which complete the volume) treat of the lives of
various fathers and sisters of the order. In the biographical notices
of these chapters, as well as in all the other biographical chapters
of this volume, there is necessarily much on the mission work of the
Dominicans; but the method of treatment is almost entirely from the
standpoint of the individual, and offers no view of the mission work
as a whole, or at least nothing new is added to the broader aspects
of the work. Consequently, we do not present anything from those
chapters in this survey of Dominican missions.]
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL DATA
The documents contained in the present volume are from the following
sources:
1. Dominican missions, 1670-1700.--From Salazar's Historia de el
Santissimo Rosario; (from a copy of original edition (Manila, 1742),
in possession of Edward E. Ayer, Chicago.)
2. Preliminary note.--Editorial.
3. Superstitions and beliefs of the Filipinos.--From Ortiz's Practica
del Ministerio, ca., 1731, chapter i, Sec.4, pp. 11-15 (from Retana's
edition of Zuniga's Estadismo, Madrid, 1893, ii, pp. *14-*21).
4. The People of the Philippines.--From Zuniga's Historia de las
Islas Philipinas (Sampaloc, 1803), ii, chapter ii, pp. 19-38; from
a copy of the original edition belonging to Edward E. Ayer, Chicago.
5. Jolo and the Sulus.--From Wilkes's Narrative of the United States
Exploring Expedition (Philadelphia, 1844), v, pp. 343-390; from a
copy belonging to the Wisconsin Historical Society.
6. Letter from Father Quirico More.--From Cartas de los PP. de
la Compania de Jesus (Manila, 1887), vii, pp. 76-91; from a copy
belonging to Edward E. Ayer, Chicago.
7. Letter from Father Pedro Rosell.--Ut supra, pp. 198-216.
8. Letters from Father Mateo Gisbert.--Ut supra, pp. 117-128, 137-145.
9. Letter from Father Pablo Cavalleria.--Ut supra, pp. 27-35.
10. Extract from a letter from Father Pablo Pastells.--Ut supra,
pp. 336-349.
11. Letter from Father Jose Maria Clotet.--From Cartas de los PP. de
la Compania de Jesus (Manila, 1891), ix, pp. 170-184; from a copy in
possession of the Library of Congress.
12. Present beliefs and superstitions in Luzon.--From the December
9, 1905 supplement of El Renacimiento; from a copy loaned by James
A. LeRoy.
APPENDIX: SOME LATER ETHNOLOGICAL FEATURES OF THE PHILIPPINES
Preliminary note.
Superstitions and beliefs of the Filipinos. Tomas Ortiz, O.S.A.,
ca., 1731.
The people of the Philippines. Joaquin Martinez de Zuniga, O.S.A.,
1803.
Jolo and the Sulus. Charles Wilkes, U.S.N., 1844.
Letter from Father Quirico More. Davao, January 20, 1885.
Letter from Father Pedro Rosell. Caraga, April 17, 1885.
Letters from Father Mateo Gisbert. Davao, January 4, February 8,
February 20, July 26, December 24, 1886.
Letter from Father Pablo Cavalleria. Isabela de Basilan, December
31, 1886.
Extract from a letter by Father Pablo Pastells. Manila,
April 20, 1887.
Letter from Father Jose Maria Clotet. Talisayan, May 11, 1889.
Present beliefs and superstitions in Luzon. Jose Nunez, Manila,
December 6, 1905.
Sources: The material for this appendix is obtained as follows: No. 1,
editorial note. No. 2, from extracts given by W. E. Retana, in his
edition of Zuniga's Estadismo de las Islas Filipinas (Madrid, 1893),
ii, pp. *14-*21, of Tomas Ortiz's Practica del Ministerio (chapter i,
Sec.4, pp. 11-15), a MS. conserved in the library of Eduardo Navarro,
O.S.A., at Valladolid. No. 3, from Joaquin Martinez de Zuniga's
Historia de las Islas Philipinas (Sampaloc, 1803), ii, chapter ii,
pp. 19-38, from a copy belonging to Edward E. Ayer. No. 4, from
Charles Wilkes's Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition
(Philadelphia, 1844), v, pp. 343-390 (mainly verbatim), from a copy
belonging to the Wisconsin Historical Society. Nos. 5, 6, 7, 8, and
9, from Cartas de los PP. de la Compania de Jesus (Manila, 1887),
vii, pp. 76-91, 198-216, 117-128 and 137-145, 27-35, and 336-349,
respectively, from a copy belonging to Edward E. Ayer. No. 10,
from Cartas de los PP. de la Compania de Jesus (Manila, 1891), ix,
pp. 170-184, from a copy belonging to the Library of Congress. No. 11,
from a copy of the supplement of the Manila periodical El Renacimiento,
of the issue of December 9, 1905.
Translations and Compilations: These are made by James A. Robertson.
PRELIMINARY NOTE
In this series, ethnological material will be found in the following
volumes of those hitherto published: II, pp. 68-72, 109-113,
122, 125, 126, 197-199, 201, 202; III, pp. 34, 54-61, 74, 97,
141-172, 181, 197-204, 286-288, 297, 298; IV, pp. 26, 27, 67-70,
98-101, 105; V, pp. 34-187 (Loarca's Relation); VI, pp. 140, 141,
145-147; VII, pp. 173-196 (Plasencia's Customs of the Tagalogs);
XII, pp. 212, 213, 217-220, 235-244, 249-251, 261-275, 293-296,
302-310; XIII, pp. 56-58, 200-203 (Chirino's Relation); XIV,
pp. 156-159, 304, 305, 307; XVI, pp. 69-135 (Morga's Relation),
221-223, 235, 321-329 (Customs of the Pampangos); XXIX, pp. 281-301;
XXX, pp. 190-193; XXXIII, and part of XXXIV (Pigafetta's Relation);
XXXIV, pp. 185-191, 204, 215, 225, 226, 278, 279, 292-294, 318-321,
376-380, 386-388; XL, Appendix. Ethnological material is included
in the following books, which we are unable to reproduce because of
the limits of space, although we have used some of them extensively
for annotation. Delgado's Historia (Manila, 1893; though written
about 1754) part i, book iii, pp. 249-392, contains a portion of San
Agustin's famous letter (see VOL. XL, pp. 187-295) and whose comments
on which we published in part; also in appendix added by the editor,
a portion of Loarca's Relation. Le Gentil's Voyage (Paris, 1781), as
follows: chap. i, art. ix, Of the genius of the inhabitants of the
Philippines, and of the peculiar punishments, which the religious
inflict on women who do not attend mass on days of observance,
pp. 59-63 (following in great part the account of San Antonio--see
VOL. XXVIII, Appendix--); art. x, Of the language and characters
used by the natives of the Philippines, pp. 63-65; art. xi, Of some
manners and customs of the Indians of the Philippines and of their
marriages, pp. 66-74. Concepcion's Historia (Sampaloc, 1788-1792),
i, chap. i, nos. 7-21, pp. 10-32; part 2, chap. i, nos. 309-320;
iii, chap. ii, nos. 5, 6, pp. 27-37, nos. 10-13, pp. 46-55; v,
chap. ii, no. 1, pp. 20-23. Mas's Informe de las islas filipinas
(Madrid, 1843): i, no. 1, Origen de los habitantes de la Oceania;
no. 2, Estado de los Filipinos a la llegada de los Espanoles (contains
nothing special); no. 5, Poblacion (containing a great portion of San
Agustin's letter, with commentary, most of which is incorporated in
our VOL. XL). Mallat's Les Philippines (Paris, 1846): i, chap. iii,
pp. 43-74, Condition of the country before the discovery; ii, chap. xx,
pp. 89-129, Physical characteristics and customs of the savage races;
chap. xxii, pp. 131-145, Customs of the children of the country,
of the mestizos and the Chinese. Jagor's Reisen in den Philippinen
(Berlin, 1873): chap. xiv, pp. 118-132, Manners and customs of the
Bicols; chap. xvii, pp. 161-175, The Isarog and its inhabitants;
chap. xxii, pp. 227-238, Manners and customs of the Visayans. In
the Ethnological Society Transactions, new series, vol. ii, session
1869-70 (London, 1870), appears (pp. 170-175), an article by Jagor,
entitled "On the natives of Naga, in Luzon." Cartas de los PP. de
la Compania de Jesus de la mision de Filipinas, eight vols. (Manila,
1879-1891). Of this series Pardo de Tavera says (Biblioteca filipina,
p. 87): "It is an important publication, in which is found not only
information concerning the spiritual administration of the missions,
but also remarkable information concerning the geography, history,
ethnography, linguistics, fauna, and flora, etc., of Mindanao, which
is the chief point of the activities of the Society of Jesus." In
the following selections, we have used the volumes for 1887 and
1889. Retana's Archivo (Madrid, 1895), i, no. x, Short notice of
the origin, religion, beliefs, and superstitions of the old Indians
of Bicol by Fray Jose Castano (written expressly for the Archivo,
1895). Algue's Archipielago filipino (Washington, 1900), i, tratado
ii, "Ethnography," pp. 151-238. This is translated in Report of the
Philippine Commission for 1900, iii, paper no. vii, pp. 329-412. It
follows on the whole the beaten lines, and much of it is unreliable. By
far the most valuable material that has yet appeared on ethnology in
the Philippines are the comprehensive reports which have been issued
since American occupation by the Ethnological Survey, of the Department
of the Interior. These have been frequently referred to in this series,
and are as follows: The Bontoc Igorot, by Albert Ernest Jenks (Manila,
1905); ii, part i, Negritos of Zambales, by William Allen Reed (Manila,
1904); ii, parts ii and iii, The Nabaloi Dialect, by Otto Scheerer, and
The Bataks of Palawan, by Edward Y. Miller (Manila, 1905); Relaciones
agustinianas de las razas del norte de Luzon, compiled by father
Fray Angel Perez (Manila, 1904; Spanish edition)--containing among
other things a number of letters written by Augustinian missionaries
of the eighteenth century;--iv, part i, Studies in Moro History, by
Najeeb M. Saleeby, a native Moro (Manila, 1905). With these reports
must be classed History of the population, in Census of Philippines,
i, pp. 411-491, by Dr. David P. Barrows, at the time of its writing
chief of the Bureau of Non-Christian Tribes, but at present (1906)
superintendent of education in Manila. Dr. Barrows's article is
followed by a compilation (pp. 492-531), entitled Characteristics of
Christian tribes; and another (pp. 532-585), entitled Characteristics
of the Non-Christian tribes.
SUPERSTITIONS AND BELIEFS OF THE FILIPINOS
[The following interesting account is from the Practica del Ministerio
by Tomas Ortiz, O. S. A., [26] and is translated from W. E. Retana's
edition of Zuniga's Estadismo de las islas Filipinas (Madrid, 1893),
ii, pp. *14-*21. Retana found a copy of this important MS. at the
Augustinian convent at Valladolid in the collection of father Fray
Eduardo Navarro, where it still exists and where we ourselves examined
it not long since. The following selection is from chapter i, section
iv, pp. 11-15.]
No. 31. Inasmuch as many natives, especially those of the provinces
distant from Manila are much inclined to nonos or genii, to idolatries,
maganitos, superstitions, enchantments, charms, and witchcraft, which
have as great a diversity as have the witches, and therefore they call
them by different names, according to the various duties which they
attribute to them; it is necessary for the father ministers, not only
to preach to them continually, and to argue against, censure, and decry
so pestilent abuses, but they must also be very skilful, solicitous,
and careful in discovering persons infected with that mortal poison,
and to apply to it the necessary remedy. In the confessions, for the
same reason that but seldom will they accuse themselves all possible
efforts ought to be made (without overstepping the boundaries of
prudence) in order to see whether anything may be obtained; and he
who has the good fortune to have any witch confess to him, will bear
himself toward her as the authors teach. They ought also to charge
the natives with their obligation to denounce to the ordinary,... etc.
No. 32. There are many abuses (or as they say ugales) which the natives
practice against our holy faith and good customs, among others of
which are the following. First, the above-mentioned idolatry of
the nonos. In regard to this it must be noted that the word nono
does not alone signify "grandfather," but that it also is used as
a term of respect to the old men and genii. The Indians comprise
these under the word nono, just as the Chinese do under the word
Espiritus [i. e., "spirits"], and the Romans under the word "Gods,"
which other called Lares, Penates, etc. With the above-mentioned
genii or nonos the Indians perform many acts of idolatry frequently,
such as for example, asking permission, relief, and aid from them,
and that they do the people no harm, and that they do not prove
hostile to them, etc. They make such requests on many occasions,
and among others are the following. When they wish to pluck any
flower or fruit from the tree, they ask permission from the nono or
genius to pluck it. When they pass certain fields, rivers, creeks,
or streamlets, large trees, sugar-cane plantations and other places,
they ask permission and good passage from the genii or nonos. When
they are obliged to cut any tree, or not to observe the things or
ceremonies which they imagine to be pleasing to the genii or nonos,
they ask pardon of them, and excuse themselves to those beings by
saying, among many other things, that the father commanded them to do
it, and that they are not willingly lacking in respect to the genii,
or that they do not willingly oppose their will, etc. When they are
taken with the sickness that they call pamave, which they attribute to
the genii or nonos (although they try to conceal this by saying that
the country [has not?] agreed with them) they ask them for health and
offer them food. They do that both on this, and many other occasions,
in the fields, sugar-cane plantations, streamlets, at the foot of
any large tree, more generally some calunpan, [27] and in various
other places. This sort of idolatry is very deeply rooted and of long
standing among the Indians. Consequently, it is very necessary for
the father ministers to be very careful and make great efforts to
extirpate it, and not avoid any labor or work until it is annihilated.
No. 33. Secondly, the Indians very generally believe that the souls
of the dead return to their houses the third day after their death,
in order to visit the people of it, or to be present at the banquet,
and consequently, to be present at the ceremony of the tibao. They
conceal and hide that by saying that they are assembling in the house
of the deceased in order to recite the rosary for him. If they are told
to do their praying in the church, they refuse to comply because that
is not what they wish to do. Consequently, the minister will prevent
the gathering at the house of the deceased after the burial, and will
not allow the people to ascend into the house under any considerations,
least of all on the third day. On the fourth day, in consequence of
the said ceremony of the tibao, or because of their evil inclination,
they light candles in order to wait for the soul of the deceased. They
spread a mat, on which they scatter ashes, so that the tracks or
footsteps of the soul may be impressed thereon; and by that means
they are able to ascertain whether the soul came or not. They also
set a dish of water at the door, so that when the soul comes it may
wash its feet there. It does not appear that it would be much to say
that those matters of the nonos or genii and the deceased were taken
by the Indians from the Sangleys who are reared with various things
[of belief]. [28] It needs a strong remedy nevertheless.
No. 34. The tigbalag which some call a ghost and others a goblin,
appears to be the genius or devil, who appears to them in the shape
of a black man, or in the shape of an old man (or as they express it
in the shape of a very small old man), or in the shape of a horse,
or of a monster, etc. That being inspires them with so great fear that
they come to make friendship with him, and surrender their rosaries to
him, and receive from him superstitious things, such as hairs, herbs,
stones, and other things, in order that they may obtain marvelous
things, and that they may be aided by him in certain of their affairs.
No. 35. The patianac whom some also call a goblin (but it is only
their invention, dream, or imagination) must be the genius or devil
who generally plays with them as also with many others, when losing
the faith, they espouse his cause, become familiar with him, or become
subject to him. They attribute to this being the ill success of births,
and say that in order to harm them and cause their destruction, he
enters or hides in some tree or in any other place near the house
of the woman who is about to give birth, and there they sing like
those who wander about, etc. In order to prevent any harm from the
patianac, the men take their position naked and with their privies
exposed to the air; and arm themselves with shield, catan, lance,
and other arms. In this condition they stand on the ridgepole of
the roof, and also under the house, and in all places they slash and
cut right and left with the catan and make various gestures and set
movements for the same purpose. Others, in order to prevent said harm,
generally move the woman who is about to give birth to another house,
for they say that her house contains a patianac.
No. 36. Among other things they also attribute to the patianac the
death of children, as well as to the usang. They refer to them in
the following manner. They assert that the bird called tictic is
the pander of the sorcerer called usang. Flying ahead of that being,
the bird shows it the houses where infants are to be born. That being
takes its position on the roof of the neighboring house and thence
extends its tongue in the form of a thread, which it inserts through
the anus of the child and by that means sucks out its entrails and
kills it. Sometimes they say that it appears in the form of a dog,
sometimes of a cat, sometimes of the cockroach which crawls under
the mat, and there accomplishes the abovesaid. In order to avoid that
harm they do certain of the above things. To the patianac travelers
also attribute their straying from or losing their road. In order to
keep the right path, they undress and expose their privies to the air,
and by that observance they say that they make sure of the right road;
for then the patianac is afraid of them and cannot lead them astray.
No. 37. The bongsol they sometimes assert to be various durojones
which are caused by the sorcerer ganay, and which run all through the
body of the bewitched, who generally remains some moments as if dead
or in a faint, and at other times as though mad or raving from the
sight of the ganay who appears to them in various shapes. In order
to cure this sickness or enchantment, they summon another sorcerer,
and he after the incantations or efforts, which will be told later,
generally leaves the patient as he was before. Sometimes they say
that that sickness appears to be natural or a stomach ache caused by
the obstructions or durojones which grow in the stomach or in the
patient's side or by shivers which move from one place to another,
and from which the women of this country generally suffer. But when
they are unable to cure the pain with the promptness that they desire,
they generally say, especially the physicians, that the said sickness
is bongsol, that is enchantment, and that it can be cured only by the
one who is of the faculty, that is by one who is a sorcerer. They then
bring a sorcerer, who performs the things that pertain to his faculty,
and summons the first sorcerer who they say caused that sorcery. If
the sickness is not lessened, the sorcerer finishes his duty by saying
that the said first witch is very far away, and could not hear him;
and consequently, it has happened that he has not been able to cure
the said sickness. In such wise do they leave the sick person with
his pains.
No. 38. The ceremony or superstition of bilao is ordered for the
discovery thereby of any thief. It is reduced to placing in a bilao,
sieve, or screen, some scissors fastened at the point in the shape
of the cross of St. Andrew, and in them they hang their rosary. Then
they repeat the name of each one of those who are present and who are
assembled for this. If, for example, when the name Pedro is mentioned,
the bilao shakes, they say that Pedro is the thief. They also are
accustomed to light candles to St. Anthony of Padua for the purpose
of discovering the thief of anything [that is stolen]. For this they
kneel down to pray (and perhaps to utter and perform indecent things)
and wait until the flame leans toward any of those about, for instance,
toward Juan, and then they declare that Juan is the thief. It is
very usual for the Indians to carry about them various things in
order that they might obtain marvelous effects: for example, written
formulas, prayers, vitiated or interspersed with words arranged for
their evil intent, herbs, roots, bark, hairs, skin, bones, stones,
etc., so that they may not be killed, or apprehended by justice,
or to obtain wealth, women, or other things. [29] They are also very
much inclined to believe in omens and in unlucky days, in regard to
which they are wont to keep various books of manuscripts which must
be burned for them.
No. 39. The natives are accustomed to circumcise the boys; and
although they perform the circumcision by slitting the skin of the
penis lengthwise, instead of around, still it appears that that may
be accounted for by the fact that it is inferred that that ceremony
was introduced into Philipinas, by the Moros from Borneo, Mindanao,
or Holo, as was also the word binag, which is used for "baptize,"
and to mean "Christian," and the word simba, which appears to mean
"adoration" among them. From this use they transfer it to their temples
and mosques, and the Tagalogs took it not to mean "adoration," but
"church," and afterward used it to mean "mass," which it never could
mean. Not only do they circumcise the males but also the women, girls,
or dalagas, [an operation] which they call sonad. It is reduced to
cutting the organ or opening it up somewhat. However, some of them,
and very reasonably, affirm that that ceremony in them in itself in
both males and females is rather the offspring of lust than that of
Judaism. They are also accustomed to measure or compare the weapons
that they make, for example, measuring the catan by spans and praying
at the same time the "Our Father." If the conclusion of the measuring
is reached at the same time or when they come to the word "forgive us"
they say that they cannot be punished, but that they may kill people,
etc. It appears that the custom has been introduced among women who
have recently brought forth of not going to church until the fortieth
or sixtieth day as they say of the purification of their bodies. In
that not only do they fail in the precept to hear mass but they also
perform a Mosaic ceremony.
No. 40. The Indians are generally corrupted by many errors, and it
would take a long time to mention them. Consequently, the ministers
will be very careful to uproot them, for although it does not cause any
great harm in some because of their ignorance and lack of intelligence,
in others they do cause great harm; for example Angel catutubo,
which literally signifies "that my guardian angel was born with me
or at the same time as I." In order to avoid danger, one should say,
Angel taga tanor, and the same thing in other languages.
No. 41. Finally, so many are the superstitions, omens, and errors,
that are found among the Indians that it would be very difficult
or impossible to mention them all. The above have been mentioned
so that the father ministers may examine others by them. It is to
be noted that there are sectarians and preachers of various false
sects among the Indians, especially in the distant provinces, either
because they had false sects formerly and have continued them, or
because they took them (and this is more likely) from the Joloans,
Mindanaos, Sangleys, and other heathen nations with whom they are
accustomed to have intercourse.
No. 42. When the moon is eclipsed, the Indians of various districts
generally go out into the street or into the open fields, with bells,
panastanes, [30] etc. They strike them with great force and violence
in order that they might thereby protect the moon which they say is
being eaten or swallowed by the dragon, tiger, or crocodile. And the
worst thing is that if they wish to say "the eclipse of the moon"
it is very common in Philipinas to use this locution, saying "the
dragon, tiger, or crocodile is swallowing the moon." The Tagalogs
also make use of it and say, Linamon laho bovan. It appears that the
Indians learned all this from the Sangleys of China, where all the
abovesaid is performed and executed to the letter. It is not right to
allow them to retain these deceits of the Chinese, and not to teach
them our customs and truths. All the above contents of this section
is not universal in all parts. Consequently, although all ministers
ought to be careful to ascertain whether they are or are not contained
in their ministries, they ought not to go ahead to censure what they
are not sure of, for that very thing would perhaps teach them what
we are endeavoring to extirpate.
THE PEOPLE OF THE PHILIPPINES
[Joaquin Martinez de Zuniga, O. S. A., in his Historia (Sampaloc,
1803), [31] pp. 19-38, devotes one chapter to the inhabitants of the
Philippines. We translate from the copy belonging to the library of
E. E. Ayer.]
CHAPTER II
Of the inhabitants whom the Spaniards found in the Philipinas, and
of their language, customs, and religion.
Our historians, always inclined to the marvelous, divide the peoples
whom the Spaniards found in the Philipinas into three classes. In their
histories there is not a lack of satyrs, men with tails, and mermen,
and whatever else can cause wonder in human nature. But truly, only two
classes of people are found, namely, those whom we know by the name of
Aetas or Negritos, [32] and the Indians. The Negritos are small, not
so black as those of Guinea, and have kinky hair and flat noses. They
live naked in the mountains, and only cover themselves in front with
the bark of a tree. They live on roots and the deer which they hunt
with arrows in which they are very skilful. They sleep where night
overtakes them. They have no idea of religion, so that they resemble
wild beasts rather than men. The effort has been made to domesticate
and christianize them, and they are not much opposed to it, provided
that they are given food to eat. But if they are ordered to work
to support their family, they return to the mountain although they
have just been baptized. For that reason they are not now baptized
although they agree to it, except some children whom the Indians
or Spaniards generally have in their houses. Even in this case, one
cannot be secure of them for when they grow up they generally return
to the mountains with their fellowcountrymen. Beyond all doubt those
Negritos are the first settlers of these islands, and retired to the
mountains when the Indians came hither. The latter inhabit the coasts,
and formerly the Negritos waged continual war with them, and would
not permit them to cut wood in the mountains unless they paid tribute
to them. Today they have but little power, and yet they are feared;
for whenever any Negrito is killed, or when any one dies suddenly,
another Negrito generally offers himself among his companions and
takes an oath not to return to his own people until he kills three
or four Indians. He does it by lying in ambush in their villages and
by treacherously killing in the mountains him who becomes separated
from his companions.
Some believe the origin of these Negritos to be that they came from
the negros of Angola, [33] and the reason why they are not so black as
their ancestors consists, they say, in the climate of these Indias
which is more moderate. That might be so, for it is as easy for
him who changes his climate to decrease in blackness during a long
series of generations as it is for him to increase it by living in
an inclement climate. But the flat nose and the use of the dialect
of the same language which the Indians of these islands use, proves
sufficiently that their origin is one and the same with them. The
fact that they are blacker than the Indians, depends only on their
having lived many centuries in the water by night and day, in wind
and sun, and exposed to all the inclemencies of the weather. That
and their lack of government has transferred them to their almost
wild condition in which we see them.
The Indians whom the Spaniards found here were of average stature,
olive color, or the color of boiled quinces, large eyes, flat noses,
and straight hair. All had some form of government more or less
civilized. They were distinguished by different names, but their
features and customs prove that the origin of all these people is
one and the same, and that they did not compose different races. They
had their own petty rulers, who were generally the most valiant, or
those who had inherited the kingdom from their fathers, if they could
conserve it. Their dominion extended over one or two rude settlements,
or at most was according to the valor of him who ruled. They were
continually at war with the neighboring settlements, and made one
another slaves. From those wars there resulted three classes of
people among them: namely, the chiefs who were the masters of the
settlement; the slaves; and the freemen, who consisted of slaves
or their descendants to whom their masters had given freedom. The
last class are called Timavas even yet, which properly signifies
"freed-man." In some districts Indians are found who are whiter than
others--descendants doubtless of some Chinese or Japanese, who were
shipwrecked on these coasts, and whom the Indians naturally hospitably
received and with whom they mingled. That is commonly believed in
regard to the Ygorrotes of Ylocos. [34] Their eyes, similar to those
of the Chinese, prove that they mingled with the companions of Limahon
who fled to those mountains when Juan de Salcedo had besieged them
in Pangasinan.
It is not easy to prove the origin of these peoples but their language
might supply some light. Although the languages spoken by the Indians
are many and diverse, they resemble one another so closely that it
is recognized clearly that they are all dialects of one and the same
tongue, as the Spanish, French, and Italian are of the Latin. The
prepositions and pronouns are almost the same in all of them, the
numerals differ but slightly, many words are common to all, and they
have the same structure. This language, which is one single language,
with different dialects, is spoken from Madagascar to Philipinas
and no one can contradict this. [35] I add that it is spoken in
Nueva Guinea and in all the lands of the south, in the Marianas,
in the islands of San Duisk, in those of Otayti, [36] and in almost
all the islands of the South Sea. In a collection of voyages wherein
are found several dictionaries of the terms which the travelers could
learn in each one of these islands I have seen with wonder that the
pronouns are almost all the same; that in the Tagalogs the numerals
resemble those of any other language of these islands, and most of
the words are the same and have the same meaning as in the Tagalog
language. But the thing which made me believe more in the identity of
these languages was my examination of Don Juan Hovel, an Englishman,
who spoke the dialect of San Duisk with a servant of his who was a
native of those islands. I found that the construction was the same
as that of the languages which are spoken in Philipinas. Consequently,
I had no reason to doubt that all these languages are dialects of one
speech which is the most extensive in the world, and which is spoken
through many thousands of leguas from Madagascar to the islands of
San Duisk, Otayti, and the island of Pasquas [37] which is not six
hundred leguas distant from America; and the fact that the Indians
of Philipinas do not understand the peoples of those islands when
they pass through their lands does not offer any argument against
this supposition, for neither do the Spaniards understand the French,
nor in these islands do those of some provinces understand one another.
In the same collection of voyages, I found a dictionary of only
five terms which the Spaniards were able to learn in the Patagonian
coast. One of those terms was Balay [38] which signifies "house" in
that language; and with that same word do the Pampangos and Visayans
designate house. It may be a mere coincidence which does not prove
that the languages of various people are identical. But, seeing that
in addition to this the names of South America sound like those of
Philipinas, I tried to find some dictionary of that land. Not finding
one I examined carefully the few words of the language of Chile which
Ercilla has in his Araucana, [39] and I found them sufficiently like
the Tagalog language. The name "Chile" is not strange to this language
where the cormorant is called "cachile." It is also a pronoun which
the Malays apply to the sons of kings. "Chilian," which is a village
of Chile, is a Tagalog composition, in which, adding an "an," we have
a word which signifies "place," and we get "cachilian" which signifies
"place where there are cormorants." Mapocho, the site of the city of
Santiago, is another Tagalog composition that signifies "place." Thus
from pocquiot, a kind of herb, we get mapocquiot, a place where that
plant abounds. Apo is the name given to him who governs, and that
name is applied by these Indians to him who has any authority in the
village. In Chile, words and phrases are reduplicated: as Ytayta,
Biobio, Lemolemo, Colocolo, etc. The same is done in the Tagalog and
thus we say: Ataata, Bilobilo, Lebomlebom, and Colocolo. The other
words are either Tagalog or very similar, and the connection that is
found in so few words in these two languages is [too] great to say
that it is accident, although it is not sufficient so that we can
say that they are dialects of one language.
If on a comparison of the grammar and dictions of these two languages
it is found that they originate from one and the same tongue, I would
be so bold as to say that the Indians of Philipinas originate from
the Indians of South America, and that the language of the latter is
the parent language of which all the languages of these islands are
dialects. Many will consider this a paradox, for the Malays being
so near it would appear that the Filipinos must have originated from
them, as our authors have generally believed. I cannot deny that these
islands could have been easily settled by the Malays; but how shall
we account for the peopling of the islands of Palaos and Marianas
which are more than three hundred leguas distant? Where shall we get
at those who settled the islands of San Duisk and Otayti, which are
two thousand leguas from Philipinas? All these people have the same
language, the same features, the same customs, and consequently, the
same origin as our Indians. It is impossible that people should go
from Philipinas to people those lands, for the east wind dominates
constantly throughout the torrid zone, and that wind blowing head
on would not permit the ship to sail to those islands. Rather on the
contrary we must believe that the inhabitants of all the islands of
the South Sea came from the Orient with wind astern as we have seen
happen to the Indians of Palaos, [40] who have come to our Philipinas
several times driven by the wind, and the east winds have not allowed
them to return to their land. Let us suppose that if then these islands
were not peopled, those Indians would have been the first settlers. We
do not know whether our Indians by a like accident, have been carried
by the winds to the Oriental islands. On the contrary we believe the
opposite, since at times the best pilots cannot make that navigation,
and return without finding the islands whither they were sailing,
as it is necessary to take a high latitude for that voyage. On this
head we must seek the easiest solution, namely, that the settlers came
from the east from island to island. Consequently, the most eastern
land where the Tagalog language is found must be the country whence
our Indians originate.
One could well hesitate to assent to this truth, moved by the fact
that the use of writing in the manner employed by the Malays was found
established among these Indians, but it could very well happen that
they might derive their origin from other nations and learn to write
from the Malays, who would learn that science from the continent of
India. The method of writing was by forming the lines from top to
bottom, and beginning at the left and finishing at the right as did
the Hebrews and Chinese. Their characters were quite different from
ours. They had no vowels, for since there are only three vowels in
those languages, namely, the a, e, and u, by placing a point above or
below the consonant, or by not placing any point, it is easily known
what the vowel is, which corresponds to the consonant letter, and it
is read very well without the necessity of vowels. Although they knew
how to write these people had no written laws, and governed themselves
according to their traditions, and by natural law corrupted by the
passions. The civil suits were sentenced by the petty rulers with the
assistance of some old men. In criminal matters the relatives generally
showed justice or it was settled with the aggressor on a gold basis in
particular unless death followed. But in that case they did not content
themselves except with the penalty of retaliation. If the murderer was
of another settlement common cause was made, and the entire village
fought against the settlement, from which resulted murders and wars
in which slaves were made mutually. When it was suspected that one
had robbed another, he was obliged to take a stone from a kettle
filled with boiling water. If he did not do it (which we called the
vulgar clearance from guilt), he was fined a certain sum of gold, the
greater part of which went to the petty ruler. Adultery was punished
by a pecuniary fine, as was also lack of respect for old people. But
trickery in contracts was not considered wrong and was not punished
by any penalty; and usury was common among them in all transactions.
Their customs at marriage were very peculiar. They married only one
woman. The chiefs however, had several concubines, who were commonly
slaves. They generally married their nearest relative, provided
she were not a sister, for they could not contract marriage with
sisters. When they grew tired of their wife, they returned her to
her parents. It was unnecessary to give cause for the divorce, for it
was sufficient to give up the dowry which he himself had given when
he was married. That dowry was of two kinds and was always paid by
the bridegroom. One kind was called bigay suso, and was the payment
for the milk which the mother had given to the damsel, by which he
obtained her completely. The other was called bigay caya and was
the real dowry. It was given to those recently married for their
support. At times, however, the expense of the wedding was discounted
from it, as well as the clothes, so that very little or nothing at all
remained for the recently married couple. Besides the bridegroom giving
that dowry, he had to serve the parents of the bride for some years;
to feast them on certain days; to assist in the sowing of the rice
and the harvest, and to carry food to the laborers. All the relatives
of the bridegroom had to be obsequious to the bride, to her parents,
and to all her relatives, so long as those years of service lasted. If
they failed in any point, the marriage was dissolved, a thing which
was very agreeable to the parents of the woman, for then a new suitor
appeared, and they began to suck his blood again. In retaliation for
what the bridegroom suffered before marriage, he treated his wife like
a slave after marriage. She had to find the sustenance for the family,
while her husband was off enjoying himself, and she considered herself
fortunate if after that he did not beat her. The self-interest of
the parents in their daughters in which this pernicious custom is
observed, has been the reason why it has been impossible to uproot
this hitherto, notwithstanding the royal cedulas and the decrees
of the bishops which prohibit it. The ceremony of the marriage was
performed with the sacrifice of a hog, which a priestess killed after
going through a thousand gestures. She blessed the couple abundantly,
and afterward the old women gave them food in a dish and gave vent to
many obscenities, after which the couple were pronounced married. Then
followed dances according to their custom, and drunken revels for all
the days that the function lasted. The number of days were regulated
according to the wealth of the contracting parties. He who went to
the feast gave something to the couple, and note was made of it so
that they could do the same in a like case.
In regard to religion, they had neither idols nor temples, but
they offered sacrifices in shady bowers that they had for that
purpose. There were priestesses whom they called babailanes or
catalonas. They attended to the sacrifices, and taking a lance in
the hand and foaming at the mouth with ridiculous and extraordinary
gestures, they prophesied on the point for which the sacrifice
was offered and killed a hog with the lance. Then they immediately
divided the hog among those present and the function was finished with
dances and drunken revelries. Those sacrifices were offered to the
demons or to the souls of their ancestors, which they thought lived
in the large trees, in the crags which they met in isolated places,
or in anything out of the common which was found in the fields. They
thought that the nono or their forbears lived in all those places,
and they never passed by them without asking permission of them--a
thing which some of them do even yet. When anyone was dangerously
sick they offered in those places rice, wine, and meat, and afterward
gave that to the sick man to eat, so that he might be cured, a custom
still observed by some of them.
They had many other superstitions such as that of the patianac,
which they say hinders childbirth by its tongue which is very fine
and long, and which reaches even to the womb of the woman, where it
restrains and whence it does not allow the infant to issue. In order
that the patianac may have no effect, the husband tightly bars the
portal of the house, lights the fire, and completely naked holds a
sword and cuts the wind with it in a furious manner until his wife
brings forth. The tigbalang is another of the things of which they
are greatly afraid. It is a kind of ghost which they say appears to
them in the form of an animal or of some unknown monster and forces
them to do things contrary to the laws of our religion. These and
other superstitions, which they held in former times, they still
observe at times, when the charlatans who are maintained at the
cost of simpletons persuade them that they will get better from
some dangerous illness or will find the jewel that they have lost,
if they will practice them. And so powerful is self-interest or the
love of life that although they believe that it is evil to observe
those superstitions and not give entire assent to those deceits,
they carry them out, for they say that perhaps it will be so. That
is a proof that they have very little root in the faith.
All their religion was rather a servile fear than true worship. They
had no external adoration or any formula of prayers to God or idols;
they believed in neither reward nor recompense for the good, nor
punishment for the wicked. For although they knew of the immortality
of the soul and believed that they could do wrong, that belief was
so filled with errors that they thought that the souls had need of
sustenance, and all other things that we mortals need. Consequently,
at their funerals they placed clothing, weapons, and food in the
coffins; and on the fourth day when they generally celebrated the
funeral honors, they left an unoccupied seat at table for the deceased,
and they believed that he really occupied it, although they could not
see him. In order to be sure of that they scattered ashes in the house,
in which they at times found the impress of the tracks of the deceased,
either through the deceit of the devil or of some other Indian, who
left the impress of his feet there to fool the others. Persuaded of
that they offered them food so that they should do no harm. Their
religion was always directed to that--a circumstance quite in keeping
with their natural cowardice and timorousness.
JOLO AND THE SULUS
[The following is taken from vol. v, pp. 343-390 (mainly verbatim)
of Charles Wilkes's [41] Narrative of the United States Exploring
Expedition during the years 1838, 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842 (Philadelphia,
1844). It is one of the earliest accounts written by an American of the
island of Jolo and its vicinity, and the Joloans. Although containing
considerable matter that is descriptive rather than ethnological in
character, it has been deemed advisable not to endeavor to separate the
matter, in view of its value. Wilkes writes mainly as an eyewitness.]
CHAPTER IX
SOOLOO
1842
On the evening of the 21st of January, the Vincennes, with the tender
in company, left the bay of Manilla. I then sent for Mr. Knox,
who commanded the latter, and gave him directions to keep closely
in company with the Vincennes, and at the same time pointed out to
him places of rendezvous where the vessels might again meet in case
any unavoidable circumstance caused their separation. I was more
particular in giving him instructions to avoid losing sight of the
Vincennes, as I was aware that my proposed surveys might be impeded
or frustrated altogether, were I deprived of the assistance of the
vessel under his command.
On the 22d, we passed the entrance of the Straits of San Bernadino. It
would have been my most direct route to follow these straits until I
had passed Mindoro, and it is I am satisfied the safest course, unless
the winds are fair, for the direct passage. My object, however, was
to examine the ground for the benefit of others, and the Apo Shoal,
which lies about mid-channel between Palawan and Mindoro, claimed
my first attention. The tender was despatched to survey it, while I
proceeded in the Vincennes to examine the more immediate entrance to
the Sooloo Sea, off the southwest end of Mindoro.
Calavite Peak is the north point of Mindoro, and our observations
made it two thousand feet high. This peak is of the shape of a dome,
and appears remarkably regular when seen from its western side. On
approaching Mindoro, we, as usual, under high islands, lost the steady
breeze, and the wind became light for the rest of the day. Mindoro
is a beautiful island, and is evidently volcanic; it appears as if
thrown up in confused masses: it is not much settled, as the more
southern islands are preferred to it as a residence.
On the 23d, we ascertained the elevation of the highest peak of the
island by triangulation to be three thousand one hundred and twenty-six
feet. The easternmost island of the Palawan Group, Busvagan, [42]
was at the time just in sight from the deck, to the southwest.
It had been my intention to anchor at Ambolou Island; [43] but the
wind died away before we reached it, and I determined to stand off
and on all night.
On the 24th, I began to experience the truth of what Captain Halcon had
asserted, namely, that the existing charts were entirely worthless,
and I also found that my native pilot was of no more value than
they were: he had evidently passed the place before; but whether
the size of the vessel, so much greater than any he had sailed in,
confused him, or whether it was from his inability to understand and
to make himself understood by us, he was of no use whatever, and we
had the misfortune of running into shoal water, barely escaping the
bottom. These dangers were usually quickly passed, and we soon found
ourselves again floating in thirty or forty fathoms water.
We continued beating to windward, in hopes of being joined by the
Flying-Fish, and I resolved to finish the survey toward the island of
Semarrara. [44] We found every thing in a different position from that
assigned it by any of the charts [45] with which we were furnished. On
this subject, however, I shall not dwell, but refer those who desire
particular information to the charts and Hydrographical Memoir.
Towards evening, I again ran down to the southwest point of the island
of Mindoro, and sent a letter on shore to the pueblo, with directions
to have it put on board the tender, when she should arrive. We then
began to beat round Semarara, in order to pass over towards Panay.
The southern part of Mindoro is much higher than the northern,
but appears to be equally rough. It is, however, susceptible of
cultivation, and there are many villages along its shores.
Semarara is moderately high, and about fifteen miles in circumference;
it is inhabited, and like Mindoro much wooded. According to the native
pilot, its shores are free from shoals. It was not until the next day
that we succeeded in reaching Panay. I determined to pass the night
off Point Potol, the north end of Panay, as I believed the sea in its
neighborhood to be free of shoals, and wished to resume our running
survey early in the morning.
At daylight on the 27th we continued the survey down the coast of
Panay, and succeeded in correcting many errors in the existing charts
(both English and Spanish). The channel along this side is from twelve
to twenty miles wide, and suitable for beating in; little current is
believed to exist; and the tides, as far as our observations went,
seem to be regular and of little strength.
The island of Panay is high and broken, particularly on the south
end; its shores are thickly settled and well cultivated. Indigo and
sugar-cane claim much of the attention of the inhabitants. The Indians
are the principal cultivators. They pay to the government a capitation
tax of seven rials. Its population is estimated at three hundred
thousand, which I think is rather short of the actual number. [46]
On all the hills there are telegraphs of rude construction, to give
information of the approach of piratical prahus from Sooloo, which
formerly were in the habit of making attacks upon the defenceless
inhabitants and carrying them off into slavery. Of late years they have
ceased these depredations, for the Spaniards have resorted to a new
mode of warfare. Instead of pursuing and punishing the offenders, they
now intercept all their supplies, both of necessaries and luxuries;
and the fear of this has had the effect to deter the pirates from
their usual attacks.
We remained off San Pedro for the night, in hopes of falling in with
the Flying-Fish in the morning.
On the morning of the 28th, the Flying-Fish was discovered plainly in
sight. I immediately stood for her, fired a gun and made signal. At
seven o'clock another gun was fired, but the vessel still stood off,
and was seen to make sail to the westward without paying any regard
whatever to either, and being favoured by a breeze while the Vincennes
was becalmed, she stole off and was soon out of sight. [47]
After breakfast we opened the bay of Antique, on which is situated
the town of San Jose. [48] As this bay apparently offered anchorage
for vessels bound up this coast, I determined to survey it;
and for this purpose the boats were hoisted out and prepared for
surveying. Lieutenant Budd was despatched to visit the pueblo called
San Jose.
On reaching the bay, the boats were sent to different points of it,
and when they were in station, the ship fired guns to furnish bases
by the sound, and angles were simultaneously measured. The boats made
soundings on their return to the ship, and thus completed this duty,
so that in an hour or two afterwards the bay was correctly represented
on paper. It offers no more than a temporary anchorage for vessels,
and unless the shore is closely approached, the water is almost too
deep for the purpose.
At San Jose a Spanish governor resides, who presides over the
two pueblos of San Pedro and San Jose, and does the duty also of
alcalde. Lieutenant Budd did not see him, as he was absent, but
his lady did the honours. Lieutenant Budd represented the pueblo as
cleanly and orderly. About fifteen soldiers were seen, who compose
the governor's guard, and more were said to be stationed at San
Pedro. A small fort of eight guns commands the roadstead. The beach
was found to be of fine volcanic sand, composed chiefly of oxide of
iron, and comminuted shells; there is also a narrow shore-reef of
coral. The plain bordering the sea is covered with a dense growth of
cocoa-nut trees. In the fine season the bay is secure, but we were
informed that in westerly and southwesterly gales heavy seas set in,
and vessels are not able to lie at anchor. Several small vessels were
lying in a small river about one and a half miles to the southward of
the point on which the fort is situated. The entrance to this river
is very narrow and tortuous.
Panay is one of the largest islands of the group. We had an opportunity
of measuring the height of some of its western peaks or highlands, none
of which exceed three thousand feet. [49] The interior and eastern side
have many lofty summits, which are said to reach an altitude of seven
thousand five hundred feet; but these, as we passed, were enveloped
in clouds, or shut out from view by the nearer highlands. The general
features of the island are like those of Luzon and Mindoro. The few
specimens we obtained of its rocks consisted of the different varieties
of talcose formation, with quartz and jasper. The specimens were of
no great value, as they were much worn by lying on the beach.
The higher land was bare of trees, and had it not been for the
numerous fertile valleys lying between the sharp and rugged spurs,
it would have had a sterile appearance.
The bay of Antique is in latitude 10 deg. 40' N., longitude 121 deg. 59'
30'' E.
It was my intention to remain for two or three days at a convenient
anchorage to enable us to make short excursions into the interior; but
the vexatious mismanagement of the tender now made it incumbent that I
should make every possible use of the time to complete the operations
connected with the hydrography of this sea; for I perceived that the
duties that I intended should be performed by her, would now devolve
upon the boats, and necessarily expose both officers and men to the
hazard of contracting disease. I regretted giving up this design,
not only on my own account and that of the Expedition, but because of
the gratification it would have afforded personally to the naturalists.
The town of San Jose has about thirty bamboo houses, some of which
are filled in with clay or mortar, and plastered over, both inside
and out. Few of them are more than a single story in height. That
of the governor is of the same material, and overtops the rest;
it is whitewashed, and has a neat and cleanly appearance. In the
vicinity of the town are several beautiful valleys, which run into
the mountains from the plain that borders the bay. The landing is on
a bamboo bridge, which has been erected over an extensive mud-flat,
that is exposed at low water, and prevents any nearer approach of
boats. This bridge is about seven hundred feet in length; and a novel
plan has been adopted to preserve it from being carried away. The
stems of bamboo not being sufficiently large and heavy to maintain the
superstructure in the soft mud, a scaffold is constructed just under
the top, which is loaded with blocks of large stone, and the outer
piles are secured to anchors or rocks, with grass rope. The roadway
or top is ten feet wide, covered with split bamboo, woven together,
and has rails on each side, to assist the passenger. This is absolutely
necessary for safety; and even with this aid, one accustomed to it must
be possessed of no little bodily strength to pass over this smooth,
slippery, and springy bridge without accident.
Two pirogues were at anchor in the bay, and on the shore was the
frame of a vessel which had evidently been a long while on the stocks,
for the weeds and bushes near the keel were six or eight feet high,
and a portion of the timbers were decayed. Carts and sleds drawn by
buffaloes were in use, and every thing gave it the appearance of a
thriving village. Although I have mentioned the presence of soldiers,
it was observed on landing that no guard was stationed about or even at
the fort; but shortly afterwards a soldier was seen hurrying towards
the latter, in the act of dressing himself in his regimentals, and
another running by his side, with his cartridge-box and musket. In
a little while one was passing up and down on his post, as though he
was as permanent there as the fort itself.
After completing these duties, the light airs detained us the remainder
of the day under Panay, in sight of the bay. On the 29th, at noon,
we had been wafted by it far enough in the offing to obtain the
easterly breeze, which soon became strong, with an overcast sky,
and carried us rapidly on our course; my time would not permit my
heaving-to. We kept on our course for Mindanao during the whole night,
and were constantly engaged in sounding, with our patent lead, with
from thirty to forty fathoms cast, to prevent our passing over this
part of the sea entirely unexamined.
At daybreak on the 31st, we had the island of Mindanao before us,
but did not reach its western peak until 5 P. M. This island is
high and broken, like those to the north of it, but, unlike them,
its mountains are covered with forests to their very tops, and there
were no distinct cones of minor dimensions, as we had observed on
the others. If they do exist, they were hidden by the dense forest.
I had determined to anchor at Caldera, a small port on the southwest
side of Mindanao, about ten miles distant from Samboangan, where the
governor resides. The latter is a considerable place, but the anchorage
in its roadstead is said to be bad, and the currents that run through
the Straits of Basillan are represented to be strong. Caldera, on the
other hand, has a good, though small anchorage, which is free from the
currents of the straits. It is therefore an excellent stopping-place,
in case of the tide proving unfavourable. On one of its points stands
a small fort, which on our arrival hoisted Spanish colours.
At six o'clock we came to anchor at Caldera, in seven fathoms
water. There were few indications of inhabitants, except at and
near the fort. An officer was despatched to the fort, to report the
ship. It was found to be occupied by a few soldiers under the command
of a lieutenant.
The fort is about seventy feet square, and is built of large blocks
of red coral, which evidently have not been taken from the vicinity
of the place, as was stated by the officers of the fort; for, although
our parties wandered along the alluvial beach for two or three miles in
each direction, no signs of coral were observed. Many fragments of red,
gray, and purple basalt and porphyry were met with along the beach;
talcose rock and slate, syenite, hornblend, quartz, both compact and
slaty, with chalcedony, were found in pieces and large pebbles. Those
who were engaged in dredging reported the bottom as being of coral,
in from four to six or eight fathoms; but this was of a different
kind from that of which the fort was constructed.
The fort was built in the year 1784, [50] principally for protection
against the Sooloo pirates, who were in the habit of visiting
the settlements, and carrying off the inhabitants as slaves, to
obtain ransom for them. This, and others of the same description,
were therefore constructed as places of refuge for the inhabitants,
as well as to afford protection to vessels.
Depredations are still committed, which render it necessary to keep up
a small force. One or two huts which were seen in the neighbourhood
of the bay, are built on posts twenty feet from the ground, and into
them they ascend by ladders, which are hauled up after the occupants
have entered.
These, it is said, are the sleeping-huts, and are so built for the
purpose of preventing surprise at night. Before our arrival we had
heard that the villages were all so constructed, but a visit to one
soon showed that this was untrue. The natives seen at the village
were thought to be of a decidedly lighter colour and a somewhat
different expression from the Malays. They were found to be very
civil, and more polished in manners than our gentlemen expected. On
asking for a drink of water, it was brought on a glass tumbler on a
china plate. An old woman to whom they had presented some trifles,
took the trouble to meet them in another path on their return, and
insisted on their accepting a basket of potatoes. Some of the houses
contained several families, and many of them had no other means of
entrance than a notched stick stuck on to the door.
The forests of Mindanao contain a great variety of trees, some of which
are of large size, rising to the height of one hundred and one hundred
and fifty feet. Some of their trunks are shaped like buttresses,
similar to those before spoken of at Manilla, from which they obtain
broad slabs for the tops of tables. The trunks were observed to
shoot up remarkably straight. Our botanical gentlemen, though pleased
with the excursion, were disappointed at not being able to procure
specimens from the lofty trees; and the day was less productive in
this respect than they had anticipated. Large woody vines were common,
which enveloped the trunks of trees in their folds, and ascending to
their tops, prevented the collection of the most desirable specimens.
The paths leading to the interior were narrow and much obstructed;
one fine stream was crossed. Many buffaloes were observed wallowing
in the mire, and the woods swarmed with monkeys and numbers of birds,
among them the horn-bills: these kept up a continued chatter, and made
a variety of loud noises. The forests here are entirely different from
any we had seen elsewhere; and the stories of their being the abodes
of large boas and poisonous snakes, make the effect still greater on
those who visit them for the first time. Our parties, however, saw
nothing of these reptiles, nor any thing to warrant a belief that
such exist. Yet the officer at the fort related to me many snake
stories that seemed to have some foundation; and by inquiries made
elsewhere, I learned that they were at least warranted by some facts,
though probably not to the extent that he represented.