Traces of deer and wild hogs were seen, _The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 43, 1670-1700 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century

as well as land and sea shells. Among the latter was the Malleus

vulgaris, which is used as food by the natives. The soil on this

part of the island is a stiff clay, and the plants it produces

are mostly woody; those of an herbaceous character were scarce,

and only a few orchideous epiphytes and ferns were seen. Around the

dwellings in the villages were a variety of vegetables and fruits,

consisting of sugar-cane, sweet-potato, gourds, pumpkins, peppers,

rice, water and musk melons, all fine and of large size.

The officer of the fort was a lieutenant of infantry: one of that rank

is stationed here for a month, after which he, with the garrison,

consisting of three soldiers, are relieved, from Samboangan, where

the Spaniards have three companies.

Samboangan is a convict settlement, to which the native rogues,

principally thieves, are sent. The Spanish criminals, as I have before

stated in speaking of Manilla, are sent to Spain.

The inhabitants of the island of Mindanao who are under the subjection

of Spain, are about ten thousand in number, of whom five or six

thousand are at or in the neighbourhood of Samboangan. The original

inhabitants, who dwell in the mountains and on the east coast, are

said to be quite black, and are represented to be a very cruel and

bad set; they have hitherto bid defiance to all attempts to subjugate

them. When the Spaniards make excursions into the interior, which is

seldom, they always go in large parties on account of the wild beasts,

serpents, and hostile natives; nevertheless, the latter frequently

attack and drive them back.

The little fort is considered as a sufficient protection for the

fishermen and small vessels against the pirates, who inhabit the

island of Basillan, which is in sight from Mindanao, and forms the

southern side of the straits of the same name. It is said that about

seven hundred inhabit it. The name of Moor is given by the Spaniards

to all those who profess the Mohammedan religion, and by such all

the islands to the west of Mindanao, and known under the name of the

Sooloo Archipelago, are inhabited.

The day we spent at Caldera was employed in surveying the bay, and

in obtaining observations for its geographical position, and for

magnetism. The flood tide sets to the northward and westward, through

the straits, and the ebb to the eastward. In the bay we found it to

run two miles an hour by the log, but it must be much more rapid in

the straits.

At daylight on the 1st of February, we got under way to stand over for

the Sangboys, [51] a small island with two sharp hills on it. One and

a half miles from the bay we passed over a bank, the least water on

which was ten fathoms on a sandy bottom, and on which a vessel might

anchor. The wind shortly after failed us, and we drifted with the tide

for some hours, in full view of the island of Mindanao, which is bold

and picturesque. We had thus a good opportunity of measuring some of

its mountain ranges, which we made about three thousand feet high.

In the afternoon, a light breeze came from the southwest, and before

sunset I found that we were again on soundings. As soon as we had

a cast of twenty fathoms, I anchored for the night, judging it much

better than to be drifting about without any knowledge of the locality

and currents to which we were subjected.

On the morning of the 2d, we got under way to proceed to the

westward. As the bottom was unequal, I determined to pass through

the broadest channel, although it had the appearance of being the

shoalest, and sent two boats ahead to sound. In this way we passed

through, continuing our surveying operations, and at the same time

made an attempt to dredge; but the ground was too uneven for the

latter purpose, and little of value was obtained.

Shortly after passing the Sangboys, we had the island of Sooloo in

sight, for which I now steered direct. At sunset we found ourselves

within five or six miles of Soung Harbour; but there was not sufficient

light to risk the dangers that might be in our course, nor wind enough

to command the ship; and having no bottom where we were, I determined

again to run out to sea, and anchor on the first bank I should meet. At

half past eight o'clock, we struck soundings in twenty-six fathoms,

and anchored.

At daylight we continued our position by angles, and found it

to correspond with part of the route we had passed over the day

before, and that we were about fifteen miles from the large island

of Sooloo. Weighing anchor, we were shortly wafted by the westerly

tide and a light air toward that beautiful island, which lay in the

midst of its little archipelago; and as we were brought nearer and

nearer, we came to the conclusion that in our many wanderings we had

seen nothing to be compared to this enchanting spot. It appeared to

be well cultivated, with gentle slopes rising here and there into

eminences from one to two thousand feet high. One or two of these

might be dignified with the name of mountains, and were sufficiently

high to arrest the passing clouds; on the afternoon of our arrival

we had a singular example in the dissipation of a thunderstorm.

Although much of the island was under cultivation, yet it had all the

freshness of a forest region. The many smokes on the hills, buildings

of large size, cottages, and cultivated spots, together with the

moving crowds on the land, the prahus, canoes, and fishing-boats on

the water, gave the whole a civilized appearance. Our own vessel lay,

almost without a ripple at her side, on the glassy surface of the

sea, carried onwards to our destined anchorage by the flowing tide,

and scarce a sound was heard except the splashing of the lead as

it sought the bottom. The effect of this was destroyed in part by

the knowledge that this beautiful archipelago was the abode of a

cruel and barbarous race of pirates. Towards sunset we had nearly

reached the bay of Soung, when we were met by the opposing tide,

which frustrated all our endeavors to reach it, and I was compelled

to anchor, lest we should again be swept to sea.

As soon as the night set in, fishermen's lights were seen moving along

the beach in all directions, and gliding about in canoes, while the sea

was filled with myriads of phosphorescent animalculae. After watching

this scene for two or three hours in the calm and still night, a storm

that had been gathering reached us; but it lasted only for a short

time, and cleared off after a shower, which gave the air a freshness

that was delightful after the sultry heat we had experienced during

the day.

The canoes of this archipelago were found to be different from any that

we had hitherto seen, not only in shape but in making use of a double

out-rigger, which consequently must give them additional security. The

paddle also is of a different shape, and has a blade at each end,

which are used alternately, thus enabling a single person to manage

them with ease. These canoes are built of a single log, though some

are built upon. They seldom carry more than two persons. The annexed

figure will give a correct figure of one of them. [52]

We saw the fishermen engaged in trolling and using the line; but the

manner of taking fish which has been hitherto described is chiefly

practised. [53] In fishing, as well as in all their other employments,

the kris and spear were invariably by their side.

The next morning at eight o'clock we got under way, and were towed

by our boats into the bay of Soung, [54] where we anchored off the

town in nine fathoms water. While in the act of doing so, and after

our intentions had become too evident to admit of a doubt, the Sultan

graciously sent off a message giving us permission to enter his port.

Lieutenant Budd was immediately despatched with the interpreter to call

upon the Datu Mulu or governor, and to learn at what hour we could see

the Sultan. When that officer reached the town, all were found asleep;

and after remaining four hours waiting, the only answer he could get

out of the Datu Mulu was, that he supposed that the Sultan would be

awake at three o'clock, when he thought I could see him.

During this time the boats had been preparing for surveying; and

after landing the naturalists, they began the work.

At the appointed time, Captain Hudson and myself went on shore to wait

upon the Sultan. On our approach to the town, we found that a great

portion of it was built over the water on piles, and only connected

with the shore by narrow bridges of bamboo. The style of building in

Sooloo does not differ materially from that of the Malays. The houses

are rather larger, and they surpass the others in filth. [55]

We passed for some distance between the bridges to the landing, and

on our way saw several piratical prahus apparently laid up. Twenty of

these were counted, of about thirty tons burden, evidently built for

sea-vessels, and capable of mounting one or two long guns. We landed

at a small streamlet, and walked a short distance to the Datu's house,

which is of large dimensions and rudely built on piles, which raise it

about six feet above the ground, and into which we were invited. The

house of the Datu contains one room, part of which is screened off to

form the apartment of his wife. Nearly in the center is a raised dais,

eight or ten feet square, under which are stowed all his valuables,

packed in chests and Chinese trunks. Upon this dais are placed mats

for sleeping, with cushions, pillows, &c.; and over it is a sort of

canopy, hung round with fine chintz or muslin.

The dais was occupied by the Datu who is, next to the Sultan, the

greatest man of this island. He at once came from it to receive

us, and had chairs provided for us near his sanctum. After we

were seated, he again retired to his lounge. The Datu is small in

person, and emaciated in form, but has a quick eye and an intelligent

countenance. He lives, as he told me, with all his goods around him,

and they formed a collection such as I could scarcely imagine it

possible to bring together in such a place. The interior put me

in mind of a barn inhabited by a company of strolling players. On

one side were hung up a collection of various kinds of gay dresses,

here drums and gongs, there swords, lanterns, spears, muskets, and

small cannon; on another side were shields, bucklers, masks, saws,

and wheels, with belts, bands, and long robes. The whole was a strange

mixture of tragedy and farce; and the group of natives were not far

removed in appearance from the supernumeraries that a Turkish tragedy

might have brought together in the green-room of a theatre.

A set of more cowardly-looking miscreants I never saw. They appeared

ready either to trade with us, pick our pockets, or cut our throats,

as an opportunity might offer.

The wife's apartment was not remarkable for its comforts, although

the Datu spoke of it with much consideration, and evidently held his

better half in high estimation. He was also proud of his six children,

the youngest of whom he brought out in its nurse's arms, and exhibited

with much pride and satisfaction. He particularly drew my attention

to its little highly-wrought and splendidly-mounted kris, which was

stuck through its girdle, as an emblem of his rank. It was in reality a

fine-looking child. The kitchen was behind the house, and occupied but

a small space, for they have little in the way of food that requires

much preparation. The house of the Datu might justly be termed nasty.

We now learned the reason why the Sultan could not be seen: it was

Friday, the Mahomedan Sabbath, and he had been at the mosque from an

early hour. [56] Lieutenant Budd had been detained, because it was

not known when he would finish his prayers; and the ceremonies of

the day were more important than usual, on account of its peculiar

sanctity in their calendar.

Word had been sent off to the ship that the Sultan was ready to receive

me, but the messenger passed us while on our way to the shore. After

we had been seated for a while, the Datu asked if we were ready

to accompany him to see the Sultan; but intimated that no one but

Captain Hudson and myself could be permitted to lay eyes on him. Being

informed that we were, he at once, and in our presence, slipped on

his silken trousers, and a new jacket, covered with bell-buttons;

put on his slippers, strapped himself round with a long silken net

sash, into which he stuck his kris, and, with umbrella in hand,

said he was ready. He now led the way out of his house, leaving the

motley group behind, and we took the path to the interior of the

town, towards the Sultan's. The Datu and I walked hand in hand, on

a roadway about ten feet wide, with a small stream running on each

side. Captain Hudson and the interpreter came next, and a guard of

six trusty slaves brought up the rear.

When we reached the outskirts of the town, about half a mile from

the Datu's, we came to the Sultan's residence, where he was prepared

to receive us in state. His house is constructed in the same manner

as that of the Datu, but is of larger dimensions, and the piles are

rather higher. Instead of steps, we found a ladder, rudely constructed

of bamboo, and very crazy. This was so steep that it was necessary to

use the hands in mounting it. I understood that the ladder was always

removed in the night, for the sake of security. We entered at once

into the presence-chamber, where the whole divan, if such it may be

called, sat in arm chairs, occupying the half of a large round table,

covered with a white cotton cloth. On the opposite side of the table,

seats were placed for us. On our approach, the Sultan and all his

council rose, and motioned us to our seats. When we had taken them,

the part of the room behind us was literally crammed with well-armed

men. A few minutes were passed in silence, during which time we

had an opportunity of looking at each other, and around the hall in

which we were seated. The latter was of very common workmanship, and

exhibited no signs of oriental magnificence. Overhead hung a printed

cotton cloth, forming a kind of tester, which covered about half of

the apartment. In other places the roof and rafters were visible. A

part of the house was roughly partitioned off, to the height of nine

or ten feet, enclosing, as I was afterwards told, the Sultan's sleeping

apartment, and that appropriated to his wife and her attendants.

The Sultan is of the middle height, spare and thin; he was dressed in a

white cotton shirt, loose trousers of the same material, and slippers;

he had no stockings; the bottom of his trousers was worked in scollops

with blue silk, and this was the only ornament I saw about him. On his

head he wore a small coloured cotton handkerchief, wound into a turban,

that just covered the top of his head. His eyes were bloodshot, and had

an uneasy wild look, showing that he was under the effects of opium,

of which they all smoke large quantities. [57] His teeth were as black

as ebony, which, with his bright cherry-coloured lips, contrasted

with his swarthy skin, gave him anything but a pleasant look.

On the left hand of the Sultan sat his two sons, while his right was

occupied by his councillors; just behind him, sat the carrier of his

betel-nut casket. The casket was of filigree silver, about the size

of a small tea-caddy, of oblong shape, and rounded at the top. It

had three divisions, one for the leaf, another for the nut, and a

third for the lime. [58] Next to this official was the pipe-bearer,

who did not appear to be held in such estimation as the former.

I opened the conversation by desiring that the Datu would explain the

nature of our visit, and tell the Sultan that I had come to make the

treaty which he had some time before desired to form with the United

States. [59]

The Sultan replied, that such was still his desire; upon which I

told him, I would draw one up for him, that same day. While I was

explaining to him the terms, a brass candlestick was brought in with

a lighted tallow candle, of a very dark colour and rude shape, that

showed but little art in the manufacture. This was placed in the

center of the table, with a plate of Manilla cigars. None of them,

however, were offered to us, nor any kind of refreshment.

Our visit lasted nearly an hour. When we arose to take our leave,

the Sultan and his divan did the same, and we made our exit with low

bows on each side.

I looked upon it as a matter of daily occurrence for all those who

came to the island to visit the Sultan; but the Datu Mulu took great

pains to make me believe that a great favour had been granted in

allowing us a sight of his ruler. On the other hand, I dwelt upon the

condescension it was on my part to visit him, and I refused to admit

that I was under any gratitude or obligation for the sight of His

Majesty the Sultan Mohammed Damaliel Kisand, but said that he might

feel grateful to me if he signed the treaty I would prepare for him.

On our return from the Sultan's to the Datu Mulu's house, we found even

a greater crowd than before. The Datu, however, contrived to get us

seats. The attraction which drew it together was to look at Mr. Agate,

who was making a sketch of Mohammed Polalu, the Sultan's son, and next

heir to the throne. [60] I had hoped to procure one of the Sultan,

but this was declared to be impossible. The son, however, has all

the characteristics of the Sooloos, and the likeness was thought an

excellent one. Mohammed Polalu is about twenty-three years of age, of a

tall slender figure, with a long face, heavy and dull eyes, as though

he was constantly under the influence of opium. [61] So much, indeed,

was he addicted to the use of this drug, even according to the Datu

Mulu's accounts, that his strength and constitution were very much

impaired. As he is kept particularly under the guardianship of the

Datu, the latter has a strong interest in preserving this influence

over him, and seems on this account to afford him every opportunity

of indulging in this deplorable habit.

During our visit, the effect of a pipe of this drug was seen upon

him; for but a short time after he had reclined himself on the Datu's

couch and cushion, and taken a few whiffs, he was entirely overcome,

stupid, and listless. I had never seen any one so young, bearing

such evident marks of the effects of this deleterious drug. When but

partially recovered from its effects he called for his betel-nut,

to revive him by its exciting effects. This was carefully chewed by

his attendant to a proper consistency, moulded in a ball about the

size of a walnut, and then slipped into the mouth of the heir apparent.

One of the requests I had made of the Sultan was, that the officers

might have guides to pass over the island. This was at once said

to be too dangerous to be attempted, as the datus of the interior

and southern towns would in all probability attack the parties. I

understood what this meant, and replied that I was quite willing to

take the responsibility, and that the party should be well armed. To

this the Sultan replied, that he would not risk his own men. This I

saw was a mere evasion, but it was difficult and would be dangerous

for our gentlemen to proceed alone, and I therefore said no more. On

our return to the Datu's, I gave them permission to get as far from

the beach as they could, but I was afterwards informed by them that

in endeavoring to penetrate into the woods, they were always stopped

by armed men. This was also the case when they approached particular

parts of the town, but they were not molested as long as their rambles

were confined to the beach. At the Datu's we were treated to chocolate

and negus in gilt-edge tumblers, with small stale cakes, which had

been brought from Manilla.

After we had sat some time I was informed that Mr. Dana missed his

bowie-knife pistol, which he had for a moment laid down on a chest. I

at once came to the conclusion that it had been stolen, and as the

theft had occurred in the Datu's house, I determined to hold him

responsible for it, and gave him at once to understand that I should

do so, informing him that the pistol must be returned before the next

morning, or he must take the consequences. This threw him into some

consternation, and by my manner he felt that I was serious.

Captain Hudson and myself, previous to my return on board, visited

the principal parts of the town. The Chinese quarter is separated

by a body of water, and has a gateway that leads to a bridge. The

bridge is covered by a roof, and on each side of it are small shops,

which are open in front, and thus expose the goods they contain. In

the rear of the shops were the dwellings of the dealers. This sort

of bazaar contained but a very scanty assortment, and the goods were

of inferior quality.

We visited some blacksmith-shops, where they were manufacturing krises

and spears. These shops were open sheds; the fire was made upon the

ground, and two wooden cylinders, whose valves were in the bottom,

served for bellows; when used, they had movable pistons which were

worked by a man on an elevated seat, and answered the purpose better

than could have been expected.

The kris is a weapon in which this people take great pride; it is of

various shapes and sizes, and is invariably worn from infancy to old

age; they are generally wavy in their blades, and are worn in wooden

scabbards, which are neatly made and highly polished. This weapon is

represented in the tailpiece to this chapter.

The market was well stocked with fruit and fish, Among the former the

durian seemed to predominate; this was the first time we had seen

it. It has a very disagreeable odour, as if decayed, and appears

to emit a sulphuretted hydrogen gas, which I observed blackened

silver. Some have described this fruit as delicious, but if the

smell is not enough, the taste in my opinion will convince any one

of the contrary.

Mr. Brackenridge made the following list of their fruits: Durian,

Artocarpus integrifolia, Melons, water and musk, Oranges, mandarin

and bitter, Pine-apples, Carica papaya, Mangosteen, Breadfruit,

Cocoa and Betel-nut. The vegetables were capsicums, cucumbers, yams,

sweet-potatoes, garlic, onions, edible fern-roots, and radishes of

the salmon variety, but thicker and more acrid in flavour.

In walking about the streets of the town we were permitted to enter,

large slabs of cut granite were seen, which were presumed to be

from China, where the walls of canals or streamlets are lined with

it. But Dr. Pickering in his rambles discovered pieces that had been

cut as if to form a monument, and remarked a difference between it

and the Chinese kind. On one or two pieces he saw the mark No. 1,

in black paint; the material resembled the Chelmsford granite, and

it occurred to him that the stone had been cut in Boston. [62] I did

not hear of this circumstance until after we had left Sooloo, and have

little doubt now that the interdiction against our gentlemen visiting

some parts of the town was owing to the fact of the discovery of this

plunder. This may have been the reason why they so readily complied

with my demands, in order to get rid of us as soon as possible,

feeling themselves guilty, and being unprepared for defence; for,

of the numerous guns mounted, few if any were serviceable.

The theft of the pistol was so barefaced an affair, that I made up

my mind to insist on its restoration. At the setting of the watch

in the evening, it had been our practice on board the Vincennes to

fire a small brass howitzer. This frequently, in the calm evenings,

produced a great reverberation, and rolled along the water to the

surrounding islands with considerable noise. Instead of it, on this

evening, I ordered one of the long guns to be fired, believing that

the sound and reverberation alone would suffice to intimidate such

robbers. One was accordingly fired in the direction of the town,

which fairly shook the island, as they said, and it was not long

before we saw that the rogues were fully aroused, for the clatter of

gongs and voices that came over the water, and the motion of lights,

convinced me that the pistol would be forthcoming in the morning. In

this I was not mistaken, for at early daylight I was awakened by a

special messenger from the Datu to tell me that the pistol was found,

and would be brought off without delay; that he had been searching for

it all night, and had succeeded at last in finding it, as well as the

thief, on whom he intended to inflict the bastinado. Accordingly, in

a short time the pistol was delivered on board, and every expression

of friendship and good-will given, with the strongest assurances that

nothing of the kind should happen again.

As our naturalists could have no opportunity of rambling over the

island of Sooloo, it was thought that one of the neighbouring islands

(although not so good a field) would afford them many of the same

results, and that they could examine it unmolested. Accordingly, at

an early hour, they were despatched in boats for that purpose, with

a sufficient guard to attend them in case of necessity. The island

on which they landed is called Marongas [63] on the map of the group

annexed to this chapter. On it are two hills of volcanic conglomerate

and vesicular lava, containing angular fragments embedded. The bottom

was covered with living coral, of every variety, and of different

colours; but there was nothing like a regular coral shelf, and the

beach was composed of bits of coral intermixed with dead shells,

both entire and comminuted. The centre of the island was covered

with mangrove-bushes; the hills were cones, but had no craters on

them. The mangroves had grown in clusters, giving the appearance

of a number of small islands. This, with the neighbouring islets,

were thought to be composed in a great part of coral, but it was

impossible for our gentlemen to determine the fact.

The day was exceedingly hot, and the island was suffering to such

a degree from drought that the leaves in many cases were curled and

appeared dry. On the face of the rocky cliff they saw many swallows

(hirundo esculenta) flying in and out of the caverns facing the sea;

but they were not fortunate enough to find any of the edible nests,

so much esteemed by Chinese epicures.

At another part of the island they heard the crowing of a cock, and

discovered a small village, almost hidden by the mangroves, and built

over the water. In the neighbourhood were several fish-baskets set

out to dry, as well as a quantity of fencing for weirs, all made of

rattan. Their shape was somewhat peculiar. After a little while the

native fishermen were seen approaching, who evidently had a knowledge

of their visit from the first. They came near with great caution

in their canoes; but after the first had spoken and reconnoitred,

several others landed, exhibiting no signs of embarrassment, and soon

motioned our party off. To indicate that force would be resorted to,

in case of refusal, at the same time they pointed to their arms, and

drew their krises. Our gentlemen took this all in good part, and after

dispensing a few trifling presents among them, began their retreat

with a convenient speed, without, however, compromising their dignity.

The excursion had been profitable in the way of collections, having

yielded a number of specimens of shrubs and trees, both in flower

and fruit; but owing to the drought, the herbaceous plants were,

for the most part, dried up. Among the latter, however, they saw a

large and fine terrestrial species of Epidendrum, whose stem grew

to the height of several feet, and when surmounted by its flowers

reached twelve or fifteen feet high. Many of the salt-marsh plants

seen in the Feejees, were also observed here. Besides the plants,

some shells and a beautiful cream-coloured pigeon were obtained.

During the day we were busily engaged in the survey of the harbour,

and in making astronomical and magnetical observations on the beach,

while some of the officers were employed purchasing curiosities,

on shore, at the town, and alongside the ship. These consisted of

krises, spears, shields, and shells; and the Sooloos were not slow

in comprehending the kind of articles we were in search of.

Few if any of the Sooloos [64] can write or read, though many speak

Spanish. Their accounts are all kept by the slaves. Those who can read

and write are, in consequence, highly prized. All the accounts of the

Datu of Soung are kept in Dutch, by a young Malay from Ternate, who

writes a good hand, and speaks English, and whom we found exceedingly

useful to us. He is the slave of the Datu, who employs him for this

purpose only. He told us he was captured in a brig by the pirates of

Basillan, and sold here as a slave, where he is likely to remain for

life, although he says the Datu has promised to give him his freedom

after ten years.

Horses, cows and buffaloes are the beasts of burden, and a Sooloo

may usually be seen riding either one or the other, armed cap-a-pie,

with kris, spear, and target, or shield.

They use saddles cut out of solid wood, and many ride with their

stirrups so short that they bring the knees very high, and the

riders look more like well-grown monkeys than mounted men. The cows

and buffaloes are guided by a piece of thong, through the cartilage

of the nose. By law, no swine are allowed to be kept on the island,

and if any are brought, they are immediately killed. The Chinese are

obliged to raise and kill their pigs very secretly, when they desire

that species of food; for, notwithstanding the law and the prejudices

of the inhabitants, the former continue to keep swine.

The inhabitants of Sooloo are a tall, thin, and effeminate-looking

race: I do not recollect to have seen one corpulent person among

them. Their faces are peculiar for length, particularly in the lower

jaw and chin, with high cheek-bones, sunken, lack-lustre eyes, and

narrow foreheads. Their heads are thinly covered with hair, which

appears to be kept closely cropped. I was told that they pluck out

their beards, and dye their teeth black with antimony.

Their eyebrows appear to be shaven, forming a very regular and high

arch, which they esteem a great beauty.

The dress of the common people is very much like that of the Chinese,

with loose and full sleeves, without buttons. The materials of which

it is made are grass-cloth, silks, satins, or white cotton, from

China. I should judge, from the appearance of their persons, that they

ought to be termed, so far as ablutions go, a cleanly people. There

is no outward respect or obeisance shown by the slave to his master,

nor is the presence of the Datu, or even of the Sultan himself, held

in any awe. All appear upon an equality, and there does not seem to

be any controlling power; yet it may be at once perceived that they

are suspicious and jealous of strangers.

The Sooloos, although they are ready to do any thing for the sake of

plunder, even to the taking of life, yet are not disposed to hoard

their ill-gotten wealth, and, with all their faults, cannot be termed

avaricious.

They have but few qualities to redeem their treachery, cruelty,

and revengeful dispositions; and one of the principal causes of

their being so predominant, or even of their existence, is their

inordinate lust for power. When they possess this, it is accompanied

by a haughty, consequential, and ostentatious bravery. No greater

affront can be offered to a Sooloo, than to underrate his dignity and

official consequence. Such an insult is seldom forgiven, and never

forgotten. From one who has made numerous voyages to these islands, I

have obtained many of the above facts, and my own observation assures

me that this view of their character is a correct one. I would,

however, add another trait, which is common among them, and that is

cowardice, which is obvious, in spite of their boasted prowess and

daring. This trait of character is universally ascribed to them among

the Spaniards in the Philippines, who ought to be well acquainted

with them.

The dress of the women is not unlike that of the men in

appearance. They wear close jackets of various colours when they go

abroad, and the same loose breeches as the men, but over them they

usually have a large wrapper (sarong), not unlike the pareu of the

Polynesian islanders, which is put round them like a petticoat, or

thrown over the shoulders. Their hair is drawn to the back of the head,

and around the forehead it is shaven in the form of a regular arch

to correspond with the eyebrows. Those that I saw at the Sultan's

were like the Malays, and had light complexions with very black

teeth. The Datu thought them very handsome, and on our return he

asked me if I had seen the Sultan's beauties. The females of Sooloo

have the reputation of ruling their lords, and possess much weight

in the government by the influence they exert over their husbands.

It may be owing to this that there is little jealousy of their wives,

who are said to hold their virtues in no very great estimation. In

their houses they are but scantily clothed, though women of rank have

always a large number of rings on their fingers, some of which are of

great value, as well as earrings of fine gold. They wear no stockings,

but have on Chinese slippers, or Spanish shoes. They are as capable

of governing as their husbands, and in many cases more so, as they

associate with the slaves, from whom they obtain some knowledge of

Christendom, and of the habits and customs of other nations, which

they study to imitate in every way.

The mode in which the Sooloos employ their time may be exemplified by

giving that of the Datu; for all, whether free or slave, endeavor to

imitate the higher rank as far as is in their power. The datus seldom

rise before eleven o'clock, unless they have some particular business;

and the Datu Mulu complained of being sleepy in consequence of the

early hour at which we had disturbed him.

On rising, they have chocolate served in gilt glass-ware, with some

light biscuit, and sweetmeats imported from China or Manilla, of

which they informed me they laid in large supplies. They then lounge

about their houses, transacting a little business, and playing at

various games, or, in the trading season, go to the meeting of the

Ruma Bechara.

At sunset they take their principal meal, consisting of stews of fish,

poultry, beef, eggs, and rice, prepared somewhat after the Chinese

and Spanish modes, mixed up with that of the Malay. Although Moslems,

they do not forego the use of wine, and some are said to indulge in

it to a great extent. After sunset, when the air has become somewhat

cooled by the refreshing breezes, they sally forth attended by their

retainers to take a walk, or proceed to the bazaars to purchase goods,

or to sell or to barter away their articles of produce. They then pay

visits to their friends, when they are in the habit of having frequent

convivial parties, talking over their bargains, smoking cigars,

drinking wine and liquors, tea, coffee, and chocolate, and indulging

in their favorite pipe of opium. At times they are entertained with

music, both vocal and instrumental, by their dependants. Of this art

they appear to be very fond, and there are many musical instruments

among them. A datu, indeed, would be looked upon as uneducated if he

could not play on some instrument.

It is considered polite that when refreshments are handed they should

be partaken of. Those offered us by the Datu were such as are usual,

but every thing was stale. Of fruit they are said to be very fond,

and can afford to indulge themselves in some kinds. With all these

articles to cloy the appetite, only one set meal a day is taken;

though the poorer classes, fishermen and labourers, partake of two.

The government of the Sooloo Archipelago is a kind of oligarchy, and

the supreme authority is vested in the Sultan and the Ruma Bechara or

trading council. This consists of about twenty chiefs, either datus,

or their next in rank, called orangs, [65] who are governors of

towns or detached provinces. The influence of the individual chiefs

depends chiefly upon the number of their retainers or slaves, and the

force they can bring into their service when they require it. These

are purchased from the pirates, who bring them to Sooloo and its

dependencies for sale. The slaves are employed in a variety of ways,

as in trading prahus, in the pearl and biche de mar [66] fisheries,

and in the search after the edible birds'-nests.

A few are engaged in agriculture, and those who are at all educated

are employed as clerks. These slaves are not denied the right of

holding property, which they enjoy during their lives, but at their

death it reverts to the master. Some of them are quite rich, and

what may appear strange, the slaves of Sooloo are invariably better

off than the untitled freemen, who are at all times the prey of the

hereditary datus, even of those who hold no official stations. By

all accounts these constitute a large proportion of the population,

and it being treason for any low-born freeman to injure or maltreat

a datu, the latter, who are of a haughty, overbearing, and tyrannical

disposition, seldom keep themselves within bounds in their treatment

of their inferiors. The consequence is, the lower class of freemen

are obliged to put themselves under the protection of some particular

datu, which guards them from the encroachment of others. The chief

to whom they thus attach themselves, is induced to treat them well,

in order to retain their services, and attach them to his person,

that he may, in case of need, be enabled to defend himself from

depredations, and the violence of his neighbours.

Such is the absence of legal restraint, that all find it necessary to

go abroad armed, and accompanied by a trusty set of followers, who are

also armed. This is the case both by day and night, and according to

the Datu's account, frequent affrays take place in the open streets,

which not unfrequently end in bloodshed.

Caution is never laid aside, the only law that exists being that of

force; but the weak contrive to balance the power of the strong by

uniting. They have not only contentions and strife among themselves,

but it was stated at Manilla that the mountaineers of Sooloo, who are

said to be Christians, occasionally make inroads upon them. At Sooloo,

however, it did not appear that they were much under apprehension of

these attacks. The only fear I heard expressed was by the Sultan,

in my interview with him; and the cause of this, as I have already

stated, was probably a desire to find an excuse for not affording us

facilities to go into the interior. Within twenty years, however,

the reigning Sultan has been obliged to retire within his forts,

in the town of Sooloo, which I have before adverted to.

These people are hostile to the Sooloos of the coasts and towns, who

take every opportunity to rob them of their cattle and property,

for which the mountaineers seek retaliation when they have an

opportunity. From the manner in which the Datu spoke of them,

they are not much regarded. Through another source I learned that

the mountaineers were Papuans, and the original inhabitants of the

islands, who pay tribute to the Sultan, and have acknowledged his

authority ever since they were converted to Islamism. [67] Before

that time they were considered extremely ferocious, and whenever it

was practicable they were destroyed. Others speak of an original race

of Dyacks in the interior, but there is one circumstance to satisfy

me that there is no confidence to be placed in this account, namely,

that the island is not of sufficient extent to accommodate so numerous

a population as some ascribe to it.

The forts consist of a double row of piles, filled in with coral

blocks. That situated on the east side of the small stream may be

said to mount a few guns, but these are altogether inefficient; and

in another, on the west side, which is rather a rude embankment than

a fort, there are some twelve or fifteen pieces of large calibre;

but I doubt very much if they had been fired off for years, and many

of the houses built upon the water would require to be pulled down

before these guns could be brought to bear upon any thing on the side

of the bay, supposing them to be in a good condition; a little farther

to the east of the town, I was informed they had a kind of stockade,

but none of us were permitted to see it.

According to our estimates, and the information we received while at

Sooloo, the island itself does not contain more than thirty thousand

inhabitants, of which the town of Soung may have six or seven

thousand. The whole group may number about one hundred and thirty

thousand. I am aware, however, that it is difficult to estimate the

population of a half-civilized people, who invariably exaggerate

their own strength; and visiters are likewise prone to do the same

thing. The Chinese comprise about an eighth of the population of the

town, and are generally of the lower class. They are constantly busy

at their trades, and intent upon making money.

At Soung, business seems active, and all, slaves as well as masters,

seem to engage in it. The absence of a strong government leaves all at

liberty to act for themselves, and the Ruma Bechara gives unlimited

freedom to trade. These circumstances promote the industry of the

community, and even that of the slave, for he too, as before observed,

has a life interest in what he earns.

Soung being the residence of the Sultan, as well as the grand depot

for all piratical goods, is probably more of a mart than any of the

surrounding towns. In the months of March and April it is visited by

several Chinese junks, who remain trading until the beginning of the

month of August. If delayed after that time, they can scarcely return

in safety, being unable to contend with the boisterous weather and head

winds that then prevail in the Chinese seas. These junks are said to

come chiefly from Amoy, where the cottons, &c., best suited for the

Sooloos are made. Their cargoes consist of a variety of articles of

Chinese manufacture and produce, such as silk, satin goods, cottons,

red and checked, grass-cloth clothing, handkerchiefs, cutlery, guns,

ammunition, opium, lumber, china and glass-ware, rice, sugar, oil,

lard, and butter. In return for this merchandise they obtain camphor,

birds'-nests, rattans, biche de mar, pearls and pearl-shells, cocoa,

tortoise-shell, and wax; but there is no great quantity of these

articles to be obtained, perhaps not more than two or three cargoes

during the season. The trade requires great knowledge of the articles

purchased, for the Chinese and Sooloos are both such adepts in fraud,

that great caution and circumspection are necessary.

The duties on importation are not fixed, but are changed and altered

from time to time by the Ruma Bechara. The following was stated to

me as the necessary payments before trade could be carried on.

A large ship, with Chinese on board, pays $2,000

A large ship, without Chinese on board, pays 1,800

Small ships, 1,500

Large brig, 1,000

Small brig, 500

Schooners, from 150 to 400

This supposes them all to have full cargoes. That a difference should

be made in a vessel with or without Chinamen, seems singular; but

this, I was told, arose from the circumstance that English vessels

take them on board, in order to detect and prevent the impositions

of the Sooloos.

Vessels intending to trade at Soung should arrive before the Chinese

junks, and remain as long as they stay, or even a few days later. In

trading with the natives, all operations ought to be carried on for

cash, or if by barter, no delivery should be made until the articles

to be taken in exchange are received. In short, it is necessary to

deal with them as though they were undoubted rogues, and this pleases

them much more than to appear unsuspicious. Vessels that trade engage

a bazaar, which they hire of the Ruma Bechara, and it is advisable to

secure the good-will of the leading datus in that council by presents,

and paying them more for their goods than others.

There are various other precautions necessary in dealing with

this people; for they will, if possible, so act as to give rise to

disputes, in which case an appeal is made to their fellows, who are

sure to decide against the strangers. Those who have been engaged

in this trade, advise that the prices of the goods should be fixed

upon before the Sultan, and the scales of the Datu of Soung employed;

for although these are quite faulty, the error is compensated by the

articles received being weighed in the same. This also secures the

Datu's good-will, by the fee (some fifty dollars) which he receives

for the use of them. Thus it will be perceived that those who desire

to trade with Sooloo, must make up their minds to encounter many

impositions, and to be continually watchful of their own interests.

Every possible precaution ought to be taken; and it will be found, the

treatment will depend upon, or be according to the force or resolution

that is displayed. In justice to this people it must be stated, there

have been times when traders received every kindness and attention at

the island of Sooloo, and I heard it even said, that many vessels had

gone there to refit; but during the last thirty or forty years, the

reigning sultans and their subjects have become hostile to Europeans,

of whom they plunder and destroy as many as they can, and this they

have hitherto been allowed to do with impunity.

Although I have described the trade with Sooloo as limited, yet

it is capable of greater extension; and had it not been for the

piratical habits of the people, the evil report of which has been

so widely spread, Sooloo would now have been one of the principal

marts of the East. The most fertile parts of Borneo are subject to

its authority. There all the richest productions of these Eastern

seas grow in immense quantities, but are now left ungarnered in

consequence of there being no buyers. The cost of their cultivation

would be exceedingly low, and I am disposed to believe that these

articles could be produced here at a lower cost than any where else.

Besides the trade with China, there is a very considerable one with

Manilla in small articles, and I found one of our countrymen engaged

in this traffic, under the Spanish flag. To him I am indebted for

much information that his opportunities for observation had given him.

The materials for the history of Sooloo are meagre, and great doubts

seem to exist in some periods of it. That which I have been able to

gather is as follows.

The island of Sooloo is generally believed to have been originally

inhabited by Papuans, some of whom, as I have already stated, are still

supposed to inhabit the mountainous part. The first intercourse had

with them was by the Chinese, who went there in search of pearls. The

Orang Dampuwans were the first of the Malays to form settlements on the

islands; but after building towns, and making other improvements, they

abandoned the islands, in consequence, it is said, of the inhabitants

being a perfidious race, having previously to their departure destroyed

as many of the natives as they could.

The fame of the submarine riches of this archipelago reached Banjur,

or Borneo, the people of which were induced to resort there, and

finding it to equal their expectation, they sent a large colony,

and made endeavours to win over the inhabitants, and obtain thereby

the possession of their rich isle. In order to confirm the alliance,

a female of Banjarmassing, [68] of great beauty, was sent, and married

to the principal chief; and from this alliance the sovereigns of Sooloo

claim their descent. The treaty of marriage made Sooloo tributary to

the Banjarmassing empire.

After the Banjars had thus obtained possession of the archipelago,

the trade in its products attracted settlers from the surrounding

islands, who soon contrived to displace the aborigines, and drive

them to the inaccessible mountains for protection.

When the Chinese took possession of the northern parts of Borneo,

under the Emperor Songtiping, about the year 1375, [69] the daughter

of that prince was married to a celebrated Arabian chief named Sherif

Alli, who visited the shores of Borneo in quest of commerce. The

descendants of this marriage extended their conquests not only over

the Sooloo Archipelago, but over the whole of the Philippines, and

rendered the former tributary to Borneo. In three reigns after this

event, the Sultan of Borneo proper married the daughter of a Sooloo

chief, and from this union came Mirhome Bongsu, who succeeding to

the throne while yet a minor, his uncle acted as regent. Sooloo now

wished to throw off the yoke of Borneo, and through the intrigues of

the regent succeeded in doing so, as well as in retaining possession

of the eastern side of Borneo, from Maludu Bay on the north to Tulusyan

on the south, which has ever since been a part of the Sooloo territory.

This event took place before Islamism became the prevailing religion;

but which form of idolatry, the Sooloos pretend, is not now known. It

is, however, believed the people on the coast were Bud[d]hists,

while those of the interior were Pagans.

The first Sultan of Sooloo was Kamaludin, and during his reign

one Sayed Alli, a merchant, arrived at Sooloo from Mecca. He was

a sherif, and soon converted one-half the islanders to his own

faith. He was elected sultan on the death of Kamaludin, and reigned

seven years, in the course of which he became celebrated throughout

the archipelago. Dying at Sooloo, a tomb was erected to him there,

and the island came to be looked upon by the faithful as the Mecca

of the East, and continued to be resorted to as a pilgrimage until

the arrival of the Spaniards.

Sayed Alli left a son called Batua, who succeeded him. The latter

had two sons, named Sabudin and Nasarudin, who, on the death of

their father, made war upon each other. Nasarudin, the youngest,

being defeated, sought refuge on Tawi Tawi, where he established

himself, and built a fort for his protection. The difficulties

were finally compromised, and they agreed to reign together over

Sooloo. Nasarudin had two sons, called Amir and Bantilan, of whom the

former was named as successor to the two brothers, and on their deaths

ascended the throne. During his reign another sherif arrived from

Mecca, who succeeded in converting the remainder of the population

to Islamism. Bantilan and his brother Amir finally quarrelled, and

the latter was driven from Sooloo to seek refuge in the island of

Basillan, where he became sultan. [70]

On the arrival of the Spaniards in 1566, a kind of desultory war was

waged by them upon the various islands, in the hope of conquering

them and extending their religion. In these wars they succeeded in

gaining temporary possession of a part of Sooloo, and destroyed the

tomb of Sayed Alli. The Spaniards always looked upon the conversion

of the Moslems to the true Catholic faith with great interest; but in

the year 1646, the sultan of Magindanao succeeded in making peace,

by the terms of which the Spaniards withdrew from Sooloo, and were

to receive from the sultan three cargoes of rice annually as a tribute.

In 1608, the small-pox made fearful ravages, and most of the

inhabitants fled from the scourge. Among these was the heir apparent,

during whose absence the throne became vacant, and another was elected

in his stead. This produced contention for a short time, which ended

in the elected maintaining his place.

This tribute continued to be paid until the flight of Amir to Basillan,

about the year 1752, where he entered into a secret correspondence

with the authorities at Samboangan, and after two years a vessel was

sent from Manilla, which carried him to that capital, where he was

treated as a prisoner of state.

In June, 1759, an English ship, on board of which was Dalrymple,

then in the service of the East India Company, arrived at Sooloo on a

trading voyage. Dalrymple remained at Sooloo for three months, engaged

in making sales and purchases. The Sultan Bantilan treated him with

great kindness, and sought the interest of Dalrymple to obtain the

liberation of his brother, who was now held prisoner by the Spaniards

at Manilla, by telling him of his brother's wife, who had been left

behind when Amir quitted the island, and had been delivered of twins,

after he had been kidnapped by the Spaniards. Dalrymple entered into

a pledge to restore Amir, and at the same time effected a commercial

treaty between the East India Company and the Sooloo chiefs. By this

it was stipulated that an annual cargo should be sent to Sooloo,

and sold at one hundred per cent. profit, for which a return cargo

should be provided for the China market, which should realize an

equal profit there, after deducting all expenses. The overplus, if

any, was to be carried to the credit of the Sooloos. This appears to

have been the first attempt made by the English to secure a regular

commercial intercourse with this archipelago.

In the year 1760, a large fleet of Spanish vessels sailed from Manilla,

with about two thousand men, having the Sultan Amir on board, to

carry on a war against Sooloo.

On their arrival, they began active operations. They were repelled on

all sides, and after seven days' ineffectual attempts, they gave up

their design. They returned to Manilla, it is said, with a loss of half

their number, and without having done any injury to the Sooloos. Not

discouraged with this failure, the Spaniards, about two years after,

organized a still larger force, which is estimated by some accounts

as high as ten thousand men. Although this failed in its attempts

on the fort at Soung, the Spaniards obtained possession of Tanjong

Matonda, one of the small ports on the island, where they erected

a church and fort. Here they established a colony, and appointed

a governor. The inhabitants upon this deserted their habitations

in the neighbourhood, and fled to the mountains, which, it is said,

excited the mountaineers, a host of whom, with their chief, whose name

was Sri Kala, determined to rush upon the Spaniards, and annihilate

them. Having to contend against disciplined troops, it was not an

easy task to succeed. But Sri Kala had a follower, named Sigalo,

who offered to lead the host to battle against the Spaniards, and

to exterminate them, or to die in the attempt. The chief accepted

his offer, and Sigalo, with a chosen few, marched towards the fort,

leaving the rest of the mountaineers in readiness to join them at an

appointed signal, and rush into the fort en masse.

Sri Kala and Sigalo, in order to lull the watchfulness of the

Spaniards, took with them a young woman, of exquisite beauty, named

Purmassuri. The lustful Spaniards were thus thrown off their guard,

the signal was given, and the host, rushing forward, entered the

fort, every Spaniard within which was slain. A few only, who were

on the outside, escaped to the vessels, which set sail, and after

encountering various mishaps, returned to Manilla

Some time after this the Sultan Bantilan died, and his son Alimud-deen

was proclaimed sultan. Dalrymple did not return until 1762, with a part

of the appointed cargo; but the vessel in which the larger part had

been shipped, failed to arrive, from not being able to find Sooloo,

and went to China. Thence she proceeded to Manilla, and afterwards

to Sooloo. The captain of the latter vessel gave a new credit to the

Sooloos, before they had paid for their first cargo; and on the arrival

of Dalrymple the next time, he found that the small-pox had carried

off a large number of the inhabitants, from which circumstance all

his hopes of profit were frustrated. He then obtained for the use of

the East India Company, a grant of the island of Balambangan, which

lies off the north end of Borneo, forming one side of the Straits of

Balabac, the western entrance to the Sooloo Sea. Here he proposed to

establish a trading port, and after having visited Madras, he took

possession of this island in 1763.

In October, 1763, the English took Manilla, [71] where the Sultan Amir

was found by Dalrymple, who engaged to reinstate him on his throne,

if he would cede to the English the north end of Borneo, as well

as the south end of Palawan. This he readily promised, and he was,

in consequence, carried back to Sooloo, and reinstated; his nephew,

Alim-ud-deen, readily giving place to him, and confirming the grant

to the East India Company, in which the Ruma Bechara joined.

After various arrangements, the East India Company took possession of

Balambangan, in the year 1773, and formed a settlement there with a

view of making it an emporium of trade for Eastern commodities. Troops

and stores were sent from India, and the population began to increase

by settlers, both Chinese and Malays, who arrived in numbers. In the

year 1775, the fort, notwithstanding all the treaties and engagements

between Dalrymple and the Sultan, was surprised by the Sultan, and many

of the garrison put to death. This virtually put an end to the plans

of the English, although another attempt was made to re-establish

the settlement by Colonel Farquhar, in 1803; but it was thought to

be too expensive a post, and was accordingly abandoned in the next

year. This act of the Sooloos fairly established their character

for perfidy, and ever since that transaction they have been looked

upon as treacherous in the highest degree, and, what is singular,

have been allowed to carry on their piracies quite unmolested. The

taking of Balambangan has been generally imputed to the treacherous

disposition and innate love of plunder among the Sooloos, as well as to

their fear that it would destroy the trade of Sooloo by injuring all

that of the archipelago. But there are strong reasons for believing

that this dark deed owed its origin in part to the influence of the

Spaniards and Dutch, who looked with much distrust upon the growth of

the rival establishment. Such was the jealousy of the Spaniards, that

the governor of the Philippines peremptorily required that Balambangan

should be evacuated. The Sooloos boast of the deed, and admit that

they received assistance from both Samboangan and Ternate, the two

nearest Spanish and Dutch ports. These nations had great reasons to

fear, the establishment of a power like that of the East India Company,

in a spot so favorably situated to secure the trade of the surrounding

islands, possessing fine harbours, and in every way adapted to become

a great commercial depot. Had it been held by the East India Company

but for a few years, it must have become what Singapore is now.

The original planner of this settlement is said to have been Lord

Pigot; but the merit of carrying it forward was undoubtedly due to

Dalrymple, whose enterprising mind saw the advantage of the situation,

and whose energy was capable of carrying the project successfully

forward.

Since the capture of Balambangan, there has been no event in the

history of Sooloo that has made any of the reigns of the Sultans

memorable, although fifteen have since ascended the throne.

Sooloo has from all the accounts very much changed in its character

as well as population since the arrival of the Spaniards, and the

establishment of their authority in the Philippines. Before that

event, some accounts state that the trade with the Chinese was

of great extent, and that from four to five hundred junks arrived

annually from Cambojia, with which Sooloo principally traded. At that

time the population is said to have equalled in density that of the

thickly-settled parts of China.

The government has also undergone a change; for the sultan, who

among other Malay races is usually despotic, is here a mere cipher,

and the government has become an oligarchy. This change has probably

been brought about by the increase of the privileged class of datus,

all of whom are entitled to a seat in the Ruma Bechara until about

the year 1810, when the great inconvenience of so large a council

was felt, and it became impossible to control it without great

difficulty and trouble on the part of the sultan. The Ruma Bechara

was then reduced until it contained but six of the principal datus,

who assumed the power of controlling the state. The Ruma Bechara,

however, in consequence of the complaints of many powerful datus,

was enlarged; but the more powerful, and those who have the largest

numerical force of slaves, still rule over its deliberations. The whole

power, within the last thirty years, has been usurped by one or two

datus, who now have monopolized the little foreign trade that comes

to these islands. The sultan has the right to appoint his successor,

and generally names him while living. In default of this, the choice

devolves upon the Ruma Bechara, who elect by a majority.

From a more frequent intercourse with Europeans and the discovery

of new routes through these seas, the opportunities of committing

depredations have become less frequent, and the fear of detection

greater. By this latter motive they are more swayed than by any thing

else, and if the Sooloos have ever been bold and daring robbers on

the high seas, they have very much changed.

Many statements have been made and published relative to the piracies

committed in these seas, which in some cases exceed, and in others

fall short, of the reality. Most of the piratical establishments are

under the rule, or sail under the auspices of the Sultan or Ruma

Bechara of Sooloo, who are more or less intimately connected with

them. The share of the booty that belongs to the Sultan and Ruma

Bechara, is twenty-five per cent. on all captures, whilst the datus

receive a high price for the advance they make of guns and powder,

and for the services of their slaves.

The following are the piratical establishments of Sooloo, obtained

from the most authentic sources, published as well as verbal. The

first among these is the port of Soung, at which we anchored, in

the island of Sooloo; not so much from the number of men available

here for this pursuit, as the facility of disposing of the goods. By

the Spaniards they are denominated Illanun or Lanuns pirates. [72]

There are other rendezvous on Pulo Toolyan, at Bohol, Tonho, Pilas,

Tawi Tawi, Sumlout, Pantutaran, Parodasan, Palawan, and Basillan,

and Tantoli on Celebes. [73] These are the most noted, but there are

many minor places, where half a dozen prahus are fitted out. Those of

Sooloo, and those who go under the name of the Lanuns, have prahus of

larger size, and better fitted. They are from twenty to thirty tons

burden and are propelled by both sails and oars. They draw but little

water, are fast sailers, and well adapted for navigating through these

dangerous seas. These pirates are supposed to possess in the whole

about two hundred prahus, which usually are manned with from forty to

fifty pirates; the number therefore engaged in this business, may be

estimated at ten thousand. They are armed with muskets, blunderbusses,

krises, hatchets, and spears, and at times the vessels have one or

two large guns mounted. They infest the Straits of Macassar, the Sea

of Celebes, and the Sooloo Sea. Soung is the only place where they

can dispose of their plunder to advantage, and obtain the necessary

outfits. It may be called the principal resort of these pirates,

where well directed measures would result in effectually suppressing

the crime.

Besides the pirates of Sooloo, the commerce of the Eastern islands

is vexed with other piratical establishments. In the neighbouring

seas, there are the Malay pirates, who have of late years become

exceedingly troublesome. Their prahus are of much smaller size

than those of Sooloo, being from ten to twelve tons burden, but in

proportion they are much better manned, and thus are enabled to ply

with more efficiency their oars or paddles. These prahus frequent the

shores of the Straits of Malacca, Cape Romania, the Carimon Isles,

and the neighbouring straits, and at times they visit the Straits

of Rhio. Some of the most noted, I was informed, were fitted out

from Johore, in the very neighbourhood of the English authorities at

Singapore; they generally have their haunts on the small islands on

the coast, from which they make short cruises.

They are noted for their arrangements for preventing themselves

from receiving injury, in the desperate defences that are sometimes

made against them. These small prahus have usually swivels mounted,

which, although not of great calibre, are capable of throwing a shot

beyond the range of small-arms. It is said that they seldom attempt an

attack unless the sea is calm, which enables them to approach their

victims with more assurance of success, on account of the facility

with which they are enabled to manage their boats. The frequent

calms which occur in these seas between the land and sea breezes,

afford them many opportunities of putting their villa[i]nous plans in

operation; and the many inlets and islets, with which they are well

acquainted, afford places of refuge and ambush, and for concealing

their booty. They are generally found in small flotillas of from six

to twenty prahus, and when they have succeeded in disabling a vessel

at long shot, the sound of the gong is the signal for boarding,

which if successful, results in a massacre more or less bloody,

according to the obstinacy of the resistance they have met with.

In the winter months, the Straits of Malacca are most infected

with them; and during the summer, the neighbourhood of Singapore,

Point Romania, and the channels in the vicinity. In the spring,

from February to May, they are engaged in procuring their supplies,

in fishing, and refitting their prahus for the coming year.

I have frequently heard plans for the suppression of these pirates,

particularly of those in the neighbourhood of the settlements under

British rule. The European authorities are much to blame for the

quiescent manner in which they have so long borne these depredations,

and many complaints are made that Englishmen, on being transplanted

to India, lose that feeling of horror for deeds of blood, such as are

constantly occurring at their very doors, which they would experience

in England. There are, however, many difficulties to overcome before

operations against the pirates can be effective. The greatest of

these is the desire of the English to secure the goodwill of the

chiefs of the tribes by whom they are surrounded. They thus wink at

their piracies on the vessels of other nations, or take no steps to

alleviate the evils of slavery. Indeed the language that one hears

from many intelligent men who have long resided in that part of the

world is, that in no country where civilization exists does slavery

exhibit so debasing a form as in her Indian possessions. Another

difficulty consists in the want of minute knowledge of the coasts,

inlets, and hiding-places of the pirates, and this must continue to

exist until proper surveys are made. This done, it would be necessary

to employ vessels that could pursue the pirates every where, for

which steamers naturally suggest themselves. [74]

What will appear most extraordinary is, that the very princes who

are enjoying the stipend for the purchase of the site whereon the

English authority is established, are believed to be the most active

in equipping the prahus for these piratical expeditions; yet no notice

is taken of them, although it would be so easy to control them by

withholding payment until they had cleared themselves from suspicion,

or by establishing residents in their chief towns.

Another, and a very different race of natives who frequent the Sooloo

Archipelago, must not be passed by without notice. These are the Bajow

[75] divers or fishermen, to whom Sooloo is indebted for procuring the

submarine treasures with which her seas are stored. They are also very

frequently employed in the biche de mar or tripang fisheries among

the islands to the south. The Bajows generally look upon Macassar as

their principal place of resort. They were at one time believed to

be derived from Johore, on the Malayan peninsula; at another to be

Buguese; but they speak the Sooloo dialect, and are certainly derived

from some of the neighbouring islands. The name of Bajows, in their

tongue, means fishermen. From all accounts, they are allowed to pursue

their avocations in peace, and are not unfrequently employed by the

piratical datus, and made to labour for them. They resort to their

fishing-grounds in fleets of between one and two hundred sail, having

their wives and children with them, and in consequence of the tyranny

of the Sooloos, endeavour to place themselves under the protection

of the flag of Holland, by which nation this useful class of people

is encouraged. The Sooloo seas are comparatively little frequented by

them, as they are unable to dispose of the produce of their fisheries

for want of a market, and fear the exactions of the datus. Their prahus

are about five tons each. The Bajows at some islands are stationary,

but are for the most part constantly changing their ground. The Spanish

authorities in the Philippines encourage them, it is said, to frequent

their islands, as without them they would derive little benefit from

the banks in the neighbouring seas, where quantities of pearl-oysters

are known to exist, which produce pearls of the finest kind. The

Bajows are inoffensive and very industrious, and in faith Mahomedans.

The climate of Sooloo during our short stay, though warm, was

agreeable. The time of our visit was in the dry season, which lasts

from October to April, and alternates with the wet one from May till

September. June and July are the windy months, when strong breezes

blow from the westward. In the latter part of August and September,

strong gales are felt from the south, while in December and January

the winds are found to come from the northward; but light winds

usually prevail from the southwest during the wet season, and from the

opposite quarter, the dry, following closely the order of the monsoons

in the China seas. As to the temperature, the climate is very equable,

the thermometer seldom rising above 90 deg. or falling below 70 deg.

Diseases are few, and those that prevail arise from the manner in

which the natives live. They are from that cause an unhealthy-looking

race. The smallpox has at various times raged with great violence

throughout the group, and they speak of it with great dread. Few of

the natives appear to be marked with it, which may have been owing,

perhaps, to their escaping this disorder for some years. Vaccination

has not yet been introduced among them, nor have they practised

inoculation.

Notwithstanding Soung was once the Mecca of the East, its people

have but little zeal for the Mahomedan faith. It was thought at one

time that they had almost forgotten its tenets, in consequence of

the neglect of all their religious observances. The precepts which

they seem to regard most are that of abstaining from swine's flesh,

and that of being circumcised. Although polygamy is not interdicted,

few even of the datus have more than one wife.

Soung Road offers good anchorage; and supplies of all kinds may be

had in abundance. Beef is cheap, and vegetables and fruit at all

seasons plenty.

Our observations placed the town in latitude 6 deg. 10' N., longitude 120 deg.

55' 51'' E.

On the 6th, having concluded the treaty (a copy of which will be found

in Appendix XIII) [76] and the other business that had taken me to

Sooloo, we took our departure for the Straits of Balabac, the western

entrance into this sea, with a fine breeze to the eastward. By noon

we had reached the group of Pangootaaraang, [77] consisting of five

small islands. All of these are low, covered with trees, and without

lagoons. They presented a great contrast to Sooloo, which was seen

behind us in the distance. The absence of the swell of the ocean in

sailing through this sea is striking, and gives the idea of navigating

an extensive bay, on whose luxuriant islands no surf breaks. There are,

however, sources of danger that incite the navigator to watchfulness

and constant anxiety; the hidden shoals and reefs, and the sweep of

the tide, which leave him no control over his vessel.

Through the night, which was exceedingly dark, we sounded every

twenty minutes, but found no bottom; and at daylight on the 7th,

we made the islands of Cagayan Sooloo, [78] in latitude 7 deg. 03'

30'' N., longitude 118 deg. 37' E. The tide or current was passing the

islands to the west-southwest, three-quarters of a mile per hour; we

had soundings of seventy-five fathoms. Cagayan Sooloo has a pleasant

appearance from the sea, and may be termed a high island. It is less

covered with undergrowth and mangrove-bushes than the neighbouring

islands, and the reefs are comparatively small. It has fallen off in

importance, and by comparing former accounts with those I received,

and from its present aspect, it would seem that it has decreased

both in population and products. Its caves formerly supplied a large

quantity of edible birds'-nests; large numbers of cattle were to be

found upon it; and its cultivation was carried on to some extent. These

articles of commerce are not so much attended to at the present time,

and the biche de mar and tortoise-shell, formerly brought hither,

are now carried to other places. There is a small anchorage on the

west side, but we did not visit it. There are no dangers near these

small islands that may not be guarded against. Our survey extended

only to their size and situation, as I deemed it my duty to devote

all the remainder of the time I had to spare to the Straits of Balabac.

[Proceeding, our author relates the stay of the vessel in, and

describes, the Mangsee Islands, Balabac, and Balambangan, about which

various scientific observations were carried on. "Lieutenant Perry,

... near a small beach on the island of Balambangan, encountered

some Sooloos, who were disposed to attack him. The natives, no

doubt, were under the impression that the boats were from some

shipwrecked vessel. They were all well-armed, and apparently prepared

to take advantage of the party if possible; but, by the prudence and

forbearance of this officer, collision was avoided, and his party saved

from an attack." The British colony established on this island in 1773,

dwindled steadily until 1775 when the pirates rushed the garrison

and massacred almost every man. The work of Rajah Brooke in Sarawak

is mentioned, and the Dyaks described. Continuing Mr. Wilkes says:]

As the principal objects of my visit were to ascertain the disposition

and resources of the Sooloos for trade, and to examine the straits

leading into the Sooloo seas, in order to facilitate the communication

with China, by avoiding on the one hand the eastern route, and on

the other the dangers of the Palawan Passage, it may be as well to

give the result of the latter inquiry, referring those who may be

more particularly interested to the Hydrographical Atlas and Memoir.

The difficulties in the Palawan Passage arising from heavy seas and

fresh gales do not exist in the Sooloo Sea, nor are the shoals so

numerous or so dangerous. In the place of storms and rough water,

smooth seas are found, and for most of the time moderate breezes,

which do not subject a vessel to the wear and tear experienced in

beating up against a monsoon.

The Straits of Balabac may be easily reached, either from Singapore,

or by beating up along the western shore to Borneo. When the straits

are reached, a vessel by choosing her time, may easily pass through

them by daylight, even by beating when the wind is ahead. Once

through, the way is clear, with the exception of a few coral lumps;

the occasional occurrence of the north wind will enable a vessel to

pass directly to the shores of the island of Panay. A fair wind will

ordinarily prevail along that island, and, as I have already mentioned,

it may be approached closely. The passage through to the eastward of

Mindoro Island may be taken in preference to that on the west side

through the Mindoro Strait, and thus all the reefs and shoals will

be avoided. Thence, the western coast of Luzon will be followed to

the north, as in the old route.

I do not think it necessary to point out any particular route through

the Sooloo Sea, as vessels must be guided chiefly as the winds blow,

but I would generally avoid approaching the Sooloo Islands, as the

currents are more rapid, and set rather to the southward. Wherever

there is anchorage, it would be advisable to anchor at night, as much

time might thus be saved, and a knowledge of the currents, or sets

of the tides obtained. Perhaps it would be as well to caution those

who are venturesome, that it is necessary to keep a good look-out,

and those who are timid, that there does not appear to be much danger

from the piratical prahus, unless a vessel gets on shore: in that

case it will not be long before they will be seen collecting in the

horizon in large numbers.

The treaty that I made with the Sultan, if strictly enforced on

the first infraction, will soon put an end to all the dangers to

be apprehended from them. To conclude, I am satisfied that under

ordinary circumstances, to pass through the Sooloo Sea will shorten by

several days the passage to Manilla or Canton, and be a great saving

of expense in the wear and tear of a ship and her canvass.

[On the eighteenth of February, the ship reaches the Straits of

Singapore, where they find the other three vessels of the fleet,

namely, the "Porpoise," the "Oregon," and "Flying-Fish."]

LETTER FROM FATHER QUIRICO MORE, TO THE FATHER SUPERIOR OF THE MISSION

Davao, January 20, 1885.

Pax Christi.

My well beloved in Christ, the Father Superior:

Several times I have designed to address your Reverence in regard to

the Moros of this gulf, but after the observation of your Reverence

of the second of last December, I have been unwilling to postpone

longer to set about this matter.

I have read some statistical works, both official and semi-official,

which treat of the population [79] of this gulf, and I have noticed

that in general more importance is given to the Moros of this district

than is theirs, and a greater number of people than in reality

exists. The reason for this general error lies in the fact that the

Moros quite regularly live along the coasts and at the mouths of the

large rivers, while the heathens of other races live as a general

rule in the interior of the island. Consequently, the Moros form, as

it were, a sort of barrier or screen which prevents the heathens from

being seen, and worse yet, hinders us from becoming acquainted with

them, and alluring and gaining them for God and the fatherland. That

would be easy of attainment, if once this phantom of the Moros were

laid. That can be easily attained if one remembers what the Moros of

Davao are, whom I shall endeavor to show forth in this letter.

We are making a bit of history, as one commonly says. Shortly before

the conquest, which was concluded by Don Jose Oyanguren [80] in the

year 1848, the pontin [81] "San Rufo," which had been equipped by one

of the commercial houses of Manila, had come to Davao. The captain and

second officer of the said boat were Spaniards, and in addition they

were accompanied by an Italian who was a private trader. They had a

letter of recommendation from the sultan of Mindanao, for the datos

of the sea of Davao, which charged those datos to receive those of the

"San Rufo" as friends. The Moros of this place pretended to respect the

letter of the sultan, and engaged in trade with the men of the boat,

offering them friendship and a considerable quantity of wax in exchange

for their effects. But taking advantage of the opportunity, when the

majority of the crew were some distance from the boat fishing with

the ship's skiff, the Moros presented themselves armed with krises,

spears, and balaraos, bringing with them, in order to conceal their

mischievous intentions, considerable wax for barter. The interpreter

informed the captain that so many Moros, so well armed on an occasion

when there were scarcely any men in the boat gave rise to suspicions

regarding their intentions. The captain replied that he did not fear

the Moros. The pilot remonstrated, saying that it would not do any harm

to take a few precautions. To this the captain replied: "Are you afraid

of the Moros?" "Although we do not fear them," added the pilot, "that

is no reason why we should scorn the advice of the interpreter." "Well,

if you wish it," said the captain, "have a sentinel posted with musket

ready." Accordingly the sentinel was posted, and in addition one of

the Europeans and the interpreter prepared their arms also. All this

time more and more Moros were continually arriving. They contrived

to isolate the Europeans and separate them from one another. When

they were most busily engaged in examining and weighing the wax,

those assassins drew their krises at a given signal. Two reports rang

out and two Moros fell dead, but in a few moments, the heads of the

Christians rolled on the ground. The only ones left alive were two

servants, that of the captain and that of the Italian, whom the Moros

retained as slaves. These men after a few days, seized a baroto and

escaped in it, made the crossing to Pundaguitan, whence they went

to Surigao to give notice of what had occurred in the "San Rufo,"

believing that the seamen who were fishing at the time of the attack,

had also been assassinated. Those seamen on seeing what was occurring

on the "San Rufo" escaped in a small boat to the Hijo River, whence

they went overland to Linao (now Bunauan). All of the above was told me

by one of the two servants, who had been captured and had escaped. That

servant returned later with Oyanguren, and acted on several occasions

as my helmsman, and finally died in the shipwreck of Father Vivero.

When that crime was reported in Manila, satisfaction was demanded of

the sultan of Mindanao. The latter answered that he had no subjects

in Davao, and that he did not consider the Moros of this bay as such,

since they had disobeyed his orders; and accordingly that the Spanish

government was to deal with them directly. By virtue of that, from

that moment the Moros of Davao must be considered as independent and

separate from the rest of the Moros. Consequently, if the Spanish

government has complete liberty of action anywhere in regard to the

Moros, it is doubtless in this gulf of Davao.

Thereupon the expedition of Oyanguren came, and had made the conquest

of this gulf in a very short time, those Moros who had remained here

after a great part of them had emigrated to the bay of Sarangani and

the lake of Buluan surrendering at discretion.

When Oyanguren came, the Moros were complete masters of the island of

Samal, [82] whose inhabitants had risen en masse to unite with the

Spanish against their oppressors the Moros. They also dominated the

Mandayas, and collected tribute from all of them even from those of

the ilaya [83] of Caraga, and were engaged in continual war with the

Bilanes, Manobos, and Atas. [84] At present the Mandayas, who are in

some manner subject to the Moros, number, according to my calculation,

some seven thousand. One cannot estimate or approximate to the number

of the Atas who pay tribute to them. The other races are not at all

subject to the Moros and do not pay any tribute to them.

It is difficult to fix exactly the number of the Moros who live on

this gulf at present. Their nomadic customs and the ease with which

they change their habitation, sometimes moving to a great distance,

make a little less than impossible an exact list of them. However,

I believe that their approximate number is 4,000. If they exceed that

number, I do not believe that they reach 5,000, and as well I do not

believe that they are less than 3,000. The place that they generally

choose for their home, as I have before suggested, is the coast or

the mouth of rivers navigable for their small boats.

When any governor of this district urges them with instance to

make a village, they make, as it were, an excuse for a settlement,

carrying out the plan which the governor himself, or some Spaniard

in the name of the governor, or some other intelligent person, gives

them. They will construct, if it is desired, their so-called houses

at the distances which are marked out for them, but they will never

reconcile themselves with any kind of cultivation, or with cleanliness,

or the repair of what gets out of order. In reality, in the short

time that their villages have form, the filth, the nakedness, and the

general wretchedness, cause them to present so repugnant an aspect,

that no one can show a desire for their preservation; and as soon

as the governor ceases to investigate them, those villages melt away

like salt in water.

To the right of Davao, several attempts have been made to form the

Moro village of Daron by bringing together the small Moro rancherias

of Taumo, Baludo, and Obango, which are the only rancherias between

Davao and the point of Culaman in sight of Sarangani. That village,

in the days of its greatest apogee, would lodge at most one hundred

Moro families, who always tend to be split up into small rancherias.

On the other side of Point Banus, from which one can begin to descry

the islands of Sarangani there was another rancheria of Sanguil. [85]

Moros of about one hundred families. That rancheria was settled

there under the protection of an Indian, who had served his time

in the navy, who fixed his residence there in the quality of agent

or abonado [i.e., representative] of the traders of Davao. At the

present time that petty trader has moved his residence to Nuin

opposite the islands of Sarangani, and it appears that those Moros

have followed him. But wherever they have fixed their residence,

left to themselves, they are threatened with destruction. For that

swarm of Bilanes, Manobos, and Tagacaolos [86] which surrounds them,

warlike races who have never been subdued by the Moros, will always

consider them as enemies, and will always reckon them in the first

line to give an end to their personal and racial vengeance.

In support of my assertion, I shall tell your Reverence an episode

just as it was told to me a long while ago. Some years before

the conquest of Davao, the Moros, pursuing the piratical habits

peculiar to their race, knifed the crew of a banca which was on

its way from Pundaguitan, a Christian village at Cape San Agustin,

to the tortoise-shell fisheries at the island of Olaniban, the third

and smallest island of the Sarangani. It was a coincidence that the

said banca was manned by members of the most influential families

of both shores of this gulf from San Agustin and Culaman. Vengeance

in the Manobo style was not long delayed. The members of the latter

race beheaded as many of the Moros as they could find alone. But later

some sort of a settlement was made among them. The Moros paid the fine

imposed on them by the other races, but the latter did not cease to be

hostile for all that. They have reduced the few Mahometans remaining

between Malalag and Sarangani to so precarious a situation that,

according to my mode of thinking, their greatest and only guaranty

is in the respect that those heathens profess for the Spanish banner.

It is not my design to discuss now the islands and bay, or harbor

of Sarangani, places which formed my gilded dream for many years. I

shall not be many months in writing to your Reverence a letter with

the data which I have gathered, and other data which I am acquiring

in regard to those islands and that bay. [87] In that letter I will

relate my opinion of those kindly heathens who left so pleasing an

impression on the minds of us five missionaries who have visited them,

namely Fathers Lluch, Bove, Puntas, Vivero, and the writer.

Just a few words now concerning the Moros to the left of Davao. One

legua from this capital, and along the beach, lies the Moro village

of Lanang, which has passed through the same sudden changes as has

the village of Daron. The said village is formed by the malcontents

of the various datarias [88] of this gulf, beginning with the ilayas

of Davao. Their progress and setbacks have been proportioned to the

tact and vigilance of the governors. Some cultivation of cocoas

is seen on that coast, in part by the Moros and in part by the

Christians of the vicinity. At the present time there are no more

than twenty-five houses (if their huts can be so called), of which

very few are finished. The greater part of them remain since a long

time ago in process of construction.

Following the same coast toward the north of the gulf, and some three

leguas distant, one encounters the rancheria of the river Lasan. The

most remarkable thing about that rancheria is that it shelters one

of the most famous of the directors of Moro politics in this gulf,

namely, one Lasad. Some Christians from Cagayan in Misamis have come

to their ilaya, according to report. The Moros have never even formed

an excuse for a village there, but live scattered in tiny hamlets,

or in miserable huts more or less contiguous to one another over a

territory spread out over two or three leguas up stream.

Some two leguas farther, and following the coast, and near the

Tuganay River is situated the Moro rancheria of Tagum, a name which

is derived from the largest river of this bay which empties near

the Tuganay. That rancheria is the most ungovernable and the most

famous for the gloomy tragedies that have happened there from time

immemorial even to our days. When the murders of four Christians in

July of last year happened, the Moros of that rancheria had a village

of about forty houses in process of construction, but it is now almost

entirely abandoned.

Some two leguas farther following the same coast are found the river

and rancheria of Madaum, which contains, it is reported, about one

hundred families.

A very short distance from the preceding lies the rancheria of

the Hijo River, which is famous for having been the last bulwark

of the Moros at the time of the conquest of Davao. Senor Oyanguren

and a distinguished chief of our militia went there in the steamboat

"Elcano." It is said that after the Moros had surrendered, and while

Oyanguren and the datos were arranging the conditions of submission,

a young Mahometan snatched the sword from the hands of the leader

alluded to, and took to his heels without the balls of the sentinels

being able to reach him. That was a boldness that gave the Christians

much to think over. A few years ago I was told that they still

preserved the hilt of the said sword. At present that rancheria is

governed by Dato Nonong, one of the most highly-considered Moros of

this gulf. It has scarcely one hundred families, and the attempt has

been made several times to make that dato form a village.

The small rancherias of Cupiat and Laji which may be considered

as small suburbs or barrios of Hijo and Matiao respectively have

absolutely no importance.

Matiao, famed during these last few years for the frequent sacrifices

of heathen Mandayas, is the landing-place for the small boats that ply

from Liboac in the northern part of Samal to the eastern shore of the

gulf. There are about one hundred Moro families there, who have never

formed a village, but live scattered along both sides of the Matiao

River, and in the neighboring places of Quinquin and Canipa. Dato

Lasad, of whom I have already made mention, is, as it were, lord of

the lives and possessions, not only of his Moro subjects, but as well

of those unfortunate Mandayas who live in the vicinity of Matiao.

On the other side of the mountains called Linao, whose spurs reach

the sea, is found a large plain, extending from the salt-water river

called Piso to Cuabu. Scattered through that plain and especially on

the banks of the rivers there, live also about one hundred and twenty

Moro families, who are under the datos Tumarus, Compao, and Patarandan.

On the beach and near the mouth of the Sumlug River, lies an excuse

for a Moro village, which consists of about twenty houses which were

built by order, and under the general conditions of the Moro villages

of this gulf.

Your Reverence knows already that there is not a single Moro family

in all the peninsula of San Agustin. It remains for me, then, to tell

your Reverence of the last and most numerous Moro rancheria of this

district of Davao. It is the rancheria of Mayo, so called because it

took its name from the bay of Mayo, the point where its most principal

datos live. However, in appearance all those Moros owe homage to Dato

Tumarus of Sumlug. Including all the Moros of the harbor of Mati,

the bay of Mayo, and the Baguan River to the other side of Point

Tagobon, there are about one hundred and fifty families. They have

never formed a village. Some years back a governor ordered all those

Moros to form a village in Sumlug, but they had sufficient cunning to

frustrate that just and wise order, in order that they might continue

to live in the manner in which they had lived thitherto.

The Moros who live about this large gulf, Father, are the remains of

those powerful and warlike Moros who in the not distant past collected

tribute from the Mandayas and other heathens as far as those living

on the Caraga River, and who extended their piratical raids to the

villages of the Pacific. But they were completely conquered by worthy

Don Jose Oyanguren in the year 1848.

Two classes in the manner of two races must be distinguished among

these Moros: that of the datos which is, as it were, the aristocracy;

and that of the plebeians who obey the datos. The panditas (for so

do they call the priests of their false religion) are included among

both classes, although it is more general for them to belong to the

first. They form, as it were, an hereditary priesthood.

In general, the datos and their families do not work. At the most they

fish and hunt for sport, and to stifle the pangs of hunger. Their

chief and most honorable receipts are from the tributes which they

collect from their subjects and from the heathens whom they have

subdued. That tribute is called the pagdato. Although that source of

wealth is the chief, it is not the only source. Although the Moros of

this gulf are conquered and subdued, they have not completely forgotten

their former customs of piracy. Slavery and captivity with their awful

accompaniment of murders, thefts, poisons, and violence of every sort,

and further, the human sacrifices which accompany them at times, form

a very productive source of wealth for the ever exhausted chests of

their treasuries. I could write a very thick volume of the deeds of

this particular people which are very well known to me.

All the heathens dominated by the Moros, and even many of the Moros

themselves, on approaching me, through the little confidence that

my person inspires, molest me by the relation of the Moro misdeeds,

telling me of the troubles and injustice which they suffer from the

Moros, and the acts of inhumanity of which they are the victims;

for they hope that I will protect them by causing that the guilty

ones will be given their deserts.

As a proof of what I have said, and of the many things which I could

add, I give below the relation of what happened to me about one

year ago. I was on my way from Cuaba to Mati, and was accompanied

by a young man of about twenty years of age of the Mandaya race. He

together with his mother and two younger sisters had formerly been

captured by the Moro datos of the bay of Mayo. When we reached

Valete, pointing to a gagatpat tree, [89] he said to me: "Father,

they bound my mother by the hands and neck to that branch, and left

her half hanging there while they ate and rested." "And what was

their reason for binding your mother there in so inhuman a manner,"

I asked. "In order that, since she would be tired out," he replied,

"by the forced position in which they kept her, she might not have

the strength to escape on the journey from this place to Sumlug." I

believe that that unfortunate woman is no longer living. The Moros

took her to Daron and no more has been heard of her, in spite of the

repeated efforts which her son has made to find her. The latter having

escaped from that bondage and having become a Christian, has not ceased

to employ all the resources that his filial love has roused in him in

order to see whether he can discover the abiding-place of his dear

mother. He thinks that the Moros of Daron sold her to the Bagabos,

and that the latter sacrificed her according to their custom.

That slave trade, sa pag sucad, as it is graphically expressed by

Moros and heathen, or something to cover their necessities, is not

yet the worst thing of the Moro race. More mischievous to my way of

thinking is it for the progress and stability of this district, both in

religious matters and in civil and political matters, that the Moros

of this part have not yet lost their hope of being able to recover

their ancient power. They show this openly whenever any opportunity

arises. On that account they endeavor by all their efforts to maintain

their own organization in the very face of our government. They call

the dato of their choice Principal [i.e., Chief] and the captain or

gobernadorcillo and the other agents of justice appointed among them by

the governor of the district, they call Saliling, which is equivalent

to our Interino [i.e., incumbent of an office ad interim]. At times

they simply call the members of justice appointed by the governor

for them interinos, and consider them as secondary or entrusted

authorities. For as they say of themselves in their manner of speech,

"We are friendly to the Castilians, through force." Consequently,

they endure our rule for the present, but do not accept it.

One of the recent occurrences which place in relief this desire of the

Moros in opposing our domination and recovering their lost prestige,

is found in the island of Samal. Those islanders who on seeing the

boats of Oyanguren remove the Mahometan yoke, and had passed over en

masse to the Spanish camp, gradually allowed their affection toward

us to cool, and again took the advice of their ancient masters, and

have opposed all the attempts that have been made for their formal

and real reduction. Taupan, who was, as it were, the dato or petty

king of the Samals, and who during the last year of his life, had

kept at a certain distance from the Spaniards, although he did not

for all that return entirely to the Moros, whom he had considered as a

very bad lot, died. His eldest son, named Severo, although a heathen,

showed us affection and respect, and had expressed to a Visayan in

his confidence his desire to have one of his children baptized. The

conversion of Severo would have been a great defeat for the party

of the Moros in Samal. Consequently, the eminent men among the Moro

faction took alarm before the thought of Severo converted. No less

than fourteen Moro datos of this gulf went to Samal, and when they

were all assembled, they elected as dato or chief of the Samals not

Severo to whom it belonged by hereditary right to succeed his father,

according to the custom of the Samals, but one who was thoroughly

trusted by the Moros. That was one Captain Batunun, that old man whom

your Reverence saw in Samal, and who talking as a Moro with Father

Juanmarti, held that long spear in front of the governor of the

district. Now then, there are two gobernadorcillos in Samal: Severo,

who besides being the legitimate successor of his father, was appointed

captain or gobernadorcillo by Governor Don Joaquin Rajal; and Batunun,

elected by the Moro datos, as I have related, and that later than the

official appointment of Severo. That means that they are resisting the

orders of our government directly, in order to oppose our domination,

and in order to recover the Moro practice of intermeddling in the

matters of the interior of the island of Samal. It is to be noted

that throughout the island of Samal, and along its coasts, there does

not exist any rancheria or group of Moros. Those who exercise that

baleful influence over the Samals are the Moros from other points,

of which I have already made mention.

In regard to the Mandayas, whom the Moros will by no means recognize

as freed [from their rule], they will neither recognize them as

independent authorities, even with official titles which are sent by

the governor of the district, and are stamped with the seal of the

government, if the latter when appointed, do not communicate with them

by means of the Moro datos. If the Mandayas show a decided desire to

break that secular slavery, the Moros tell them without circumlocutions

that they will disappear without knowing how; and they cause them to

know underhandedly that the means which they will use to finish them,

will be by the poisons which they possess--some of them feigned and

named only to terrify the Mandayas, but others only too real and true.

As the crown to what I have related, and in order that your Reverence

may be convinced of the resolute will of these Moros of opposing

by all means the reduction of the heathens and the gathering of

themselves together into formal villages, I will mention the most

transcendent deed that has happened in this district since the

coming of Oyanguren. This is the unfortunate killing and awful murder

committed by the Moros of Tagum on the person of Governor Don Jose

Pinzon y Purga and those who were with him.

By certain ill-informed persons, that tragic event has been ascribed

to the urgency with which Pinzon, it is said, begged to wife the

daughter of a dato of Tagum. But being well informed by trustworthy

persons contemporaneous with the event, who accompanied the governor

on that sad journey, I am able to state that that idea is a calumny

and destitute of every foundation of truth. The deed as is related

by those persons, happened in the following manner. Senor Pinzon had

proposed to establish a numerous reduction of Mandayas at the mouth

of the Tagum River; and worked at it with great enthusiasm and good

success. Everything was ready and the heathens were summoned for a

given day, on which the said governor intended to go to inaugurate the

said reduction. The Moros, seeing that the project was succeeding, and

that all their plots in order to frustrate it were in vain, called in

the rest of their malice, and resolved to kill the governor. In effect,

they feigned that they were friendly to and desired the reduction. On

the appointed day they assembled at the place where the Mandayas

were to await the governor in order to plan the village. The first

chief of the village arrived and the datos received him with great and

feigned demonstrations of joy, and consented in all things to what the

governor proposed. Then they invited him to one of their rancherias,

where they said that they had prepared feasts in order to serve him

and to solemnize the inauguration of the new village, with another

unworthy offering, but one very suitable to the degrading customs

of the Moros. There were not lacking those so bold as to advise the

governor not to trust the Moros, for they were plotting some trick

against him. But they say that he laughed at everything, and replied "I

want to see whether what they tell me is true." Therefore he took eight

companions and went with the datos to their rancheria. A feast was held

there, and there was playing on culintangan, dances, etc., but not a

woman, large or small, was to be seen in the whole rancheria. At the

end of the ceremony, a dato invited the governor to enter an apartment,

and when the latter was about to lift the curtain, at that moment the

dato stabbed him violently in the back with his kris. Pinzon turned,

and wounded as he was, advanced toward the murderer. Already did he

have the latter at his mercy and unarmed, but before he could rise,

another dato ran in, and cut off Pinzon's head with a two-handed

blow. Meanwhile the other Moros were murdering the eight companions

of the unfortunate Pinzon in the lower part of the house.

Such is the blackest event registered by the annals of this gulf,

which paralyzed for many years the reduction of the heathens.

In my opinion the means that will resist the evil influence of the

Moros are: 1. To eliminate the offices of dato and pandita, implanting

in their stead in the Moro villages the legislation in force in the

Christian villages by naming municipalities with which the government

will deal directly. 2. The exclusion of holding public offices to

those who have been datos or panditas and their children. 3. Absolute

prohibition to the datos to continue the collection of tribute from

their own people and the heathens of other races. 4. The stipulation

and publication of the autonomy of the heathens in regard to the Moros,

prohibiting the latter absolutely from meddling in the affairs of the

heathens. 5. The intimation to all the heathens and Moros of their

obligation as men and as subjects of the crown of Espana, to live

in villages in a civilized manner. 6, and last. To reduce the Moros

into the least possible number of groups and away from the mouths of

the Tagum and Hijo rivers, where the members of the Mandaya race must

construct their villages, that being the nearest location.

In my opinion the above are the means which, if faithfully followed

out, will reduce the pernicious influence of the Moros to a cipher,

and in a few years would cause an infinite number of villages to

flourish, which could be formed from the great multitude of heathens

of the various races who are scattered about the extensive gulf of

Davao. With that system, I also shelter the hope that very many Moros,

who do not belong to the class of the datos and panditas, will enter,

if it is not delayed, the net of Jesus Christ.

With the half company which is on duty here, together with the

cuadrilleros and the marine forces who guard these waters, there is

more than sufficient for the accomplishment of all that I have stated

in the present letter.

I commend myself many times to the holy prayers of your Reverence.

Your Reverence's servant in Christ,

Quirico More, S. J.

LETTER FROM FATHER PEDRO ROSELL [90] TO THE FATHER SUPERIOR OF THE

MISSION [91]

Caraga, April 17, 1885.

My dearly beloved Father Superior in Christ:

Although it is scarcely three weeks since my arrival from the visit

which Father Pastells and I made to the villages of the southern

part of this mission, I received your Reverence's both affectionate

and short letter of December 30 of last year, together with the

authorizations which you were pleased to send me under separate

covers. Ex intimo corde [92] I acknowledge to your Reverence both

letter and authorizations, and give you a thousand thanks for

them. And now desiring to pay so pleasing a favor with something

more [than thanks], I am going to write you a minute relation of the

last two excursions that we two fathers made together, for I know

the great consolation that your Reverence receives by the reading of

such relations, for besides the fact that you learn from them of the

condition and progress of your dear missions and of the fathers and

brothers who work in them, whom your Reverence loves with the true love

of a father, there is also seen in the same relations the not small

fruit that is obtained in souls by the mercy of God. Almost never is

there lacking the relation of some remarkable event or edifying deed

in the conquest of the heathens to our holy faith, which recreates the

spirit and invites one to praise the goodness of our sweet Jesus. Some

events of such a nature have occurred during the last two excursions

which I have carefully noted in order to relate them to your Reverence.

We made our first excursion in December of last year, after the

feast of the Immaculate Conception of the most holy Virgin to the

visita of Santa Fe, which is distant two hours' journey from this

capital, and which is located at the end of the small bay which is the

terminal of Points Alisud de Caraga, and Sancol de Manurigao. About

five hundred and sixty-nine Christians who have been reduced from

the beliefs of the Mandayas in the space of the eight years since

it was founded by our fathers, form its population. This village is

one of the three which have been for a considerable time the aim of

the repeated attacks of the Baganis or assassins of the mountains of

Bungadon and Manlubuan. During the same days that we stayed there,

the murder of three Mandayas, sacopes of Captain Ciriaco Lanquibo,

who was recently converted to Christianity, happened in the fields

which are located between that village and that of Manurigao. A week

after we had returned to Caraga, we were informed that another like

murder had been committed on another unfortunate friendly Mandaya

near the said village of San Luis. So bold do those barbarians show

themselves, because there is no force with which to pursue them,

and they feel so secure in the places where they reside!

The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Volume 43, 1670-1700 Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the Catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century · 第 8 / 10 章

Traces of deer and wild hogs were seen, and many birds were obtained,