‘My dearly beloved yoke-mate in the work of our God, doth dearly
salute you. Salute us dearly to our precious friends in all
places. I do believe we shall see your faces again with joy.’
This was written in the Inquisition
at Malta, in the 11th month, in the
year 1661.
_The following letter was written by Sarah to her
husband, Henry Cheevers, and Children._
‘My dear husband, my love, my life is given up to serve the
living God, and to obey his pure call in the measure of the
manifestation of his love, light, life, and Spirit of Christ
Jesus, his only begotten Son, whom he hath manifested in me, and
thousands, by the brightness of his appearing, to put an end
to sin and satan, and bring to light immortality, through the
preaching of the everlasting gospel, by the Spirit of prophesy,
which is poured out upon the sons and daughters of the living
God, according to his purpose; whereof he hath chosen me, who
am the least of all: but God, who is rich in mercy, for his own
name-sake hath passed by mine offences, and hath counted me
worthy to bear testimony to his holy name, before the mighty
men of the earth. Oh the love of the Lord to my soul! My tongue
cannot express, neither hath it entered into the heart of man, to
conceive of the things that God hath laid up for them that fear
him.
‘Therefore doth my soul breathe to my God for thee and my
children, night and day, that your minds may be joined to the
light of the Lord Jesus, to lead you out of satan’s kingdom,
into the kingdom of God, where we may enjoy one another in
the life eternal, where neither sea nor land can separate; in
which light and life do I salute thee, my dear husband, with my
children, wishing you to embrace God’s love, in making his truth
so clearly manifest amongst you; whereof I am a witness, even of
the everlasting fountain that hath been opened by the messengers
of Christ, who preach to you the word of God, in season and out
of season, directing you where you may find your Saviour, to
purge and cleanse you from your sins, and to reconcile you to his
Father, and to have unity with him and all the saints, in the
light, that ye may be fellow-citizens in the kingdom of glory,
rest, and peace, which Christ hath purchased for them that love
him, and obey him. What profit is there for to gain the whole
world, and lose your own souls? Seek first the kingdom of God and
the righteousness thereof, and all other things shall be added
to you. Godliness is great gain, having the promise of this life
that now is, and that which is to come; which is fulfilled to
me, who have tasted of the Lord’s endless love and mercies to my
soul; and from a moving of the same love and life do I breathe to
thee my dear husband, with my children; my dear love salutes you
all; my prayers to my God are for you all, that your minds may
be joined to the light, wherewith you are lightened, that I may
enjoy you in that which is eternal, and have communion with you
in the spirit. He that is joined to the Lord, is one spirit, one
heart, one mind, one soul; to serve the Lord with one consent.
I cannot by pen or paper set forth the large love of God, in
fulfilling his gracious promises to me in the wilderness, being
put into prison for God’s truth, there to remain all the days of
my life, being searched, tried, examined, upon pain of death,
among the enemies of God and his Truth; standing in jeopardy for
my life, until the Lord had subdued and brought them under by
his mighty power, and made them to feed us, and would have given
us money or clothes; but the Lord did deck our table richly in
the wilderness. The day of the Lord is appearing, wherein he
will discover every deed of darkness, let it be done never so
secretly; the light of Christ Jesus will make it manifest in
every conscience; the Lord will rip up all coverings that are not
of his own spirit. The God of peace be with you all. Amen.
Written in the Inquisition prison by
SARAH CHEEVERS.’
Several other letters both she and Catharine wrote to their husbands,
and relations. But since great part of my narrative was fetched from
thence, I pass them by. But by these inserted, one may see that they
were not women of a dull temper, but ingenious and cheerful.
* * * * *
In a letter of Sarah’s to her friends in Ireland, I find these words:
‘My life is given up to the service of the Lord: bonds, chains,
bolts, irons, double doors, death itself, is too little for the
testimony of Jesus, and for the word of God; so the seed be
gathered, it is but a reasonable sacrifice. Bonds and afflictions
betide the gospel of Christ. Those that will live godly in Christ
Jesus, must suffer persecution.’
And in a letter to Daniel Baker, Catharine said,
‘The time is too little for me to disclose the twentieth part
of the terrible trials; but whensoever we were brought upon any
trial, the Lord did take away all fear from us, and multiplied
our strength, and gave us power and boldness to plead for the
Truth of the Lord Jesus, and wisdom of words to stop the mouths
of the gainsayers; but then they would say, we had not the true
faith, but we had all virtues. Dearly beloved, pray for us, that
we fall not, nor fail; whereby our enemies may have any advantage
to rejoice, and say, we served a god that could not serve us,
and called upon a god that could not deliver us; as if we were
like them, to call upon stocks, stones, pictures, and painted
walls, and dead things that cannot hear, see, nor speak. We do
beseech thee to tell all our dear friends, fathers, and elders,
the pillars of our spiritual building, with all the rest of our
Christian brethren, that we do desire their prayers, for we have
need of them.’
This letter they concluded with the following Poem:
How strong and pow’rful is our King
To all that do believe in him?
He doth preserve them from the snare,
And teeth of those that would them tear.
We that are suff’rers for the seed,
Our hearts are wounded, and do bleed
To see th’ oppression, cruelty,
Of men that do thy Truth deny.
In prisons strong, and dungeons deep,
To God alone we cry and weep:
Our sorrows none can learn nor read,
But those that in our path do tread.
But he whose beauty shineth bright,
Who turneth darkness into light,
Makes cedars bow, and oaks to bend
To him that’s sent to the same end.
He is a fountain pure and clear,
His crystal streams run far and near,
To cleanse all those that come to him
For to be healed of their sin.
All them that patiently abide,
And never swerve nor go aside,
The Lord will free them out of all
Bondage, captivity, and thrall.
They composed several others, which fell into the hands of their
enemies, and copies of them were given to the inquisitor. But now I
leave them; and yet before I return to transactions in England, I shall
relate a singular case of Daniel Baker, who being come to Smyrna,
with intent to travel from thence to Constantinople, was stopped by
the English consul, and sent to the Isle of Zant, where a ship lay
bound for Venice, in which he embarked, and coming into that city, he
staid there a week, and went from thence to Leghorn, with intent to
take shipping there for England: but during his stay in that place,
he inwardly felt drawings towards Malta, to try whether he could be
helpful to Catharine and Sarah, that were prisoners there, since he
had several times been stirred up thereto; and though the difficulty
of the matters had kept him back, yet he could not have peace in his
mind, before he gave himself up to that service; and so he embarked
in a French ship for Sicily: and coming to Syracuse, he staid there
five days, and then set sail for Malta; where being arrived, he got
admitted to the pope’s inquisitor, to whom he spoke in the Italian
tongue on this wise: ‘I am come to demand the just liberty of my
innocent friends, the English women in prison in the inquisition.’ The
inquisitor asked him if he were related to them as husband or kinsman,
and whether he came out of England on purpose with that message. To
this Daniel answered, that he came from Leghorn for that same end. But
the inquisitor told him they should abide in prison till they died,
except some English merchants, or others that were able, would engage
for the value of three or four thousand dollars, that they should
never return into those parts. His request being thus denied, he went
to the English consul, and spoke with him and several others: but all
his endeavours proved vain; and he himself was threatened with the
inquisition; and the pope’s deputy would have had him bound, that he
should neither speak good nor evil to any body, while he was on the
island, save to him and the consul.
After a stay here of three weeks, he passed again to Italy, and from
thence took shipping for England: but being come into the Streights of
Gibraltar, he saw that the high mountain there, was the same place he
had seen the foregoing year in a dream, when prisoner in Worcester jail
in England. Here the ship wherein he was, with several other vessels,
lay about a month, because of the contrary wind, so that they could not
set sail. In the meanwhile being under a burden, he perceived there
was a service for him ashore; but, considering this to be dangerous,
he wished to have been excused of it; but felt no peace before he
fully gave up, whatever, either bonds or death, might ensue. Whilst
the fleet lay here wind-bound, divers ships attempted to pass through,
but could not: and the like temptation attended him as that of Jonah,
viz. to flee from the place, and so to escape the burden under which he
laboured. But he found, as afterwards signified in a printed relation,
that obedience was his duty, though it was required of him to be a sign
against the idolatry of the church of Rome. He then told the master of
the ship in which he was a passenger, something of the matter, and said
that he believed that God would soon give opportunity for the fleet to
pass away, after his service was performed. The master was hard to be
persuaded to put him ashore, yet at length he suffered it, upon the
day they used to call Maundy Thursday. Being now landed, he went to
the town, and so into the mass-house, where he found the priest at the
high altar, upon his knees, in his white surplice, adoring the host.
After he had awhile been viewing this idolatry, he felt the indignation
of God kindled in his heart against it: and turning his back upon the
priest and his dead god, he set his face towards the people, and saw
the multitude upon their knees also, worshipping they knew not what.
In this posture, spreading forth his arms, he slipped off his upper
garment, and rent it from top to bottom in divers pieces, which he cast
from him with indignation: then he took his hat from off his head, as
being the uppermost covering of man, and casting it down, stamped upon
it with his feet, and appearing in sackcloth covering, he with a loud
voice, thrice sounded repentance, and said that the life of Christ and
his saints was arisen from the dead. And so he passed away unmolested,
sounding the same message with repentance through the streets, till he
came to the sea-side, where he kneeled down to pray, and gave thanks
to the Lord for his wonderful preservation, and that he had suffered
no man to touch or do him any harm. Being on shore, he delivered a
paper, written in the Spanish tongue, to the governor and inhabitants
of Gibraltar, with some Latin books. That to the governor, &c. was as
followeth:
‘Behold, behold, the great day of God is come, and of his wrath,
and of the wrath of his Lamb. The hour of his judgment is come.
Wherefore, O inhabitants of the earth, repent, repent, repent!
Fear God, and give glory and honour to him that made heaven and
earth and the fountains of waters. Wo, wo, wo to the inhabitants
of the earth. John heard another voice from heaven saying, “Come
out of her my people, that ye partake not of her sins, and that
ye receive not of her plagues.” These are the words of the power
of Christ, that is contrary to the false church. Behold, behold,
plagues, plagues, plagues are coming upon the church of Rome, and
upon her heads in all parts of the world.’
Daniel being now come again on ship-board, the next day the Lord gave
them a fair wind, and all the fleet set sail; and after some time he
arrived safe in England. But being come to London, it was not long, ere
he, who had travelled without hurt in foreign parts, was imprisoned
by his countrymen, as will be related hereafter: and being shut up
in prison, he wrote a narrative of his travels, from which I took my
relation.
About this time John Stubbs returned into England, having been in
the dominions of the great Turk. But I do not find that he met with
any singular occurrences, but that he had spread some books. He and
Alexander Parker coming to London, found G. Fox there, with whom they
travelled towards Bristol: by the way they had several meetings, and
being come to Bristol, they understood that the officers were likely
to come and disturb the meeting. Yet on the First day of the week they
went thither, and A. Parker stood up first to preach; but while he
was speaking, the officers came and took him away. Then G. Fox stood
up and preached undisturbed, so that the meeting ended peaceably. And
he, staying in town that week, visited his friends, and was visited
by them. The next First-day some of his friends came to him, and
endeavoured to persuade him not to go to the meeting that day; ‘For,’
said they, ‘the magistrates have threatened to take thee away, and in
order thereto, have raised the trained bands.’ G. Fox desired them to
go their way to the meeting, without telling them what he intended to
do. Yet not long after he went thither: but being met by some of his
friends, they did what they could to stop him; and, ‘What,’ said one,
‘Wilt thou go into the mouth of the beast?’ ‘Wilt thou go into the
mouth of the dragon?’ said another. But G. Fox would not suffer himself
to be thus prevented, but went on. Being come thither he perceived a
concern and fear upon his friends for him, but his preaching there was
so powerful, that all fear departed from them; and having concluded
his sermon with a prayer, he stood up again and told the auditory, now
they might see there was a God in Israel that could deliver: for the
officers and soldiers had been breaking up another meeting, which had
taken up their time; and they were in a great rage that they had missed
him; for it was resolved on now to persecute the Quakers, and, if
possible to root them out.
G. Fox, after having tarried yet some days at Bristol, went through
Wiltshire and Berkshire, back again to London; yet he did not stay long
there, but travelled towards Leicestershire, and passing by Barnet
Hills, he found there one captain Brown, a Baptist, whose wife belonged
to the society of those called Quakers. This captain, for fear his wife
should go to meetings and be cast into prison, had left his house at
Barrow, and taken a place on the said hills, thinking himself more safe
there. G. Fox going to see the wife, and being come into the house,
asked him how he did; ‘How I do!’ said he, ‘the plagues and vengeance
of God are upon me, a runnagate, a Cain, as I am: God may look for a
witness for me, and such as me; for if all were no faithfuller than I,
God would have no witness left in the earth.’ In this condition Brown
lived there on bread and water, and thought it too good for him; but at
length he returned with his wife to his own house at Barrow, where he
came to be convinced of the Truth professed by those called Quakers,
and died in it; and a little before his death, he said that though
he had not borne a testimony for Truth in his life, he would bear a
testimony in his death; desiring to be buried in his orchard in a plain
way.
But I return to G. Fox, who being come into Leicestershire, went to
Swanington, to the house of a widow woman, where at night came one
called the lord Beaumont, and a company of soldiers, who took him out
of the hall where he was, and brought him to the said lord who asked
him his name: to which he answered, ‘My name is George Fox, and I am
well known by that name.’ ‘Aye,’ said Beaumont, ‘you are known all the
world over.’ Then he put his hands into George’s pockets to search
them, and pulled out his comb-case, and afterwards commanded one of the
officers to search for letters: which made G. Fox say, that he was no
letter carrier, asking him why he came amongst a peaceable people with
swords and pistols without a constable; since this was contrary to the
king’s proclamation; and it could not be said there was a meeting; for
G. Fox had been talking in the hall only with the widow woman and her
daughter. Beaumont sending then for the constables, gave them charge
to watch G. Fox, and some that were with him that night; accordingly
the constables set a watch upon them, and next morning brought them to
Beaumont’s house, who then told them they met contrary to the act: for
not long before this time the parliament, by the instigation of the
clergy, had made an act against conventicles, containing that if any
were convicted of having been at a conventicle, they should incur a
fine not exceeding five pounds, or imprisonment not above three months.
G. Fox saying to the lord Beaumont, that he did not find them in a
meeting, and so there was no transgression of the said act, Beaumont
asked him, whether he would take the oaths of allegiance and supremacy:
to which G. Fox answered, ‘I never took any oath in all my life.’ And
desired him to show that oath, that they might see whether it was not
for the discovery of Popish recusants. But Beaumont being unwilling,
caused a mittimus to be made, which mentioned that they were to have
had a meeting: a cunning artifice indeed to vex an innocent people.
And with the mittimus he charged the constables to convey them to
Leicester jail. The constable who was charged to bring G. Fox and his
friends to prison, was loath to do it himself, and being harvest time,
it was hard to get any body to go with them; and therefore he would
have given them the mittimus to carry it themselves to the jailer.
This they refused, though sometimes some of their friends had done so:
for the constables had such experience of their fidelity, that they
durst trust them even in such a case, without fearing the bird would
escape. Then the constable hired a poor man, who was loath to go with
them on this errand. Yet they rode with him through the country, being
five in number, and some carried their bibles open in their hands,
and passing through towns, they told people they were the prisoners
of the Lord Jesus Christ, going to suffer bonds for his name’s sake.
Being come to Leicester, and going into an inn, the master of the house
seemed somewhat troubled that they should go to prison; but they being
unwilling to consult with lawyers, to which they were advised, suffered
themselves to be had to prison; where being come, G. Fox asked whether
the jailer or his wife was master: and it was told him, ‘The wife,’ who
though she was lame, and not able to go without crutches, yet, would
beat her husband when he came within her reach, if he did not do as she
would have him.
G. Fox perceiving from this that without her leave he should not be
able to agree with her husband, got somebody to bargain with her for a
room, for him and his friends, and to leave it to them to give her what
they would; to which she consented. But then it was told the prisoners,
the jailer would not suffer them to fetch any drink out of the town
into the prison; but what beer they drank they must take it of him, and
that, as was easily to be guessed, would be at a dear rate.
This made G. Fox say, he could remedy that; for since the jailer could
not deny them water, he would get a pail of it once a day, and put
some wormwood into it, and that might serve their turn. So long as
G. Fox was in prison there, he and his friends had a meeting every
First-day of the week in the yard, to which came not only the debtors
and felons that were prisoners, but also several people out of the town
and country; whereby many were convinced of the truth he preached, and
continued to be faithful witnesses for it.
Whilst G. Fox was confined there, several more of his friends were sent
to prison; to the number of about twenty. And when the sessions came
they were brought before the justices, who tendered to them the oaths
of allegiance and supremacy: for this was the ordinary snare, when no
other thing could be found to lay hold on. But G. Fox told them he
never took any oath in his life; ‘And ye know we cannot swear because
Christ and his apostles forbade it; and therefore this is but as a
snare to us; yet if ye can prove that after Christ and his apostles
forbade swearing, they ever did command Christians to swear, then we
will take these oaths; otherwise we are resolved to obey Christ’s
command, and the apostle’s exhortation.’ To this it was returned that
they must take the oath to manifest their allegiance to the king. G.
Fox, to show that he was not unfaithful to the king, told them that
formerly he had been sent up a prisoner by colonel Hacker, from that
town to London, under pretence that he held meetings to plot for
bringing in king Charles. Then he desired that their mittimus might
be read, which set forth the cause of their commitment to be, that
they were to have a meeting. And he said also, that the lord Beaumont
could not by the act send them to jail, unless they had been taken at
a meeting; and therefore he urged the reading of the mittimus, that
it might be seen how wrongfully they were imprisoned. But whatever he
said, they would not take notice of the mittimus, but called a jury,
and indicted the prisoners for refusing to take the oaths of allegiance
and supremacy. When the jury was sworn and instructed, as they were
going out, one that had been an alderman spoke to them, and recommended
them to have a good conscience: but one of the jury being a peevish
man, told the justices there was one affronted the jury. Whereupon he
was called up, and to try whether he was a Quaker, the oath was also
tendered to him, and he took it; and thus the snare intended against
him did not hold.
Whilst the prisoners stood waiting, a cut-purse had put his hand into
the pockets of some of them, which they told the justices of, and
showed them the man. They then called him up, and upon examination
he could not deny the fact, yet they let him go free, just as if the
robbing of those called Quakers was no crime.
It was not long before the jury returned, and brought the prisoners in
guilty. And then the justices whispered together, and bade the jailer
take the prisoners and carry them back to jail. But a little after they
were in prison again, the jailer came to them and said, ‘Gentlemen, it
is the court’s pleasure that ye should all be set at liberty,’ &c. Thus
they were released on a sudden, which was indeed remarkable, because
the jury had brought them in guilty; on which passing of sentence must
have followed. But G. Fox’s liberty seems to have been owing to the
following cause: he had a letter from the lord Hastings, who having
heard of his imprisonment, had written from London to the justices
of the sessions to set him at liberty. This letter he had not as yet
delivered to the justices, who perhaps had some knowledge of the said
lord’s mind from another hand, which made them resolve on this sudden
discharge. G. Fox being now free, carried this letter to the lord
Beaumont, who having opened and read it, seemed somewhat troubled;
and yet threatened him, if he had any more meetings at Swanington, he
would disperse them, and send him to prison again. But notwithstanding
these threatenings, he and his friends went to Swanington, and had a
meeting there without being disturbed. From thence he travelled to
London, where we will leave him, and in the meanwhile see what happened
elsewhere.
Some time before, Thomas Goodair and Benjamin Staples were imprisoned
at Oxford, and being brought into the court of judicature before Sir
William Walter, who sat there as judge, and Goodair being examined
and nothing found against him, the oath of allegiance was tendered,
to which he answered, that he acknowledged the king as supreme ruler
in civil temporal matters, and that he was willing to obey him in all
just commands. ‘But,’ said he, ‘if king Charles and those who are in
authority under him, enjoin me to any thing contrary to the command of
Christ, then I will rather obey Christ than king Charles, or those in
authority under him. It is for conscience-sake that I cannot swear,
though I could gain the whole world thereby; for Christ hath forbidden
it, and said “Swear not at all;” and James saith, “Above all things
swear not.”’ But whatever Goodair said was in vain, for they would
needs have him swear. He continuing to refuse swearing, justice Walker
asked those that were with him on the bench, whether they had any
thing to say against his passing sentence against them: to which they
having said no, he spoke thus to Goodair, ‘Hearken to your sentence:
you are out of the king’s protection. All your lands, real estate, and
chattels, are forfeited, and shall be seized for the king’s use: and
you are to remain prisoner during the king’s pleasure.’ Then he bid
the jailer take Goodair away, who asked whether the jailer had charge
to fetter him, for he had been fettered as thieves and felons, before
he had been brought into the court. Whereupon the judge answered, ‘The
jailer may do with you what he will: for you are now out of the king’s
protection.’ Then he was led away, and B. Staples brought to the bar,
to whom the oath being also tendered, and he refusing to take it, the
same sentence was passed on him. Both being returned to prison, the
jailer said to the other prisoners that were there for evil or debts,
‘If ye want coats, ye may take those of the Quakers, for they are now
out of the protection of the law.’ But one of the prisoners was so
honest as to say he would rather go naked, than take away those men’s
coats. How long they were in prison, and whether they died there, or
were at length released, I know not.[21]
[21] They both were supposed to be discharged at the next
general jail delivery: for T. Goodair in 1666, had been prisoner
some years at Warwick, being premunired without legal trial or
judgment. At length he died at Selby in Yorkshire, 1693.--J.
Whiting’s Account.
But now I return to Ambrose Rigge, who being come to Hurst Pierpoint in
Sussex, had a meeting there at the house of his father-in-law, captain
Thomas Luxford; this so displeased the priest Leonard Letchford, that
Rigge was taken and brought before the Justices, Walter Burril, Nisel
Rivers, and Richard Bridger, who being minded to bring him under
sufferings, tendered him the oath of allegiance; and he, saying that
for conscience-sake he could not swear, was forthwith sent to Horsham
prison, and at the time of the assizes brought into the court, where
judge Samuel Brown then sat, and passed the sentence of premunire upon
him. Then he was carried back, and by the instigation of the said
Leonard Letchford, committed close prisoner, where he continued above
ten years, and suffered during that time much hardship by the malice of
the jailers, since such prisoners as he was, are shut out of the king’s
protection. In the meanwhile the aforesaid priest Letchford summoned
Rigge’s wife for tithes, and she refusing payment, was also imprisoned
at the prosecution of this priest; and then he seized her goods, taking
away also that which her husband had earned in prison by his hard
labour, not leaving him and his wife a bed to lie on; nay, he also took
away a pot they had borrowed from other prisoners to boil victuals in,
and vaunted he had Rigge so fast, that it was not in the King’s power
to release him. But notwithstanding this wicked boast, yet to his great
disquiet and vexation, he lived to see Rigge released by the king under
the great seal. And Thomas Luxford, A. Rigge’s father-in-law, being
also become one of the society of those called Quakers, and refusing to
pay him tithes, felt likewise the effects of his fury; for he caused
him also to be cast into jail, where he kept him six years: and the
prisoners being then released by the sheriff, he was excommunicated by
Letchford, and afterwards at his suit, by virtue of the statute _De
Excommunicato capiendo_, shut up again in prison, from which he was set
at liberty by an act of parliament.
Not long after, Letchford got a warrant to sue also some others of the
Quakers, so called, belonging to his parish, for not paying tithes: but
before he could get them imprisoned, it happened, that having at night
gone to bed healthy, in the morning he was found stiff dead in his bed,
according to the testimony of his neighbours; and this prevented the
stroke he had levelled against others.
Not being willing to finish this relation abruptly, I am advanced in
time, but now I return to the year 1662. In the middle of this year,
Sir Henry Vane and John Lambert, both vigorous champions against king
Charles the First, and having been in great authority under the former
government, were brought to their trial. Vane behaved himself with very
great presence of mind: how far he was guilty I am not to inquire; but
he was declared guilty, and afterwards beheaded on Tower-Hill. He was
reputed to be a man of great knowledge, having been one of the chief
members of the long parliament, and also an opposer of Cromwell: for he
was an entire republican, and had a great share in the administration
of state affairs. Lambert, who had been an eminent general, saved
his life: for since Vane, as Ludlow saith, pleaded for the lives and
liberties of his country, and Lambert for his own, he evaded the storm
which took away Vane. Lambert now, though condemned to death, begged
mercy, and was confined to perpetual imprisonment, and carried to a
small isle near Plymouth, where he finished his days.
Seeing, on the insurrection of the Fifth-monarchy-men, occasion was
taken to make an act against plotting, and seditious meetings, the
persecution against the Quakers increased, under a pretence that their
meetings were dangerous, and to the terror of the king’s subjects, and
an act was made against those who refused to take an oath, as appeared
by the title of it, viz:
‘_An act for preventing mischiefs and dangers that may
arise by certain persons called Quakers, and others
refusing to take lawful oaths._
‘Whereas of late times, certain persons under the name of
Quakers, and other names of separation, have taken up, and
maintained sundry dangerous opinions and tenets, and among
others, that the taking of an oath, in any case whatsoever,
although before a lawful magistrate, is altogether unlawful,
and contrary to the word of God; and the said persons do daily
refuse to take an oath, though lawfully tendered, whereby it
often happens, that the truth is wholly suppressed, and the
administration of justice much obstructed: and whereas the said
persons, under a pretence of religious worship, do often assemble
themselves in great numbers in several parts of this realm, to
the great endangering of the public peace and safety, and to
the terror of the people, by maintaining a secret and strict
correspondence amongst themselves, and in the meantime separating
and dividing themselves from the rest of his majesty’s good and
loyal subjects, and from the public congregations, and usual
places of divine worship:
II. ‘For the redressing therefore, and better preventing the many
mischiefs and dangers that do, and may arise by such dangerous
tenets, and such unlawful assemblies, (2) Be it enacted by the
king’s most excellent majesty, by and with the advice and consent
of the lords spiritual and temporal, and commons assembled in
parliament, and by authority of the same, that if any person or
persons, who maintain that the taking of an oath, in any case
soever, (although before a lawful magistrate,) is altogether
unlawful, and contrary to the word of God, from and after the
four-and-twentieth day of March, in this present year of our
Lord, one thousand six hundred and sixty-one, shall wilfully
and obstinately refuse to take an oath, where, by the laws of
the realm he or she is, or shall be bound to take the same,
being lawfully tendered, (3) or shall endeavour to persuade any
other person, to whom any such oath shall in like manner be
duly and lawfully tendered, to refuse and forbear the taking of
the same, (4) or shall by printing, writing, or otherwise go
about to maintain and defend that the taking of an oath in any
case whatsoever, is altogether unlawful; (5) and if the said
persons, commonly called Quakers, shall at any time after the
said four-and-twentieth day of March, depart from the places of
their several habitations, and assemble themselves to the number
of five or more, of the age of sixteen years or upwards, at any
one time, in any place under pretence of joining in a religious
worship, not authorized by the laws of this realm, (6) that
then in all and every such cases, the party so offending, being
thereof lawfully convicted, by verdict of twelve men, or by his
own confession, or by the notorious evidence of the fact, shall
lose and forfeit to the king’s majesty, his heirs and successors,
for the first offence, such sum as shall be imposed upon him
or her, not exceeding five pounds; (7) and if any person or
persons, being once convicted of any such offence, shall again
offend therein, and shall in form aforesaid be thereof lawfully
convicted, shall for the second offence forfeit to the king, our
sovereign lord, his heirs and successors, such sum as shall be
imposed upon him or her, not exceeding ten pounds: (8) the said
respective penalties to be levied by distress, and sale of the
party’s goods so convicted, by warrant of the parties before whom
they shall be so convicted, rendering the overplus to the owners,
if any be: (9) and for want of such distress, or non-payment of
the said penalty within one week after such conviction, that
then the said parties so convicted shall for the first offence
be committed to the common jail, or house of correction, for
the space of three months; and for the second offence during
six months, without bail or mainprize, there to be kept to hard
labour: (10) which said moneys so to be levied, shall be paid to
such person or persons, as shall be appointed by those before
whom they shall be convicted, to be employed for the increase
of the stock of the house of correction, to which they shall be
committed, and providing materials to set them on work: (11)
and if any person after he, in form aforesaid, hath been twice
convicted, of any the said offences shall offend the third time,
and be thereof, in form aforesaid, lawfully convicted, that then
every person so offending, and convicted, shall for his or her
third offence, abjure the realm; or otherwise it shall and may
be lawful to, and for his majesty, his heirs and successors, to
give order, and to cause him, her, or them, to be transported in
any ship or ships, to any of his majesty’s plantations beyond the
seas.
III. ‘And it is ordained and enacted by the authority aforesaid,
that all and every justice of _Oyer_ and _Terminer_, justices of
assize, and jail-delivery, and the justices of the peace, shall
have full power and authority, in every of their open and general
quarter-sessions, to inquire, hear, and determine all and every
the said offences, within the limits of their commission to them
directed, and to make process for the execution of the same, as
they may do against any person being indicted before them of
trespass, or lawfully convicted thereof.
IV. ‘And be it also enacted, that it shall and may be lawful to,
and for any justice of peace, mayor, or other chief officer, of
any corporation, within their several jurisdictions, to commit
to the common jail, or bind over, with sufficient sureties to
the quarter-sessions, any person or persons offending in the
premises, in order to his or their conviction aforesaid.
V. ‘Provided always, and be it hereby further enacted, that
if any of the said persons shall, after such conviction as
aforesaid, take such oath or oaths, for which he or she stands
committed, and also give security that he or she shall for the
time to come forbear to meet in any such unlawful assembly as
aforesaid, that then, and from thenceforth, such person and
persons shall be discharged from all the penalties aforesaid: any
thing in this act to the contrary notwithstanding.
VI. ‘Provided always, and be it ordained and enacted by the
authority aforesaid, that all and singular lords of the
parliament, for every third offence committed against the tenor
of this act, shall be tried by their peers, and not otherwise.’
This act caused E. Burrough to write a small book, called, ‘The Case
of the People called Quakers, stated, to show the falsehood of the
accusations charged upon them.’ First he showed in this treatise, that
suppose the Quakers were heretics and erroneous people, which was never
yet proved; yet we found no examples in Scripture that such should be
imprisoned, or afflicted with corporal punishments. Having treated of
this matter at large, he laid down the state of their way of meeting
and worship, appealing to others on this account, with these words:
‘What judgment do our neighbours give in this case? They say,
concerning our meetings, that they have known us to meet together
in such manner, for divers years, in towns and villages, and
never knew, nor understood of any harm or danger therein, nor
ever were any way prejudiced, either in their persons or estates,
in our meetings. The very witness of God in all our neighbours
does testify, and give judgment, that our meetings have always
been peaceable and quiet, and that we come together in peace and
good order, and part in the same, and no person hath been harmed
by such our meetings; inquire of the neighbourhood, and they will
tell you they believe in their consciences, our meetings are for
good, and have good effects, and are not evil, nor bring forth
any evil, to any.
‘And as for the manner of our meeting and sitting together, it
is orderly and decently, and of good report among men; and for
any doctrine that ever was there held or heard by any, none can
truly accuse it to be either error, or heresy, or sedition; but
on the contrary, they know it witnesseth against all sin and
iniquity, and tends to the turning of people from ungodliness
and unrighteousness to truth and holiness: and many can tell,
this is effected by our doctrine preached in our meetings; and
our neighbours can witness that we part again in peace and good
order, and in convenient time; and they can show you they are not
terrified, nor the peace of the land disturbed, (on our part,) by
our meetings, which are in God’s fear, and to the glory of his
name, which all sober men know are according to the law of God,
and gospel, and primitive Christian example.
* * * * *
‘We are accused as heinous offenders, and imprisoned, because it
is supposed we do not submit to obey the known laws of the land,
but break them, and will not conform to the church, pay tithes,
take oaths, have meetings together, &c. though we know the laws
of the land command these things.
‘Plea first, as to submitting to all known laws of the land;
this is known to God and our neighbours, that our principle
and practice is, and ever hath been, to submit to every
government, and to submit to all laws of men, either by doing
or by suffering, as at this day we resist not the greatest of
afflictions and tribulations that can be imposed on us; and
this is well known to our neighbours and all people, that we
are submissive to all laws of men, by patient suffering without
resistance: even when any law requires any thing of us, which
we cannot perform for conscience-sake, that law we fulfil by
patient suffering, resisting no man, nor rendering evil for evil
to any. And the judgment of the Scriptures, which are according
to both law and gospel, and the precedents of saints justify
us in this case, in choosing patiently to suffer the greatest
penalties of the law, rather than to obey, (by doing,) any such
law as requires things contrary to our pure consciences; as in
the example of the three children, Dan. iii. who were commanded,
to fall down and worship the golden image, at what time soever
they heard the sound of the music, upon the penalty of being cast
into the midst of the burning fiery furnace: which commandment
they could not obey, nor could they fall down to worship the
image; but rather chose to suffer the penalty of being cast
into the midst of the burning fiery furnace, which accordingly
was done unto them. Again in the case of Daniel, chap. vi. who
was commanded to make no petition to any god or man for thirty
days, save to king Darius, upon the penalty and affliction of
being cast into the lion’s den: but Daniel did rather choose to
suffer the penalty, to be cast into the den of lions, than to
obey the commandment; and was cast into the lion’s den. By these
examples of holy men, with many more that might be given out of
the Scriptures, it is evident, that righteous men will rather
choose to suffer than to obey any law of man contrary to their
consciences. So the law of God, and example of saints, and Holy
Scriptures, give judgment for us in this case, of rather choosing
to suffer, than to obey laws contrary to our consciences; and
consequently must needs condemn such that persecute and imprison
us, because they require obedience of us in things against our
consciences.
Secondly. ‘Though we disobey laws, and cannot actively obey every
law of man, when it requireth and commandeth things contrary to
a good conscience; yet herein also are we justified by the law
of God, example of saints and Holy Scriptures, and they give
judgment for us, and consequently against our enemies in this
case; and in particular in the two examples before-mentioned in
Daniel, the three children were expressly commanded to fall down
and worship the golden image: and Daniel was also required by
the king’s decree, not to pray to any God or man, save to king
Darius; yet all these holy men of God did absolutely disobey
the law and decree so requiring of them, and did contrary to
the commandment: for the three children did not bow, nor Daniel
cease to pray to God, but prayed as at other times, and yet were
justified of God in so doing. Also the apostles of our Lord Jesus
Christ, (Acts iv. 18,) were commanded to preach no more in the
name of Jesus; but the apostles did disobey their commandment,
and went on and preached in the Spirit and power of Christ,
contrary to the commandment of the rulers; and appealed to them,
whether it were not better to obey God than man. Many examples
we might collect out of the Scriptures, that the servants of God
did disobey the commands of kings and rulers, and could not
obey, (by doing,) any command contrary to God, but rather chose
to suffer afflictions, and death itself, than to obey such laws
and decrees, as required any thing contrary to a pure conscience:
and this is our case at this day: we cannot obey, (by doing,) any
thing against our consciences, but must break the laws of men,
and disobey their commandments, rather than break the law of God,
and sin against our own consciences, whatsoever we suffer because
hereof; and the examples of saints and Scriptures justify us in
this behalf.
* * * * *
‘And let our enemies cease to cry out, ‘Rebellious and
disobedient to laws and government;’ for we are not such as
do wilfully and obstinately disobey any laws of men, but for
conscience-sake, and that we may not sin against God, nor offend
his witness in us; therefore we cannot obey laws contrary to our
consciences, whatsoever we suffer, which we resist not, nor rebel
against any in this case: so that our principles and practices
are to obey every law and government, either by doing or
suffering. And though we disobey such laws as are not according
to the law of God, and rather do choose to suffer, yet herein we
are justified by the law of God, and the Holy Scriptures.
Thirdly. ‘And as for our conversations among men, in respect
of our daily walking and converse with them in our dealing, in
respect of honesty and faithfulness, and truth and justness in
works and words, our neighbours shall give witness for us. We
will not justify ourselves, it is God that justifies us, and the
law of God, gospel of Christ, Scriptures, examples of holy men,
our neighbours, and the witness of God in all men’s consciences
shall bear witness to us; and all these do give judgment for us
in these cases, to whom we do appeal for judgment. And O Lord God
everlasting, do thou judge our cause; do thou make it manifest in
thy due season to all the world, that we are thy people; that we
love thee above all; that we fear thy name more than all; that we
love righteousness and hate iniquity; and that we now suffer for
thy holy name and truth, and for thy honour and justice, and for
thy truth and holiness. O Lord, thou knowest we are resolved to
perish, rather than to lose one grain hereof. Amen, Amen.
* * * * *
‘Our accusations and answers truly compared, and weighed in the
balance of justice and truth in every man’s conscience, let
all the world judge of the case: do we deserve to be ruined,
destroyed, imprisoned and banished, and to be devoured of wild
beasts, as our enemy threatens us he will do? Is it so? Are we
heretics? Are we seditious? Are we drunkards? Are we double
dealers? Are we such as the law of God condemns? What evil have
we done in the land? Do we hurt any body? Are we not innocent
before the Lord and men? We appeal to the just witness of God
and men. Let it be answered; and though no man will hear and
consider our cause this day, yet the Lord will plead our cause
in his time, and season, and make the world to know we are his
people; in the meantime we are willing to suffer the reproaches
of ungodly men, till the Lord works deliverance in the earth.
‘But now it may be objected by the magistrates and rulers, that
we have now a law against you, and you must suffer, for we cannot
but put the law in execution, according to our oaths and offices;
and it is not we that persecute you, but it is the law of the
land by which you now suffer; and we cannot be blamed for your
suffering, we only execute the law. And after this manner is the
reasoning of some at this day,’ &c.
* * * * *
Answer. ‘To all which I do answer: It is true there is a law now
enacted against us, which is pretendedly made the ground of our
suffering; but whether that law be in itself just or unjust, I
shall not now demonstrate, but shall leave it to the judgment
of all Christian men that know us, our principles, doctrines,
ways, conversations; and let them judge whether we deserve the
penalties and punishments therein described, for any principles
or practice held and maintained by us. And though there be a
law against us, yet the magistrates that are executors thereof,
may execute the same with moderation or with violence; with
discretion, or too much rigour; and it will be well for them to
use moderation and discretion in this case: hereby may they save
themselves from that weight of anger and indignation of the Lord
God, that will come upon all violent-doers, who seek to destroy
the innocent, and rejoice in the occasion administered.
* * * * *
‘And though this law be enacted against meetings, not ours I may
say, but such meetings as are dangerous to the public peace, and
to the terror of the people: but our meetings are not such, and
therefore this law may not justly extend in its execution to the
breaking of our meetings, nor to banish us because of our meeting
together, which is for the worship of God, and are peaceable and
of good report among all good men; and are not for disturbance of
the peace, nor terror of the people, and therefore justly free
from this law as aforesaid.
‘And though this law is pretended against us, for to banish us,
and to rid the land of us, as some vainly suppose; yet must it
needs be executed to the height of it, without limitation or
restriction? Must this law be executed to its height more than
some others laws that are as truly enacted, and as fully in
force as this act can be? Yet some such laws there are, which
better deserve execution than this, yet they lie dormant, as it
is visibly apparent at this day, as in 4 Jac. c. 5, in these
words: ‘Be it enacted, &c. that all and every person or persons,
which after forty days next following the end of this present
session of parliament, shall be drunk, and of the same offence
of drunkenness shall be lawfully convicted, shall for every such
offence, forfeit and lose five shillings, &c. to be paid to the
hands of the church-wardens of that parish where the offence
shall be committed, who shall be accountable therefor to the
use of the poor of the same parish. And if the said person or
persons so convicted, shall refuse or neglect to pay the said
forfeiture, then the same shall be levied off the goods of every
such person or persons, by warrant of precept from the court,
judge, or justices, before whom the same conviction shall be; and
if the offender be not able to pay the sum of five shillings,
then he shall be committed to the stocks for the space of six
hours.’ I pray you read the statute at large; it is worth a
sober man’s pains to read over, and then judge whether that law
be duly executed at this day: and also whether it deserves not
more strict execution than the present act against us. Also
the 1 Jac. c. 7, in these words: ‘That all persons calling
themselves scholars, going about begging; all idle persons
going about in any country, either begging or using any subtle
craft, or unlawful games or plays, or feigning themselves to
have knowledge in physiognomy, or pretending that they can tell
fortunes, or such other like fantastical imaginations; all
fencers, bear-wards, common players of interludes and minstrels,
wandering abroad, shall be taken, adjudged, and deemed as rogues,
vagabonds, and sturdy-beggars, and shall suffer such pains and
punishments as are expressed, 39 Eliz. c. 4. viz. That every
such person shall be stripped naked from the middle upwards, and
shall be openly whipped, until his or her body be bloody, &c.
and shall be forthwith sent from parish to parish,’ &c. Read the
statute at large, and then consider how duly it is executed now,
and whether it deserve not the execution as much as the late act
against us, though in some places the one is more executed than
the other, where many of our friends being honest sober persons,
and of good conversation, yet are hauled out of their meetings,
where they are met only to worship God, and for no other end, and
sent to prison, and persecuted to the very height of the said
act; whereas idle persons following unlawful games and plays, and
bear-wards, common players of interludes and minstrels of divers
kinds, do wander up and down city and country, and having their
play-houses public, where their wickedness is acted; such persons
and such things, though appearing publicly, yet are permitted,
and little or no notice taken of them by some of the magistrates,
so as to punish them for breach of the laws, for the preventing
of these evils; but such wickedness is too much suffered, though
there be divers acts of parliament against such persons and such
actions, as well as there is one against our meetings; yet the
act against us is more put in execution in some places, for the
breaking of our meetings, which are for the worship of God, than
the good laws for suppressing of wickedness, though there is
better law for the one than for the other. Divers other laws and
statutes made for good ends, for the suppressing of wickedness in
the land there are, which are but easily executed at this day;
but here is one act against peaceable meeting together for the
worship of God, which is violently prosecuted and executed upon
innocent men; let all just men judge of these things. Though
there be a law enacted against our meetings, so there is against
drunkards and drunkenness, and unseasonable tippling in taverns
and ale-houses, and against minstrels, fiddlers, pipers and
players, common players, and stage players that go up and down
the countries, and have their play-houses in public cities; which
statute ought rather to be executed, though they are not: but
these things we shall leave to all sober people to judge of.
‘And seeing that the law against us is more put in execution than
those other laws, it doth appear that there is more envy against
us and our peaceable religious meetings than there is against
profaneness, and wickedness, drunkenness, and stage-playing, and
such like: and such magistrates wheresoever they are, are not
excusable in the sight of God, though there is a law against us,
while they prosecute it against us, and not those other good
laws, against profane and ungodly persons and practices; and
therefore seeing we do suffer, we must say it is not only because
there is a law against us, but it is also, or rather, because
there is enmity, and wrath, and wickedness in the hearts of men
against us, which is the main cause of our sufferings at this
day.’
Thus was E. Burrough always laborious, and like a faithful and diligent
minister of Christ, he was so totally devoted to the service of God
and the church, both in preaching and writing in the defence of the
gospel, that he scarce reserved any time for himself, and seldom took
rest, but continued to work incessantly till the time of his departure
drew near; plainly manifesting that it really was his meat and drink to
do the will of his heavenly Father; and this he endeavoured unweariedly
to the end of his days.
Now I turn again to New England, where though the murdering part was
acted to the full, yet their blood-thirstiness was not quenched, as may
appear from the following relation I shall give of the cruel whippings
inflicted on some. If I should relate all of that kind that happened
there, it would make up a pretty big volume by itself; and therefore I
will mention some few instances only.
Among these, I meet with Josiah Southwick, (whose father and mother,
Lawrence and Cassandra, had been of the first that were banished
from Boston because of their religion, as hath been said before;
and whose brother and sister had been ordered to be sold for bound
slaves,) who, having been in Old England, and had found himself obliged
notwithstanding the severe law, to return to Boston, was sentenced to
be whipped at a cart’s tail, first at Boston, and then at Rocksbury and
Dedham, when with out-stretched arms, he said to those who sentenced
him, ‘Here is my body; if ye want a further testimony of the Truth
I profess, take it, and tear it to pieces; it is freely given up;
and for your sentence, I matter it not:’ adding further, ‘it is no
more terrifying unto me, than if ye had taken a feather and blown it
up in the air, and had said, take heed it hurt thee not: for surely
tongue cannot express nor declare the goodness and love of God to his
suffering people.’ Then he was stripped and tied to the cart’s tail in
Boston, where the hangman scourged him with what vehemency he could.
It is remarkable that the whip used for those cruel executions, was
not of whip-cord, as those in England, but of dried guts, and every
string with three knots at the end, which, being fastened to a stick,
the hangman many times laid on with both his hands, which must cause
violent torture to the body. But all this cruelty was not able to make
Josiah faint; for as he was led through the streets of Boston at the
cart’s tail, he sung aloud, and was heard to utter these words: ‘They
that know God to be their strength, cannot fear what man can do.’ The
same day he was whipped also at Rocksbury, and the next morning, it
being very cold, at Dedham, where he was discharged and turned into the
wilderness; for so inhuman were these furious New England professors,
that they seemed to think that whatever it was, there was nothing done
amiss to the Quakers. Nay, it hath happened that being shut up with
thieves, and endeavouring to turn them from their wicked lives, they
have been ill-treated on that account, and the thieves set at liberty,
lest they should turn Quakers.
At Dover, in New England, Anne Coleman, Mary Tomkins, and Alice
Ambrose, were sentenced to very cruel whipping, only for being come
there: the warrant was as followeth:
‘_To the constables of Dover, Hampton, Salisbury, Newbury,
Rowley, Ipswich, Wennam, Linn, Boston, Roxbury, Dedham,
and until these vagabond Quakers are carried out of this
jurisdiction._
‘You and every of you, are required in the king’s majesty’s name,
to take these vagabond Quakers, Anne Coleman, Mary Tomkins,
and Alice Ambrose, and make them fast to the cart’s tail, and
driving the cart through your several towns, to whip them upon
their naked backs, not exceeding ten stripes apiece on each of
them, in each town; and so to convey them from constable to
constable, till they are out of this jurisdiction, as you will
answer it at your peril; and this shall be your warrant.
Per me,
RICHARD WALDEN.’
At Dover, dated December 22, 1662.
Cruel indeed was this order; because to whip these three tender women
through eleven towns, with ten stripes apiece at each place, through a
length of near eighty miles, in bitter cold weather, would have been
enough to have beaten their bones bare, and their lives out of their
bodies.
Now in a very cold day the deputy Walden, at Dover, caused these women
to be stripped naked from the middle upward, and tied to a cart, and
then whipped them, while the priest looked on, and laughed at it; which
some of their friends seeing, and taking notice of Walden’s cruelty,
testified against him; for which Walden put two of them in the stocks.
The women being thus whipped at Dover, were carried to Hampton,
and there delivered to the constable, William Fifield, who having
understood by the constable of Dover what work he had in bringing them
through a deep road, thought to have daunted them, and said, ‘I profess
you must not think to make fools of men.’ To which they answered, they
should be able to deal with him as well as the other. This constable
the next morning would have whipped them before day, but they refused,
saying that they were not ashamed of their sufferings. Then he would
have whipped them on their clothes when he had them at the cart; but
they said, ‘Set us free, or do according to thy order;’ which was to
whip them on their naked backs. He then spoke to a woman to take off
their clothes; but she said she would not do it for all the world.
‘Why,’ said he, ‘I profess I will do it myself.’ So he stripped them,
and then stood trembling with the whip in his hand, and so he did the
execution, though at first he professed himself so stout. Then he
carried them to Salisbury, through dirt and snow, half the leg deep,
and here they were whipped again. Among the rest of the spectators,
Edward Wharton accidentally passing along that way, came to be one; and
beholding this whipping, one Thomas Broadberry, clerk of the courts of
Salisbury and Hampton, said to him, ‘Edward Wharton, what do you here?’
‘I am here,’ answered he, ‘to see your wickedness and cruelty, that
so if ye kill these women, I may be able to declare how ye murdered
them:’ for indeed their bodies were so torn, that if Providence had
not watched over them, they might have been in danger of their lives.
But it fell out so that they were discharged: for the constable at
Salisbury, who must have carried them to Newberry, was desired by
one Walter Barefoot, to make him his deputy, who thus receiving the
warrant, set them at liberty; though John Wheelright, the priest,
advised the constable to drive on, as his safest way.
These three women being thus unexpectedly released, went to New
Quechawanah, where they had a meeting, and Shubal Drummer, the priest
of the place, came also thither, and sat quiet. And the meeting being
ended, he stood up and said, ‘Good women, ye have spoken well, and
prayed well; pray what is your rule?’ They answering, ‘The Spirit of
God is our rule, and it ought to be thine, and all men’s, to walk
by:’ he replied, ‘It is not my rule, nor I hope ever shall be.’ A
clear evidence how prejudice may bias even discreet people; for
being prepossessed thereby, men will speak sometimes rashly, without
considering what.
Not long after these women returned to Dover to visit their friends,
and being in a meeting the next First-day of the week, the constables,
Thomas Roberts, and his brother John, rushed in, and laid hands on
Alice Ambrose, as she was in prayer, and taking her, one by the one
arm, and the other by the other, they dragged her out of doors, almost
a mile, with her face towards the snow, which was near knee deep, over
stumps and old trees, having put on their old clothes on purpose not to
dirty their better suits. They then locked her up in a certain house,
and so went back to fetch Mary Tomkins, whom they dragged in the same
manner, which their father, old Thomas Roberts seeing, lamented, and
cried, ‘Wo that ever I was father to such wicked children.’ But they
seemed not to matter what their father said, who had been, a member
of the church at Dover above twenty years; but because he no longer
frequented their worship for their degeneracy, they took away his cow,
which with its milk, helped to support him and his wife. Mary Tomkins
being brought into the house where Alice was, Anne Coleman was also
fetched. Next morning they got a canoe, and threatened the women they
would now do so with them, that they should be troubled with them no
more; by which saying they seemed to signify that they would give them
up to the mercy of the sea, which made the women unwilling to go to the
water-side. Then one Edward Weymouth took Mary by the arms, and dragged
her on her back over the stumps of trees, down a very steep hill, by
which she was much bruised, and often died away. They also laid hold
on Alice, whom they plucked violently into the water, and kept her
swimming by the canoe, so that she was in danger of being drowned or
frozen to death. Anne Coleman was also rudely dealt with, and all this
in the presence of one Hate-evil Nutwel, a ruling elder, who stirred
up the constables to this wicked action, and so showed that he bore
a wrong name. But the wicked intention of these men was stopped by a
power from on high, for on a sudden a great tempest arose, so that they
brought the women back again to the house, and about midnight they
turned them all out of doors in the snow, the weather being so frosty
that Alice’s clothes were frozen like boards. How barbarously soever
these women were treated, yet the Lord was pleased to preserve and
support them.
Afterwards it happened that Anne Coleman and four of her friends
were whipped through Salem, Boston, and Dedham, by order of William
Hawthorn, who before he was a magistrate, had opposed compulsion for
conscience; and when under the government of Cromwell it was proposed
to make a law that none should preach without license, he publicly
said at Salem, that if ever such a law took place in New England, he
should look upon it as one of the most abominable actions that were
ever committed there, and that it would be as eminent a token of
God’s having forsaken New England, as any could be: and yet afterward
this man became a fierce persecutor of those who asserted liberty of
preaching: though formerly it may be, if any one had foretold him
how he would be given to persecution, he would have said as Hazael
to the prophet Elisha, ‘What, is thy servant a dog that he should do
this great thing?’ But to return to Anne Coleman, when she was to be
whipped at Dedham, and fastened to a cart, deputy Bellingham having
seen Hawthorn’s warrant, said, ‘The warrant is firm;’ and then bade
the executioner go on; who, thus encouraged, laid on so severely, that
with the knot of the whip he split the nipple of her breast, which so
tortured her, that it had almost cost her her life; and she, who was a
little weakly woman, thinking this would have been her lot, said once,
that if she should happen to die thus, she was willing that her body
should be laid before Bellingham’s door, with a charge from her mouth
that he was guilty of her blood.
The usage Elizabeth Hooton met with, I cannot pass by in silence,
because of her age, being about sixty, who hearing of the wickedness
committed by those of New England, was moved to make a voyage to
America.
In order thereto she went from England in the year 1661, having one
Joan Broksup with her, a woman near as aged as herself, who freely
resolved to be her companion: and because they could not find a master
of a ship that was willing to carry them to New England, because of
the fine for every Quaker that was brought thither, they set sail
towards Virginia, where they met with a ketch which carried them part
of the way, and then they went the rest by land, and so at length came
to Boston. But there they could not soon find a place of reception,
because of the penalty on those that received a Quaker into their
houses. Yet at length a woman received them. Next day they went to the
prison to visit their friends; but the jailer altogether unwilling
to let them in, carried them to the governor Endicot, who with much
scurrilous language called them witches, and asked Elizabeth what she
came for: to which she answered, ‘To do the will of him that sent me.’
And he demanding what was that: she replied, ‘To warn thee of shedding
any more innocent blood.’ To which he returned that he would hang
more yet; but she told him he was in the hand of the Lord, who could
take him away first.[22] This so displeased him, that he sent them
to prison, where many more of their friends were. After consultation
what to do with them, they were carried two days’ journey into the
wilderness, among wolves and bears; but by Providence they got to
Rhode Island, where they took ship for Barbadoes, and from thence
to New England again, and so they returned to Boston. But then they
were put into a ship, which carried them to Virginia, from whence
Elizabeth departed to Old England, where she staid some time in her own
habitation.
[22] Which was fulfilled, for after that he never took away the
lives of any more of those called Quakers.
But it came upon her to visit New England again; and so she did, taking
her daughter Elizabeth along with her. And being arrived, those of the
magistrates that were present, would have fined the master of the ship
an hundred pounds, for bringing her over contrary to their law. But he
telling them that Elizabeth had been with the king, and that she had
liberty from him to come thither to buy her a house, this so puzzled
these snarling persecutors, that they found themselves at a loss, and
thus were stopped from seizing the master’s goods.
Elizabeth being come to Boston, notwithstanding the rulers, went to
them, and signified that she came thither to buy a house for herself
to live in. She was four times at the court for that purpose, but it
was denied her; and though she said that this denial would give her
occasion if she went to England again, to lay it before the king, it
was in vain, and had no influence upon them.
Departing then, and passing through several places, she came to
Cambridge, and was thrust into a stinking dungeon, where there was
nothing to lie down or sit on. Here they kept her two days and two
nights, without affording her any thing to eat or drink; and because
a certain man in compassion brought her a little milk, he was also
cast into prison and fined five pounds. Being brought to the court,
they ordered her to be sent out of their coasts, and to be whipped at
three towns with ten stripes at each. So at Cambridge she was tied to
the whipping-post, and lashed with ten stripes, with a three-stringed
whip, with three knots at an end. At Water Town she had ten stripes
more with willow rods; and to make up all, at Dedham, in a cold frosty
morning, she received ten cruel lashes at a cart’s tail. And being thus
beaten and torn, she was put on horseback and carried many miles into
the wilderness, and towards night they left her there, where were many
wolves, bears, and other wild beasts, and many deep waters to pass
through; but being preserved by an invisible hand, she came in the
morning into a town called Rehoboth, being neither weary nor faint;
and from thence she went to Rhode Island, where coming to her friends,
she gave thanks to God for having counted her worthy, and enabled her
to suffer for his name’s sake, beyond what her age and sex, morally
speaking, could otherwise have borne.
After some stay there, she returned to Cambridge, about eighty miles,
to fetch her linen and clothes, which the inhuman persecutors would not
suffer her to take with her after they had whipped her. Having fetched
these things, and going back with her daughter and Sarah Coleman,
an ancient woman, she was taken up by the constable of Charlestown,
and carried prisoner to Cambridge; where being asked by one of the
magistrates, whose name was Daniel Goggin, wherefore she came thither,
seeing they had warned her not to come there any more: she answered
that she came not there of her own accord, but was forced thither,
after she had been to fetch her clothes, which they would not let
her take with her when she was whipped and sent away; but that now
returning back, she was taken up by force out of the highway, and
carried thither. Then the other old woman was asked whether she owned
Elizabeth and her religion: to which she answered, she owned the Truth.
And of Elizabeth’s daughter he demanded, ‘Dost thou own thy mother’s
religion?’ To which she was silent: and yet they were sent to the house
of correction, with order to be whipped. Next morning the executioner
came betimes before it was light, and asked them whether they would be
whipped there: which made Elizabeth ask whether he was come to take
away their blood in the dark: and whether they were ashamed that their
deeds should be seen: but not heeding what she said, he took her down
stairs, and whipped her with a three-stringed whip. Then he brought
down the ancient woman, and did the like to her. And taking Elizabeth’s
daughter he gave the like to her also, who never was there before, nor
had said or done any thing. After this Elizabeth the mother was whipped
again at the cart’s tail at Boston and other places, where she came to
see her friends: since which I have several times seen her in England
in a good condition.
I could relate many more severities of the New England persecutors; but
I long to come to an end, and therefore shall make a large step, and
outrun some space of time.
1664.
In the year 1664, it happened that Mary Tomkins and Alice Ambrose
came again to Boston, having been in Virginia, where for their
religion they had not only been pilloried, but whipped also each of
them with thirty-two stripes, with a whip of nine cords, and every
cord with three knots; and they were handled so severely, that the
very first lash drew blood, and made it run down from their breasts.
Being afterwards arrived at Boston, Mary grew so sick, that she was
thought to be near death; which made Edward Wharton with Wenlock
Christison come from Salem to visit her. But after they had been there
a little time, two constables came in, and notwithstanding Mary’s weak
condition, forced them all to the governor’s house. Now though Mary
seemed to be a little on the mending hand, yet she was so ill, that she
fell down as it were dead in the way. But one of the constables staid
with her till she came to herself again, and then brought her before
the governor, where were also deputy Bellingham and Thomas Daufort,
one of the magistrates; who ordered all four of them to be whipped;
but because Mary was so weak, and lest probably she might die under
their hands, they gave order that she and Alice should not be whipped
at Boston, but at the towns beyond. And this was to have been executed,
but that colonel Temple coming in, interceded and prevailed for three
of them. And now Edward became the mark of their fury, on whom they
vented their passion, though they had nothing to charge him with, but
that he was come from Salem to Boston to visit his sick friend; and for
this pretended crime the following warrant was framed:
‘_To the constables of Boston, Charlestown,
Malden, and Lynn._
‘You are required to take into your custody respectively,
Edward Wharton, convicted of being a vagabond, from his own
dwelling-place; and the constable of Boston is to whip him
severely with thirty stripes on his naked body. And from
constable to constable you are required to convey him until he
come to Salem, the place where he saith he dwelleth: and in so
doing this shall be your warrant.