By this mittimus it appears under what odd pretences the Quakers, so
called, were committed to prison; for such reasons as are mentioned
therein, might be found and picked up at any time. Thus G. Fox and
his companions were carried through Redruth, Falmouth, and Bodmin,
to Launceston. By the way they suffered great insolences, both from
the soldiers that conducted them, and from others, by the connivance
of captain Keat; but I will not detain my reader with all those
particulars. Being come to Launceston, Keat delivered the prisoners
to the jailer. And though many were greatly enraged against them, and
expected that these prisoners, who thou’d and thee’d all, and did not
put off their hats to any man, should at the assizes be condemned to
be hanged if they did not pay that respect to the bench; yet there
were many friendly people, out of several parts of the country, that
came to visit them; for it was about nine weeks from the time of their
commitment to the assizes: by reason of which several got opportunity
to speak with them, which had that good effect, that many were
convinced of the truth of the doctrine held forth by them.
At the time of the assizes, abundance of people came from far and near,
to hear the trial of the Quakers; who being guarded by the soldiers,
and the sheriff’s men to the court, had much ado to get through the
multitude that filled the streets: besides the doors and windows were
filled with people looking out upon them. Being brought into the court,
G. Fox after all was quiet, said, ‘Peace be amongst you.’ The judge,
(Glyn,) who was then chief justice of England, said to the jailer,
‘What be these you have brought here into the court?’ ‘Prisoners, my
lord,’ said he. ‘Why do you not put off your hats?’ said the judge to
them. They saying nothing; ‘Put off your hats,’ said the judge again;
and they still continuing silent, the judge said, ‘The court commands
you to put off your hats.’ Then G. Fox began to speak, and said, ‘Where
did ever any magistrate, king, or judge, from Moses to Daniel, command
any to put off their hats, when they came before them in their courts,
either amongst the Jews, (the people of God,) or amongst the heathen?
And if the law of England doth command any such thing, show me that
law either written or printed.’ The judge, then growing angry, said,
‘I do not carry my law books on my back.’ ‘But,’ said G. Fox, ‘where
is it printed in any statute-book, that I may read it?’ At this the
judge said, ‘Take him away, prevaricator! I’ll ferk him.’ Then the
prisoners were taken away, and put among the thieves. But presently
after the judge called to the jailer, ‘Bring them up again.’ This being
done, ‘Come,’ said he, ‘where had they hats from Moses to Daniel? Come,
answer me; I have you fast now.’ To this G. Fox replied, ‘Thou mayest
read in the third of Daniel, that the three children were cast into the
fiery furnace, by Nebuchadnezzar’s command, with their coats, their
hose, and their hats on.’ This plain instance stopped him: so that not
having any thing else to say, he cried again, ‘Take them away jailer.’
Accordingly they were taken away, and being thrust among the thieves,
they were kept there a great while, and at length carried again to
prison; but in the afternoon they were brought up again into the court.
G. Fox seeing the jurymen there, gave them a paper, which he had
written against swearing. This paper passing from the jury to the
justices, they presented it to the judge; and he bid the clerk give G.
Fox that paper, and then asked him whether that seditious paper was
his: to which he said if they would read it in open court, that he
might hear it, if it was his, he would own it, and stand by it. The
judge would have G. Fox to have taken it, and looked upon it in his own
hand. But he desired again that it might be read, that all in the court
might hear it, and judge whether there was any sedition in it, or no;
for if there were, he was willing to suffer for it. At length the clerk
of the assizes read it with an audible voice; and when he had done,
G. Fox said it was his paper, and he would own it; and so might they
too, except they would deny the Scripture; for was it not Scripture
language, and the words and commands of Christ and the apostles, which
all true Christians ought to obey? Then they let fall that subject,
and the judge speaking again about the hats of the prisoners, bid the
jailer take them off. Then they asked what they had lain in prison for
these nine weeks, seeing now nothing was objected against them, but
what concerned their hats: ‘And,’ said G. Fox, ‘as for putting off
our hats, that was the honour which God would lay in the dust, though
they made so much ado about it: the honour which is of men, and which
men seek one of another, is the mark of unbelievers: for, “How can ye
believe,” saith Christ, “who receive honour one of another, and seek
not the honour that cometh from God only?” And Christ saith also, “I
receive not honour from men.” And all true Christians should be of
his mind,’ Then the judge made a speech, how he represented the lord
protector’s person; and how he made him lord chief justice of England,
and sent him to come that circuit, &c. Thereupon the prisoners desired
him, that he would do them justice for their false imprisonment, which
they had suffered nine weeks.
But instead thereof, an indictment was read against them, but so full
of untruths, that G. Fox thought it had been against some of the
thieves: for it contained, that they came by force of arms, and in a
hostile manner, into the court; whereas they were brought there as
prisoners; which made him say it was all false. And still they cried
for justice for their false imprisonment, being taken up in their
journey without cause, by major Ceely. Then this Peter Ceely, who, as
a justice of peace, sat also on the bench, said to the judge, ‘May
it please you, my lord, this man, (pointing to G. Fox,) went aside
with me, and told me how serviceable I might be for his design; that
he could raise forty thousand men at an hour’s warning, and involve
the nation in blood, and so bring in king Charles; and I would have
aided him out of the country, but he would not go. And if it please
you, my lord, I have a witness to swear it.’ And so he called upon
his witness, who, without question, was one that was bribed. But the
judge, perceiving this palpable lie, was not forward to examine the
witness: then G. Fox desired the judge that he would be pleased to let
his mittimus be read, in which the pretended crime was signified, for
which he was committed to prison. But the judge said it should not be
read: G. Fox still insisting to have it read, said, ‘It ought to be;
for if I have done any thing worthy of death, or of bonds, let all the
country know it.’ Seeing then they would not read it, he said to one
of his fellow-prisoners, ‘Thou hast a copy of it; read it up.’ ‘It
shall not be read,’ said the judge; ‘jailer, take him away; I will see
whether he or I shall be master.’
Then G. Fox was taken away, and awhile after called for again. He still
cried to have the mittimus read; and the people being eager to hear
it, he bid his fellow-prisoner read it up; which being done, and read
according to the copy already mentioned, G. Fox said to the judge and
justices, ‘Thou that sayest thou art chief justice of England, and
you that be justices, ye know, that if I had put in sureties, I might
have gone whither I pleased, and have carried on the design, if I had
one, which major Ceely hath charged me with. And if I had spoken these
words to him, which he hath declared, then judge ye, whether bail or
mainprize could have been taken in that case.’ Then directing his
speech to major Ceely, he said, ‘When or where did I take thee aside?
Was not thy house full of rude people, and thou as rude as any of them
at our examination, so that I asked for a constable, or other officer,
to keep the people civil? But if thou art my accuser, why sittest thou
on the bench? That is not a place for thee to sit in; for accusers do
not use to sit with the judges: thou oughtest to come down, and stand
by me, and look me in the face. Besides, I would ask the judge and
justices this question, whether or no major Ceely is not guilty of
this treason, which he charges against me, in concealing it so long
as he hath done? Doth he understand his place, either as a soldier or
a justice of the peace? For he tells you here, that I went aside with
him, and told him what a design I had in hand; and how serviceable he
might be for it: that I could raise forty thousand men in an hour’s
time, and bring in Charles, and involve the nation in blood. Moreover,
that he would have aided me out of the country, but I would not go;
and therefore he committed me to prison for want of sureties for the
good behaviour, as the mittimus declares. Now do not you see plainly,
that major Ceely is guilty of this plot and treason that he talks
of, and hath made himself a party to it, by desiring me to go out of
the country, and demanding bail of me; and not charging me with this
pretended treason till now, nor discovering it? But I deny and abhor
his words, and am innocent of his devilish design.’
The judge by this seeing clearly that Ceely, instead of ensnaring G.
Fox, had ensnared himself, let fall that business. But then Ceely
got up again, and said to the judge, ‘If it please you, my lord, to
hear me: this man struck me, and gave me such a blow, as I never had
in my life.’ G. Fox smiling at this, said, ‘Major Ceely, art thou a
justice of peace, and a major of a troop of horse, and tells the judge
here in the face of the court and country, that I, who am a prisoner,
struck thee; and gave thee such a blow, as thou never hadst the like
in thy life? What! art thou not ashamed? Prithee, major Ceely, where
did I strike thee; and who is thy witness for that? Who was by?’ To
this Ceely said it was in the castle-green, and that captain Bradden
was standing by when G. Fox struck him; who then desired the judge to
let him produce his witness for that: and he called again upon Ceely,
to come down from off the bench; telling him it was not fit that the
accuser should sit as judge over the accused. Ceely then said, captain
Bradden was his witness: which made G. Fox say to captain Bradden, who
was present there, ‘Didst thou see me give him such a blow, and strike
him as he saith?’ Bradden made no answer, but bowed his head. G. Fox
then desired him to speak up, if he knew any such thing: but he only
bowed his head again. ‘Nay,’ said G. Fox, ‘speak up, and let the court
and country hear, and let not bowing of the head serve the turn. If I
have done so, let the law be inflicted on me. I fear not sufferings,
nor death itself; for I am an innocent man concerning all his charge.’
But Bradden would not testify to it. And the judge, finding those
snares would not hold, cried, ‘Take him away, jailer;’ and fined the
prisoners twenty marks apiece, for not putting off their hats, and to
be kept in prison till they paid their fine: and so they were brought
back to jail again.
At night captain Bradden came with seven or eight justices to see them:
and they being very civil, said, they did not believe that either the
judge, or any in the court, believed those charges which major Ceely
had made upon G. Fox. And Bradden said, major Ceely had an intent to
have taken away G. Fox’s life, if he could have got another witness.
‘But,’ said G. Fox, ‘captain Bradden, why didst not thou witness for
me, or against me, seeing major Ceely produced thee for a witness, that
thou sawest me strike him? and when I desired thee to speak either
for me, or against me, according to what thou sawest or knewest, thou
wouldest not speak.’ ‘Why,’ said he, ‘when Major Ceely and I came by
you, as you were walking in the castle-green, he put off his hat to
you, and said, how do you do, Mr. Fox? Your servant, sir. Then you said
to him, major Ceely, take heed of hypocrisy, and of a rotten heart;
for when came I to be thy master, or thou my servant? Do servants use
to cast their masters into prison? This was the great blow he meant
that you gave him.’ G. Fox hearing this, called to mind, that they
walking by, Ceely had spoken the aforesaid words, and that he himself
indeed made such an answer, as is mentioned; and he thought he said
nothing amiss, since Ceely so openly had manifested his hypocrisy and
rotten-heartedness, when he complained of this to the judge in open
court, and would have made all believe, that G. Fox gave him a stroke
outwardly with his hand. A report of this trial being spread abroad,
divers people, of whom some were of account in the world, came far
and near to see him and his friends in prison, which tended to the
convincement of some.
Being settled in prison upon such a commitment, that they were not
likely to be soon released, they forebore giving the jailer seven
shillings a week apiece for themselves, and as much for their horses,
which he had in a manner extorted from them: but upon this he grew so
very wicked, that he turned them down into a nasty stinking place where
they used to put persons condemned for witchcraft and murder. This
place was so noisome, that it was observed few who went into it, did
ever come out again in health: for there was no house of office in it,
and the excrements of the prisoners that from time to time had been put
there, had not been carried out for many years; so that it was all like
mire, and in some places to the top of the shoes; and the jailer would
not suffer them to cleanse it, nor let them have beds or straw to lie
on. At night some friendly people of the town brought them a candle
and a little straw; of which they were about to burn a little to take
away the stink. The thieves lay over their heads, and the head jailer
in a room by them, over their heads also. But it seems the smoke went
up into the room where he lay, which put him into such a rage, that he
took the pots of the thieves’ excrements, and poured them down through
a hole upon their heads; whereby they were so bespattered, that it
was loathsome to touch themselves, or one another: besides the stink
so increased, that by it, and the smoke, they were almost in danger
of being suffocated. And all this could not satisfy the rage of this
cruel jailer, but he railed against them so hideously, and called them
such horrible nicknames, that they never had heard the like before.
In this manner they were forced to stand all night, for they could
not sit down, the place being so filthy. Thus he kept them a great
while, before he would let them cleanse it, or suffer them to have any
victuals brought in, but what they got through the grate. And even
this could not be done without difficulty; for a lass one time having
brought them a little meat, he sued her in the town-court for breaking
the prison; perhaps, because she had a little bent an half-broken bar
of the grate, to get a small dish through it. That this jailer was so
desperately wicked, is not so much to be wondered at, since, as they
were informed, he had been a thief, and was on that account burnt both
in the hand and on the shoulder; and the under-jailer in like manner:
their wives had also been burnt in the hand. It was not at all strange,
then, that the prisoners suffered most grievously from such a wicked
crew; but it was more to be wondered at, that colonel Bennet, a Baptist
teacher, having purchased the jail and lands belonging to the castle,
had there placed this head-jailer.
It was much talked of, that spirits haunted this dungeon, and walked
there, and that many had died in it; some thinking to terrify the
prisoners therewith. But G. Fox told them, that if all the spirits and
devils in hell were there, he was over them in the power of God, and
feared no such thing; for Christ, their priest, would sanctify the
walls and the house to them; he who bruised the head of the devil; as
the priest was to cleanse the plague out of the walls of the house
under the law.
Now the time of the sessions at Bodmin being come, the prisoners drew
up their suffering case, and sent the paper thither; upon reading of
which, the justices gave order, that the door of Doomsdale, (thus
the dungeon was called,) should be opened, and that they should have
liberty to cleanse it, and to buy their meat in the town. Having
obtained this liberty, they writ to London, and desired Anne Downer, a
young woman already mentioned in this work, to come down, and to buy
and dress their meat: which she being very willing to do, was therein
greatly serviceable to them; for she was a good writer, and could take
things in shorthand. They also sent up a relation of their sufferings
to the protector; who thereupon sent down an order to the governor
of Pendennis Castle, to examine the matter. On which occasion Hugh
Peters, one of the protector’s chaplains, told him they could not do
George Fox a greater service for the spreading of his principles in
Cornwall than to imprison him there. This was not altogether untrue,
for he was much visited, and many were turned from darkness to the
light; notwithstanding the mayor of Launceston was a fierce persecutor,
casting in prison all he could get; and he did not stick to search
substantial grave women, for letters, as supposed.
In Devonshire it was not much better; for many of those called
Quakers, that travelled through the country, were taken up and
whipped, under pretence of being vagabonds: nay, some clothiers, that
were going to mill with their cloth, and other substantial men, were
seized and whipped; and Henry Pollexfen, who had been a justice of
peace for the most part of forty years before, was cast into prison,
under pretence of being a Jesuit.
In the meanwhile Edward Pyot, who had been a captain, and was a man of
good understanding in the laws and rights of the nation, writ a large
letter to the lord chief justice John Glyn, wherein he plainly set
before him his unlawful dealings; and queried with him, whether his
saying if ye will be uncovered, (or put off your hats,) I will hear
you, and do you justice, was not an overthrow of the laws that were
made to maintain right and justice. Many other particulars, and among
the rest, that of G. Fox’s striking major Ceely were also mentioned
in this letter. G. Fox himself writ also several papers, wherein the
odiousness of persecution was plainly set forth.
Among those that came to visit him was Thomas Lower, a doctor of physic
at London; who, whilst I am writing this, is yet alive: and he, asking
many questions concerning religious matters, received such satisfactory
answers from G. Fox, that he afterwards said his words were as a flash
of lightning, they ran so through him; and that he never met with such
wise men in his life, &c. Thus he came to be convinced of the Truth,
and so entered into the communion of the despised Quakers. While G. Fox
was still in prison, one of his friends went to Oliver Cromwell, and
offered himself body for body, to lie in Doomsdale prison in his stead,
if he would take him, and let G. Fox go at liberty. But Cromwell said
he could not do it, for it was contrary to law: and turning to those of
his counsel, ‘Which of you,’ quoth he, ‘would do so much for me, if I
were in the same condition?‘
Thus G. Fox continued in prison, and it was yet a good while before he
and his fellow-prisoners were released. The next year the wicked jailer
received a recompense of his deeds; for he was turned out of his place,
and for some wicked act was cast into jail himself; and there his
carriage was so unruly, that he was, by the succeeding jailer, put into
Doomsdale, locked in irons, and beaten, and bid to remember how he had
abused those good men, whom he had wickedly, without any cause, cast
into that nasty dungeon; but that now he deservedly should suffer for
his wickedness; and the same measure he had meted to others, he should
have meted out to himself: and this mischievous fellow, who might have
grown rich if he had carried himself civilly, grew now very poor, and
so died in prison.
About the same time that G. Fox was released, Cromwell called a
parliament, which met for the first sitting, in the painted chamber at
Westminster, on the 17th of the month called September. Samuel Fisher
got an opportunity to come into this assembly, where he heard the
protector’s speech, and in it these words, ‘that he knew not of any one
man that had suffered imprisonment unjustly in all England.’ And after
he had got the conveniency of a standing, he said that he had a word
to speak from the Lord to the protector, to the parliament, and the
people, and then he began thus:
‘The burden of the word of the Lord God of heaven and of earth, as it
came unto me on the 22d day of the last month, and as it now lieth
upon me to declare it in his name, even unto thee, Oliver Cromwell,
protector, (so called,) of these three nations, England, Scotland,
and Ireland; and also to all you who are chosen out of the several
parts thereof to sit in parliament this day, to consider of such
things as concern the commonwealth thereof; and likewise to the
three nations themselves, and all the people thereof, whose rulers
and representatives ye are: which word of the Lord, as ye do not
deem yourselves too high, or too great, or too good, to be spoken to
from the Lord; and as you will not fall under the guilt of that sin
of saying to the seers, See not, and to the prophets, Prophesy not,
prophesy not unto us right things, prophesy smooth things, prophesy
deceits; I charge you all, in the name of the living God, that without
interruption or opposition, whether you like it, or like it not, you
stand still and hear it: and when I have done, you may do with me as
the Lord shall give you leave, or leave me under the power of your
hands to do; no law of equity condemning any man before he be heard,
especially when he speaks on so high an account as from the God of
heaven himself, though to such as are no less than God’s under him here
on earth.’
Scarce had he spoken thus much, but some cried, ‘A Quaker, a Quaker;
keep him down, he shall not speak:’ yet the protector and the
parliament-men were still and quiet. But some others, among whom two
justices of peace, had not so much patience; but Fisher, as he related
afterwards, believed that the protector and the parliament-men would
have given him audience, had not others set him at nought: some saying
the protector had spoken long, and was very hot and weary: and that
he, [Fisher,] might be ashamed to occasion his stay any longer. Thus
Fisher was interrupted, and the protector and parliament-men, rising,
went away, though Fisher did not question but the protector would have
heard him: for his moderation in hearing what was said, having been
experienced before, Fisher was willing to acknowledge his nobility as
freely as Paul took notice of the like in Festus; whom he held most
noble in that he would hear him, though he thought him mad. Fisher
being thus prohibited, published his speech in print, so as he intended
to have delivered it, though not one syllable of it was written before.
It was pretty long, and contained a sharp reproof to the hypocrisy of
those, who, under a show of godliness, made long prayers, kept fasts,
and, nevertheless, lived in pride, pomp, and luxury, persecuting those
who really were a pious people. And to the protector he said, that
unless he took away the wicked from before him, and all flattering
false accusers, his throne would never be established in righteousness.
In the introduction placed before this speech, he saith that before
this burden came upon him, he had prayed God that he might have been
excused of this message, thinking that a more unworthy one than himself
could not have been singled out; but whatever he did, he could not be
rid of it; and though he spent a whole week with fasting, tears, and
supplication, yet during the time of that abstinence, he felt a daily
supply and refreshment to his spirits, so that he fully resigned to do
what he believed was required of him from the Lord; and he felt all
fears of the frowns of men removed from him. Some other speeches which
he intended to have made to the parliament, but was obstructed therein,
he also published afterwards in print.
In the latter part of this year it happened that Humphrey Smith coming
to Evesham in Worcestershire, was disturbed in a meeting by the mayor,
Edward Young, who said he would break the Quakers’ meetings, or else
his bones should lie in the dirt. Thus resolved, he came in the month
called October, on a First-day of the week in the morning, into their
meeting, in a house where H. Smith was: and several persons after being
rudely abused, were hauled out to prison. In the afternoon a meeting
being kept in the street, some of the company were by order of the said
mayor put into the stocks, and others, of which the aforesaid Smith
was one, into a dark dungeon: and though the mayor then said it was
an unlawful assembly, but if they would meet in houses he would not
molest them; yet on next First-day of the week, he seeing one going to
a meeting that was appointed in a house, put him in prison. H. Smith
and his friends had some bedding and bed-clothes sent them, but the
mayor caused it to be taken away from them; and afterwards when some
straw was brought them to lie upon, the jailer would not suffer it;
nay, when one came, and asked liberty to fetch out their dung from
them, the mayor denied it, and ordered him to be put in the stocks. The
place where they were kept, was not twelve feet square, and the hole
to take in air, was but four inches wide, so that even by day-light
they were fain to burn candle, when they had it. Here they were kept
above fourteen weeks, with their own dung in the same room; so that
one of them grew sick of the stink; and yet the jailer said, if they
had been there for theft or murder, he could have let them have more
liberty than now he durst, because of the mayor. James Wall, one of the
prisoners, was a freeman of the town, and a shopkeeper, and yet the
mayor forbade his wife to stand in the market-place, which for many
years she had done. She going to him about it, he began to fawn upon
her, and said: ‘I hear that your husband doth abuse you.’ To which she
answered, ‘My husband did never abuse me; but as for that judgment
which he now holdeth, once I could not own it; but now seeing it is so
much persecuted, makes me own it, because the way of God was always
persecuted.’ He hearing her speak so, said, she should not have a
standing place for five pounds.
About a month after, Margaret Newby and Elizabeth Courton came to this
town, and had a meeting at the house of one Edward Pitwayes: but coming
in the afternoon to visit the prisoners, the mayor himself laid violent
hands on them, and caused them to be put in the stocks, with their legs
near a yard one from another; and he would not suffer them to have a
block to sit on, though they desired it; yet as one that would seem to
have some modesty, he bid the constable fetch a block, and put between
their legs, uttering indecent expressions; in this posture they were
kept for the space of fifteen hours, and then, in a freezing night sent
out of the town, without suffering them to go to any place to refresh
themselves. And as to Humphrey Smith, and those with him, they were yet
kept a good while in prison.
In this year Alexander Parker was at Radnor in Wales, and bearing
there a testimony against the priest Vavasor Powel, he also preached
the doctrine of Truth, as occasion offered. It was, I think, about
this time, that Ambrose Rigge and Thomas Robinson came to Exeter; from
thence to Bristol, and afterwards to Basingstoke in Hampshire. Here,
after much trouble, they got a meeting appointed; but before all the
people were assembled, the chief priest, with the magistrates, came
thither, and causing them to be taken away, tendered them the oath
of abjuration. But they denying to swear for conscience sake, were
committed to prison: and the jailer nailed planks before the window,
to deprive them of the light; neither would he suffer them to have
a candle at night. Here they were kept about a quarter of a year;
having nothing to lie on but some straw. But this their suffering had
such effect, that some of the inhabitants seeing these unreasonable
dealings, began to inquire into the doctrine held forth by the
sufferers, and so came to be convinced of the truth thereof. They at
last being released, Robinson went to Portsmouth, where he preached
repentance. Some time after A. Rigge came also thither, and reaped
what Robinson in some respect had sowed; though it was not long before
he was sent out of town. But returning within a short time, he found
opportunity to have a meeting there; and by his preaching some were
convinced, and embraced his doctrine.
From thence he went to the Isle of Wight, where some also received the
doctrine maintained by him. After some stay he returned to Sussex,
where he had great service. And travelling up and down the county, he
came to Weymouth and Melcomb-Regis, where speaking in the steeple-house
against the priest, he was seized and locked up in a nasty dungeon
where there was nothing to lie on but some filthy straw, and a stone
to sit on: there was also no house of office; but on the ground lay an
heap of dung, where he was also forced to ease himself. But there being
an opening at the top of the room, he could see people go along the
streets, and thus took occasion, from this subterranean cave, to preach
to the passengers with such power and efficacy, that his doctrine
entered into the hearts of the hearers and stuck there. This manner of
preaching often hath been in England, and I myself, in my young years,
have been an eye-witness of it; and have heard the prisoners lift up
their voice so, that it could be heard very easily in the streets;
which made people that passed by, stand still, and hearken to what was
spoken by such zealous preachers. And though these were often hindered
of having meetings, yet it was impossible to stop up the fountain from
whence their words flowed. Thus it was also with A. Rigge, who, after
an imprisonment of eleven weeks, being set at liberty, travelled up and
down again; but in many places where he came, a prison was his lot;
sometimes even when nothing could be laid to his charge, but that he
was gone from his dwelling-place; for the parliament had made a law,
that all who were gone from home, and could not give a satisfactory
account of their business, should be taken up as vagabonds. Under this
pretence, many who travelled to the markets with their goods, were
seized by the way; for if it did but appear that such an one was a
Quaker, which was presently seen by his not putting off his hat, then
there wanted no pretended reason to clap him up in prison.
A. Rigge travelling on, came also to visit some of his friends
in prison at Southampton. This was taken so ill, that the mayor,
Peter Seal, without examining, caused him to be fastened to the
whipping-post, in the market place, where he was severely lashed by
the executioner, and then put into a cart, and sent out of the town,
in freezing snowy weather; the mayor threatening him, that if ever he
returned, he should be whipt again, and burnt in the shoulder with an
R. signifying rogue. Notwithstanding this, he was moved to return, and
the mayor was very eager to have this executed on him; but the other
magistrates would not consent; and not long after the mayor died of a
bloody flux. This relation hath carried me a little beyond the course
of time. But now I leave A. Rigge for a while, intending to make
further mention of him hereafter.
In this year William Caton went again into Scotland, from whence
returning, he travelled to Bristol, thence to Plymouth, and so to
London; from whence he made a voyage again to Holland, where William
Ames and John Stubbs had been, and also found some among the English
people at Amsterdam, who had received the doctrine they preached,
though afterwards they turned from it again. W. Ames found also some
reception among the Baptists there, who at first were pleased with him,
but J. Stubbs did not please them so well: as Dr. Galenus Abrahams once
told me, who compared Ames to a musician that played a very melodious
tune, and Stubbs to a disturber of the harmonious music; though Ames
afterwards, for his great zeal, was found fault with also.
W. Caton now arrived at Dort, and from thence repaired to Rotterdam,
where, for want of an interpreter that understood English, he was fain
to make use of the Latin. But it grieved him exceedingly to meet with
some unruly spirits there, that having been in some measure convinced
by W. Ames, ran out under the denomination of Quakers, into extremes,
both in words and writings. Some of these persons I know, and have
seen also some of the books they published in print, in which, under
a pretence of plainness, not one capital letter was to be found, even
not to proper names, nay, not to names of authors themselves. And since
they ran out into several other extravagancies, it was not much to be
wondered, that the magistrates clapt them up in Bedlam. The ringleader
of these people, was one Isaac Furnier, who formerly, (as I have heard
my uncle tell, who had seen it himself,) lived as another Diogenes,
using at the fire, instead of a pair of tongs, a split stick; and now
conversing among the Quakers, so called, made it a piece of holiness
to use the most blunt language, he could think of; how absurd and
irregular soever. In fine, he so behaved himself, that the orthodox
Quakers rejected his society. He it was, as I have understood, who
was the author of that ridiculous saying, ‘My spirit testifieth:’
which, though not approved nor used by the true Quakers, yet hath
been so spread among the people in the Low Countries, that it hath
been constantly credited, and is not yet quite disbelieved, that the
Quakers used to say so of any thing they intend to do; and that if any
one, whoever it be, says so, they will give credit to his saying. The
abovesaid Dr. Galenus told me, that this man coming to his door, and
finding the doctor’s name writ on the post of the door, (as is usual in
Holland,) did with his knife, scratch out the letters Dr. signifying
doctor. On which the doctor asked him, why he did so? And his answer
was, because the spirit did testify so unto him. And being asked
farther, if so be that spirit did move him to stab the doctor with
the knife, whether he would follow that motion, he answered, (if the
relation be true,) as the doctor affirmed to me, ‘Yes.’ But however it
be, this is true, that this Furnier was a passionate, and giddy-headed
man, whom the true Quakers could not own, though he had translated
many of their books out of English into Dutch; and would also preach
amongst them. But at length he left them, and turning papist, fell into
a dissolute and debauched life.
But to return to W. Caton: coming to Amsterdam, he did not find much
more satisfaction there than at Rotterdam; for several high-conceited
professors, who seemed to approve the doctrine preached by the Quakers,
were more apt to take upon them to teach others, than to receive
instruction from others. Wherefore W. Caton did not stay long at
Amsterdam, but returned to Rotterdam; and from thence went to Zealand,
arriving at Middleburgh, accompanied with a certain young man, who
went to some of the meeting-places in that city, and was apprehended;
which Caton understanding, went to visit him, and they perceiving that
he was his companion, secured him also; and after having been kept in
prison some days, being weak in body, it was ordered that they should
be sent to England; and so they were carried in a coach-wagon to the
water-side, being conducted by a guard of soldiers, to protect them
against the rude multitude, and brought on board a ship of war, where
Caton suffered great hardship; for the seamen were so ill-natured,
that they would not allow him so much as a piece of sailcloth, but he
was fain to lie upon the bare boards, in very cold and stormy weather.
But though thus hardly used, yet he felt his strength increase, and so
experienced the mercies of God. It was in November when he arrived at
London, where he was kindly received by the brethren: after some stay
there, he went to Hampshire, Surry, Sussex, and Kent.
Not long before this, G. Fox came to Exeter, where James Nayler was
in prison, and spoke to him by way of reproof; which Nayler slighted,
though he offered to kiss G. Fox: but he unwilling to suffer this,
said, since he had turned against the power of God, he could not
receive his show of kindness. It appeared by letters the magistrates
found in his pocket at Bristol, that the Quakers found fault with him,
and had reproved him of his high-mindedness, before it launched out
into that extravagant act which made so great a noise in the world, and
hath been mixed with many untruths, and false turns. I have therefore
thought it worth while to inquire narrowly into it, in order to give a
true relation of matters of fact.
This James Nayler was born of honest parents,[9] in the parish of
Ardesley, near Wakefield in Yorkshire, about the year 1616. He had
served in the parliament army, being quarter-master in major-general
Lambert’s troop in Scotland; was a member of the Independents; and
afterwards, in the year 1651, he entered into the communion of the
Quakers, so called.[10] He was a man of excellent natural parts, and
at first did acquit himself well, both in word and writing among his
friends, so that many came to receive the Truth by his ministry. He
came to London towards the latter end of the year 1654, or beginning
of 1655, and found there a meeting of friends, which had already been
gathered in that city, by the service of Edward Burrough, and Francis
Howgill; and there he preached in such an eminent manner, that many
admiring his great gift, began to esteem him much above his brethren,
which as it brought him no benefit, so it gave occasion of some
difference in the society; and this ran so high, that some forward and
inconsiderate women, of whom Martha Simmons was the chief, assumed the
boldness to dispute with F. Howgill and E. Burrough, openly in their
preaching, and thus to disturb the meetings:[11] whereupon they, who
were truly excellent preachers, did not fail, according to their duty
to reprove this indiscretion. But these women were so disgusted, that
Martha, and another woman, went and complained to J. Nayler, to incense
him against F. Howgill and E. Burrough; but this did not succeed, for
he showed himself afraid to pass judgment upon his brethren, as they
desired. Hereupon Martha fell into a passion, in a kind of moaning or
weeping, and, bitterly crying out with a mournful shrill voice, said,
‘I looked for judgment, but behold a cry;’ and with that cried aloud
in a passionate lamenting manner, which so entered and pierced J.
Nayler, that it smote him down into so much sorrow and sadness, that
he was much dejected in spirit, or disconsolate. Fear and doubting
then entered him, so that he came to be clouded in his understanding,
bewildered, and at a loss in his judgment, and became estranged from
his best friends, because they did not approve his conduct; insomuch
that he began to give ear to the flattering praises of some whimsical
people, which he ought to have abhorred, and reproved them for. But
his sorrowful fall ought to stand as a warning, even to those that are
endued with great gifts, that they do not presume to be exalted, lest
they also fall, but endeavour to continue in true humility, in which
alone a Christian can be kept safe.
[9] His father was a husbandman, and of good repute, having a
competent estate to live on, with industry, according to the
manner of the country where he dwelt. He was educated in good
English, and wrote well. About the age of twenty-two he married,
and then removed into Wakefield parish; where he continued, till
the wars broke out in 1641, and then went into the army, and was
a soldier eight or nine years, first under the Lord Fairfax,
and afterwards quarter-master under major-general Lambert,
till disabled by sickness in Scotland, he returned home about
1649.--J. W.’s account.
[10] He and Thomas Goodair were convinced by G. Fox, about
Wakefield, anno 1651, as were also Richard Farnsworth, Thomas
Aldam, William Dewsbury, and wife, about the same time. And in
the beginning of the year following, as he was in the field
at plough, meditating on the things of God, he heard a voice,
bidding him to go out from his kindred, and from his father’s
house; and had a promise given with it, that the Lord would
be with him; whereupon he did exceedingly rejoice that he had
heard the voice of God, whom he had professed from a child, and
endeavoured to serve: and when he went home he made preparation
to go; but not being obedient, the wrath of God was upon him, so
that he was made a wonder, and it was thought he would have died.
Afterwards being made willing, and going out with a friend, not
thinking then of a journey, he was commanded to go into the West,
not knowing what he was to do there; but when he came, he had
given him what to declare; and so he continued, not knowing one
day what he was to do the next; and the promise of God, that he
would be with him, he found made good to him every day.--Collect.
of J. N.’s writings.
[11] These women’s practice we may suppose to be somewhat like
that which gave occasion to the apostle Paul to say, “Let your
women keep silence in the churches, for it is not permitted unto
them to speak.” 1 Cor. xix. 34. This prohibition of speaking,
must be voluntary discourse, by way of reasoning or disputing,
and not when they had an immediate impulse, or concern to
prophesy; for the apostle in the same epistle, has defined
prophesy to be speaking unto “Men to edification, exhortation,
and comfort.” chap. xiv. 3. And has also chap. xi. made express
mention of women’s praying and prophesying, together with the men.
Hannah Stranger, whom I very well know, and have reason to believe a
woman of high imaginations, at this time wrote to him several very
extravagant letters; calling him the everlasting Son of Righteousness,
Prince of Peace, the only begotten Son of God, the fairest of ten
thousands, &c. In the letters of Jane Woodcock, John Stranger, and
others, were expressions of the like extravagancy; and the said Hannah
Stranger, Martha Simmons, and Dorcas Erbury, arrived to that height
of folly, that in the prison at Exeter, they kneeled before Nayler,
and kissed his feet: but as to what hath been divulged concerning his
committing of fornication, I never could find, though very inquisitive
in the case, that he was in the least guilty thereof.[12]. But for
all that, he was already too much transported, and grew yet more
exorbitant; for being released from that prison, and riding to Bristol
in the beginning of November, he was accompanied by the aforesaid and
other persons; and passing through the suburbs of Bristol, one Thomas
Woodcock went bareheaded before him; one of the women led his horse;
Dorcas, Martha, and Hannah, spread their scarfs and handkerchiefs
before him, and the company sung, “Holy, holy, holy, is the Lord God
of hosts, Hosannah in the highest: holy, holy, holy, is the Lord God
of Israel.” Thus these mad people sung, whilst they were walking
through the mire and dirt, till they came into Bristol; where they were
examined by the magistrates, and committed to prison; and not long
after he was carried to London, to be examined by the parliament. How
it went there may be seen in the printed trial, which the parliament
was pleased to publish.[13] I believe that J. Nayler was clouded in
his understanding in all this transaction: but how grievous soever his
fall was, yet it pleased God, in his infinite mercy to raise him up
again, and to bring him to such sincere repentance, that, (as we may
see in the sequel,) he abhorred not only this whole business, but also
manifested his hearty sorrow, in pathetical expressions, which were
published, as will be shown in its proper place.
[12] As to that accusation, as if I had committed adultery with
some of those women who came with us from Exeter prison, and also
those who were with me at Bristol, the night before I suffered
there, of both which accusations I am clear, before God, who kept
me at that day both in thought and deed, as to all women, as a
little child, God is my record. Collect, of J. Nayler’s writings,
p. 54. See more particularly in his answer to Blome’s Fanatic
History, in the said Collect, at p. 652.
[13] But the extravagancy of the sentence, which that parliament
passed upon him with other circumstances, give great reason
to suspect the account was partially taken, and published to
justify their cruelty, which is also set forth in part by way of
annotation on the said trial. And, (as J. W. says,) some of his
answers were innocent enough, some not clear, and some aggravated
by his adversaries; some of them he denied, some he owned; they
reported the worst, and more than was true in some things, adding
and diminishing as they were minded; much was wanting of what he
had spoken to the committee; wresting and perverting his words
what they could, and endeavouring to draw words out of him to
ensnare him, and take away his life: and to show their confusion
when he was before them, they would have had him to kneel, and
put off his hat to them, though a part of the charge against him
was, that some kneeled to him.
What hath been said of the odd doings in Exeter prison, and of his
riding into Bristol, was not denied by him, nor by the rest of the
company, when they were examined by a committee of parliament, who
made their report on the 5th of December, to which the house agreed
next day. On the 16th this business, which had, (not without much
contradiction; for many members of the parliament did not approve the
severity used against him,) been treated both forenoons and afternoons,
was proposed the twelfth time: which made an ingenious author say
afterwards, that it was wondered at by many, what the cause might be,
that this foolish business should hold so many wise men so long at
work. On the 17th, after a long debate, they came to this resolution,
That James Nayler be set on the pillory, with his head in the
pillory, in the Palace-yard, Westminster, during the space of
two hours, on Thursday next, and be whipped by the hangman
through the streets, from Westminster to the Old Exchange,
London; and there likewise be set on the pillory, with his head
in the pillory, for the space of two hours, between the hours of
eleven and one, on Saturday next, in each place wearing a paper
containing an inscription of his crimes; and that at the Old
Exchange his tongue be bored through with a hot iron, and that
he be there also stigmatized in the forehead with the letter B.;
and that he be afterwards sent to Bristol, and be conveyed into,
and through the said city on horseback, with his face backward,
and there also publicly whipped the next market-day after he
comes thither; and that from thence he be committed to prison in
Bridewell, London, and there restrained from the society of all
people, and there to labour hard till he shall be released by
parliament; and during that time he be debarred the use of pen,
ink, and paper, and shall have no relief but what he earns by his
daily labour.
They were long ere they could agree on the sentence; for suppose there
was blasphemy committed, yet his tongue seemed not properly guilty of
it, since it was not proved that blasphemous words had been spoken by
him.[14] Many thought it to be indeed a very severe judgment to be
executed upon one whose crime seemed to proceed more from a clouded
understanding, than any wilful intention of evil.
[14] At Lancaster sessions the priest got some to swear blasphemy
against G. Fox, (which was the common accusation in those days,)
but he was cleared, and the priests, &c. were enraged, who
thereupon sent a petition to the council of state, against G.
F. and J. N. who answered the same in a book called, ‘Saul’s
Errand to Damascus.’ After this, J. N. was persecuted in divers
places, beaten, stoned, and cruelly used by the priests and
their rude followers, and in danger of his life. Afterward, by
the instigation of the priest, he and F. Howgill were committed
to Appleby jail, and tried on an indictment for blasphemy, for
saying Christ was in him, according to Col. i. 27. “Christ in
you the hope of glory.” He was also another time charged with
blasphemy, for asserting in a book, ‘Justification by the gift of
God’s Righteousness,’ which he proved from Rom. v. and so stopped
their mouths, and cleared himself: by which we may see what that
generation, who were righteous in their own eyes, would have made
blasphemy.--J. Whiting’s account.
Now although several persons of different persuasions, being moved
with compassion towards Nayler, as a man carried away by foolish
imaginations, had offered petitions to the parliament on his behalf,
yet it was resolved not to read them, till the sentence was pronounced
against him.
There lived then at London, one Robert Rich, a merchant, (a very bold
man,) who writ a letter to the parliament, wherein he showed what was
blasphemy; and on the 15th of December, several copies thereof were
delivered to particular members; and in that which was given to the
speaker, these words were written at the bottom, ‘If I may have liberty
of those that sit in parliament, I do here attend at their door, and am
ready, out of the Scriptures of Truth, to show, that not any thing J.
Nayler hath said or done, is blasphemy,’ &c.
The parliament after judgment was concluded, resolved that the speaker
should be authorized to issue his warrants to the sheriffs of London
and Middlesex, the sheriff of Bristol, and governor of Bridewell, to
see the said judgment put in execution. By some it was questioned
whether that was a sufficient warrant, unless the protector concurred
in the matter; but he seemed unwilling to meddle with it. The thing
being thus far agreed upon, J. Nayler was brought up to the bar; and
when the speaker, sir Thomas Waddrington, was about to pronounce the
aforementioned sentence, Nayler said he did not know his offence.
To which the speaker returned, he should know his offence by his
punishment. After sentence was pronounced, though J. Nayler bore the
same with great patience, yet it seemed he would have spoken something,
but was denied liberty; nevertheless was heard to say, with a composed
mind, ‘I pray God, he may not lay it to your charge.’
The 18th of December, J. Nayler suffered part of the sentence; and
after having stood full two hours with his head in the pillory,
was stripped, and whipt at a cart’s tail, from Palace-yard to the
Old Exchange, and received three hundred and ten stripes; and the
executioner would have given him one more, (as he confessed to the
sheriff,) there being three hundred and eleven kennels, but his foot
slipping, the stroke fell upon his own hand, which hurt him much.
All this Nayler bore with so much patience and quietness, that it
astonished many of the beholders, though his body was in a most pitiful
condition: he was also much hurt with horses treading on his feet,
whereon the print of the nails were seen. Rebecca Travers, a grave
person, who washed his wounds, in a certificate which was presented to
the parliament, and afterwards printed, says, ‘There was not the space
of a man’s nail free from stripes and blood, from his shoulders, near
to his waist, his right arm sorely striped, his hands much hurt with
cords, that they bled, and were swelled: the blood and wounds of his
back did very little appear at first sight, by reason of abundance of
dirt that covered them, till it was washed off.’ Nay, his punishment
was so severe, that some judged his sentence would have been more mild,
if it had been present death: and it seemed indeed that there was a
party, who not being able to prevail so far in parliament as to have
him sentenced to death, yet strove to the utmost of their power to make
him sink under the weight of his punishment: for the 20th December was
the time appointed for executing the other part of the sentence, viz.
boring through his tongue, and stigmatizing in his forehead; but by
reason of the most cruel whipping, he was brought to such a low ebb,
that many persons of note, moved with compassion, presented petitions
to the parliament on his behalf, who respited his further punishment
for one week.
* * * * *
During this interval, several persons presented another petition, in
which are these words:
‘Your moderation and clemency in respiting the punishment of J.
Nayler, in consideration of his illness of body, hath refreshed
the hearts of many thousands in these cities, altogether
unconcerned in his practice; wherefore we most humbly beg your
pardon that are constrained to appear before you in such a suit,
(not daring to do otherwise,) that you would remit the remaining
part of your sentence against the said J. Nayler, leaving him
to the Lord, and to such gospel remedies as he hath sanctified;
and we are persuaded you will find such a course of love and
forbearance more effectual to reclaim; and will leave a seal of
your love and tenderness upon our spirits,
And we shall pray,’ &c.
This petition being presented at the bar of the house by about one
hundred persons, on the behalf of the whole, was accordingly read
and debated by them; but not being likely to produce the desired
effect, the petitioners thought themselves in duty and conscience
bound to address the protector, for remitting the remaining part of
the sentence; who, thereupon, sent a letter to the parliament, which
occasioned some debate in the house. But the day for executing the
remaining part of the sentence drawing near, the petitioners made a
second address to the protector. It was, indeed, very remarkable,
that so many inhabitants that were not of the society of those called
Quakers, showed themselves so much concerned in this business; but
to me it seems to have proceeded merely from compassion towards the
person of J. Nayler; whom they regarded as one that was rather fallen
into error, through inconsiderateness, than to have been guilty of
wilful blasphemy: for then he would not have deserved so much pity.
But, notwithstanding all these humble petitions, the public preachers,
it seems, prevailed so much with Cromwell, that he could not resolve
to put a stop to the intended execution; for five of these ministers,
whom I find named thus, Caryl, Manton, Nye, Griffith, and Reynolds,
came on the 24th of December, by order from the parliament, (as it was
said,) to Nayler, to speak with him concerning the things for which
he was detained; and would not permit either friend or other to be
present in the room. A certain impartial or neutral person desired it
earnestly, but it was denied him; but coming into the prison, after the
conference, he asked Nayler what had been the issue of it, who told
him, that he told those ministers, that he saw they had an intent to
make him suffer, (though innocent,) as an evil-doer; and therefore had
denied any to be present that might be indifferent judges betwixt them
and him; and that therefore he should not say any thing, unless what
passed was written down, and a copy thereof given him to keep, or left
with the jailer, signed by them. This was by them consented to, and
so they propounded several questions unto him, and took his answers
in writing. He further told, that they asked him if he was sorry for
those blasphemies that he was guilty of, and whether he did recant
and renounce the same; to which his answer was, ‘What blasphemies,
name them?’ but they not being able to instance in any particular, he
continued, ‘Would you have me recant and renounce, you know not what?’
Then they asked him whether he did believe there was a Jesus Christ? to
which he answered, he did believe there was, and that Jesus had taken
up his dwelling in his heart and spirit, and for the testimony of Him
he now suffered. Then one of the preachers said, ‘But I believe in a
Jesus that never was in any man’s heart:’ to which Nayler returned,
he knew no such Christ, for the Christ he witnessed filled heaven and
earth, and dwelt in the hearts of the believers. Next they demanded
of him why he suffered those women to worship and adore him? to which
he replied, ‘Bowing to the creature I deny; but if they beheld the
power of Christ, wherever it is, and bow to it, he had nothing by
which he might resist that, or gainsay it;’[15] and withal said to the
ministers, ‘Have you thus long professed the Scriptures, and do you now
stumble at what they hold forth?’ Whereupon they desiring one instance
of Scripture wherein such a practice was held forth, he answered,
‘What think you of the Shunamite’s falling down at the feet of Elisha
and bowing before him? As also divers others in Scripture spoken of,
as of Abigail to David, and that of Nebuchadnezzar to Daniel:’ upon
which they pausing awhile, said at length, ‘That was but a civil act
or acknowledgement:’ to which he returned, ‘So you might interpret the
act of those women also, if your eye were not evil, seeing the outward
action is one and the same:’ and he perceiving that they were seeking
to wrest words from him to their own purpose, said, ‘How soon have you
forgot the works of the bishops, who are now found in the same, seeking
to ensnare the innocent.’ Whereupon they rose up, and with bitterness
of spirit, burnt what they had written before, and so left him with
some bemoaning expressions; and when they were departing, he desired of
them that the parliament would send him such questions in writing as
they desired satisfaction to, and give him leave to return his answers
in writing also.
[15] The most that I find in his examination, either in Bristol
or London, before the committee of parliament, as published from
their report, was, that he owned Christ in him, but never that
he was Christ; and that he took the honour given, not as to
himself, but to Christ in him; which yet is more than any man
ought to receive; for when the beloved disciple, John, fell at
the angel’s feet to worship him, he, (though an angel,) said unto
him, “See thou do it not, I am thy fellow-servant, and of thy
brethren that have the testimony of Jesus, worship God.” Rev.
xix. 10. And if an angel ought not, surely no mortal man ought to
receive or accept it, on any pretence whatsoever; though falling
down, or kneeling to one another, is too frequently used by some
other people, and if it is not to their person, it must be to
their function, quality, or character in the church: but that he
received it to himself, as a creature, he utterly denied, Trial,
p. 15. And that there could not be a more abominable thing, than
to take from the Creator, and give to the creature, &c. J. W.
By this it seems that Nayler, though still under some cloud, yet was
a little more clear in his understanding than before; but he was
encountered by fierce enemies, and therefore the execution of his
sentence was not stopped, but performed on the 27th of December. Robert
Rich, that forward man, of whom something hath been mentioned already,
was this day at the parliament door, from eight in the morning till
about eleven, crying variously to the parliament men, as they passed
by. To one whom he judged to be innocent, he said, “He that dwelleth
in love, dwelleth in God, for God is love:” and to another, whom he
thought to be swayed by envy, he said, “He that hates his brother is
a manslayer, and he that hates his brother is a murderer.” Some then
thought that Nayler would not have suffered any further punishment,
because many honourable persons had attended the parliament and the
protector on his behalf; but Rich knowing how the case stood, told
the people that the innocent was going to suffer; and to some of the
parliament men he cried, that he was clear from the blood of all
men; and that he desired them to be so too. Then he went towards the
Exchange, and got on the pillory, held Nayler by the hand while he
was burnt in the forehead, and bored through the tongue; and was not
a little affected with Nayler’s suffering, for he licked his wounds,
thereby as it seems to allay the pain; and he led him by the hand from
off the pillory. It was very remarkable that notwithstanding there
might be many thousands of people, yet they were very quiet, and few
heard to revile him, or seen to throw any thing at him: and when he
was burning, the people both before and behind him, and on both sides,
with one consent stood bareheaded, as seeming generally moved with
compassion and good-will towards him.
Many now rejoiced, seeing how some few among the Quakers, as Rich,
and the like sort of people, did side with Nayler, whilst the Quakers
generally spoke against him and his doings; for those who hoped to see
the downfall of them, signified not obscurely, that now things went
as they would have, since the Quakers, (as they said,) were divided
among themselves. But time showed that this pretended division soon
came to an end, and those diviners and guessers overshot themselves.
How it went with the execution of Nayler’s sentence at Bristol, I am
not informed;[16] but by a letter of one Richard Snead, an ancient
man of about eighty years, I have understood that Nayler had written a
letter to the magistrates of Bristol, wherein he had disapproved, and
penitently condemned, his carriage there.[17] After this he was brought
to Bridewell, London, (as sentenced,) where he continued prisoner about
two years, during which confinement he came to a true repentance of his
transgression; and having got the use of pen and ink, wrote several
books and papers, condemning his error, which were published in print;
and after his release, he published several others, one of which by way
of recantation, runs thus:
[16] He was sent to Bristol, and there whipped from the
middle of Thomas street, over the bridge, up High street, to
the middle of Broad street, all which he bore with wonderful
patience, as related by an eye-witness, and then sent by Tower
lane the back way to Newgate, and from thence returned to
Bridewell, London, according to the sentence.--J. W.
[17] After he was set at liberty, he went to Bristol, where in
a public meeting, he made confession of his offence, as to his
former fall, and declared in so powerful a manner, as tendered
and broke the meeting into tears, so that there were few dry
eyes, (as related by some then present,) and many were bowed in
their minds and reconciled to him.--J. W.’s account.
‘Glory to God Almighty, who ruleth in the heavens, and in
whose hands are all the kingdoms of the earth; who raiseth up,
and casteth down at his will; who hath ways to confound the
exaltation of man, and to chastise his children, and to make
man to know himself to be as grass before him; whose judgments
are above the highest of men, and his pity reacheth the deepest
misery; and the arm of his mercy is underneath, to lift up the
prisoner out of the pit, and to save such as trust in him from
the great destruction, which vain man, through his folly, brings
upon himself; who hath delivered my soul from darkness, and made
way for my freedom out of the prison-house, and ransomed me from
the great captivity; who divides the sea before him, and removes
the mountains out of his way, in the day when he takes upon him
to deliver the oppressed out of the hand of him that is too
mighty for him in the earth: let his name be exalted for ever,
and let all flesh fear before him; whose breath is life to his
own, but a consuming fire to the adversary.
‘And to the Lord Jesus Christ be everlasting dominion upon earth,
and his kingdom above all the powers of darkness; even that
Christ of whom the Scriptures declare, which was, and is, and
is to come, the light of the world to all generations; of whose
coming I testify with the rest of the children of light, begotten
of the immortal seed, whose truth and virtue now shine in the
world, unto the righteousness of eternal life, and the Saviour of
all that believe therein; who hath been the rock of my salvation,
and his spirit hath given quietness and patience to my soul in
deep affliction, even for his name’s sake: praises forever.
‘But condemned forever be all those false worships with which
any have idolized my person in the night of my temptation, when
the power of darkness was above. All their casting of their
clothes in the way, their bowings and singings, and all the
rest of those wild actions which did any ways tend to dishonour
the Lord, or draw the minds of any from the measure of Christ
Jesus in themselves, to look at flesh, which is as grass, or to
ascribe that to the visible, which belongs to Christ Jesus; all
that I condemn, by which the pure name of the Lord hath been any
ways blasphemed through me, in the time of temptation: or the
spirits of any people grieved, that truly love the Lord Jesus,
throughout the whole world, of what sort soever. This offence I
confess, which hath been sorrow of heart, that the enemy of man’s
peace in Christ, should get this advantage in the night of my
trial, to stir up wrath and offences in the creation of God; a
thing the simplicity of my heart did not intend, the Lord knows;
who in his endless love hath given me power over it, to condemn
it. And also that letter which was sent me to Exeter, by John
Stranger, when I was in prison, with these words, ‘Thy name shall
be no more James Nayler, but Jesus,’ this I judge to be written
from the imaginations; and a fear struck me when I first saw
it, so I put it into my pocket, close, not intending any should
see it; which they finding on me, spread it abroad, which the
simplicity of my heart never owned. So this I deny also, that
the name of Christ Jesus was received instead of James Nayler,
or ascribed to him; for that name is to the promised seed to all
generations; and he that hath the Son, hath the name, which is
life and power, the salvation and the unction, into which name
all the children of light are baptized. So the name of Christ I
confess before men, which name to me hath been a strong tower in
the night and in the day; and this is the name of Christ Jesus,
which I confess, the Son and the Lamb, the promised seed, where
he speaks in male and female. But who hath not this in himself,
hath not life, neither can have, by idolizing my person, or the
person of any flesh; but in whom the heir is born, and hath
spoken, or doth speak, there he must not be denied the mouth to
speak by, who is head over all, and in all his own, God blessed
forever.
‘And all those ranting wild spirits, which then gathered about
me in that time of darkness; and all their wild actions and
wicked words against the honour of God, and his pure spirit and
people; I deny that bad spirit, the power and the works thereof;
and as far as I gave advantage, through want of judgment, for
that evil spirit in any to arise, I take shame to myself justly;
having formerly had power over that spirit, in judgment and
discerning, wherever it was; which darkness came over me through
want of watchfulness and obedience to the pure eye of God, and
diligently minding the reproof of life, which condemns the
adulterous spirit. So the adversary got advantage, who ceases not
to seek to devour; and being taken captive from the true light,
I was walking in the night where none can work, as a wandering
bird fit for a prey. And if the Lord of all my mercies had not
rescued me, I had perished; for I was as one appointed to death
and destruction, and there was none could deliver me. And this I
confess, that God may be justified in his judgment, and magnified
in his mercies without end, who did not forsake his captive in
the night, even when his spirit was daily provoked and grieved;
but hath brought me forth to give glory to his name for ever. And
it is in my heart to confess to God, and before men, my folly and
offence in that day: yet were there many things formed against
me in that day to take away my life, and bring scandal upon the
Truth, of which I am not guilty at all; as that accusation, as if
I had committed adultery with some of those women who came with
us from Exeter prison, and also those who were with me at Bristol
the night before I suffered there; of both which accusations I
am clear before God, who kept me in that day both in thought and
deed, as to all women, as a child, God is my record. And this I
mention in particular, (hearing of some who still cease not to
reproach therewith God’s Truth and people,) that the mouth of
enmity might be shut from evil speaking; though this toucheth not
my conscience.
‘And that report, as though I had raised Dorcas Erbury from the
dead carnally, this I deny also, and condemn that testimony to
be out of the Truth; though that power that quickens the dead,
I deny not, which is the word of eternal life. And this I give
forth, that it may go as far as the offence against the Spirit
of Truth hath gone abroad, that all burdens may be taken off of
the Truth, and the Truth cleared thereby, and the true light, and
all that walk therein, and the deeds of darkness be condemned;
and that all that are in darkness, may not act in the night, but
stay upon God, who dwells in the light, who with the workers
of iniquity hath no fellowship; which had I done, when first
darkness came upon me, and not been led by others, I had not
run against that rock to be broken, which so long had borne me,
and of whom I had so largely drank, and of which I now drink
in measure; to whom be the glory of all, and to him must every
tongue confess, as Judge and Saviour, God over all, blessed
forever.’
The author adding to this an exhortation to the reader, how to behave
himself, if at any time he came to be tempted to sin; and also a
warning, not to rely too much on gifts, wisdom, and knowledge,
concludes thus:
‘This I have learned in the deeps, and in secret, when I was
alone; and now declare openly in the day of thy mercy, O Lord.
Glory to the Highest for evermore, who hath thus far set me free,
to praise his righteousness and his mercy; and to the eternal,
invisible, pure God, over all, be fear, obedience, and glory for
evermore. Amen.