manentibus, qui segetem eius proculcavit, qui succidit arbusta, non quia
recepit quod pepigerat sed quia ne reciperet effecit. Sic debitori suo
creditor saepe damnatur, ubi plus ex alia causa abstulit quam ex crediti
petit._
[954] The _pactum_ implied in _pepigerat_.
[955] _de benef_ VII 5 §§ 2, 3, _conduxi domum a te; in hac aliquid
tuum est, aliquid meum; res tua est, usus rei tuae meus est. itaque
nec fructus tanges colono tuo prohibente, quamvis in tua possessione
nascantur ... nec conductum meum, quamquam sis dominus, intrabis, nec
servum tuum, mercennarium meum, abduces_ ... etc. See the chapter on the
Jurists of the Digest.
[956] _epist_ 90 § 39 _licet itaque nunc conetur reparare quod perdidit,
licet agros agris adiciat vicinum vel pretio pellens vel iniuria, licet
in provinciarum spatium rura dilatet et possessionem vocet per sua longam
peregrinationem_ ... etc. For _iniuria_ cf Columella I 3 §§ 6, 7. The
violent expulsion of poor farmers by the rich is an old topic. Cf Sallust
_Iug_ 41 § 8, Appian _civ_ I 7 § 5 and see index.
[957] _epist_ 87 § 7 _quia in omnibus provinciis arat ... quia tantum
suburbani agri possidet quantum invidiose in desertis Apuliae possideret_.
[958] _de ira_ III 29 § 1.
[959] Lucan VII 387-439.
[960] _vincto fossore coluntur Hesperiae vegetes._
[961] I 158-82.
[962] _longa sub ignotis extendere rura colonis._ Cf Seneca _de vita
beata_ 17 § 2 _cur trans mare possides? cur plura quam nosti?_ and Petron
37.
[963] VI 152 _o famuli turpes, servum pecus_.
[964] Calpurn _ecl_ IV 118.
[965] Petron § 37 _fundos habet qua milvi volant_. A proverbial phrase,
cf Persius IV 26 _dives arat ... quantum non milvus oberret_, Juvenal IX
55.
[966] Petron § 53.
[967] _edicta aedilium._
[968] _saltuariorum testamenta._ They were evidently slaves and could
only make wills by leave of their owner. See Dig XXXIII 7 § 12⁴.
[969] Many times referred to in the book.
[970] I 3 §§ 8-13.
[971] Cf Plin _epist_ III 19 § 2 _pulchritudo iungendi_, and Mayor’s
note. Petron § 77.
[972] I 3 §§ 6, 7, where he even refers to a very disobliging neighbour
of his own estate.
[973] I 1 § 20 _longinqua ne dicam transmarina rura_ ... etc.
[974] I _praef_ §§ 13-15, XII _praef_ §§ 8-10.
[975] I _praef_ § 12.
[976] I 7 _passim_.
[977] If we are to hold that _opus_ here refers only to work on the
particular farm hired by the tenant, I presume it includes improvements,
as in Digest XIX 2 § 24³.
[978] _remissionem petere non audet._
[979] _felicissimum fundum esse qui colonos indigenas haberet et tamquam
in paterna possessione natos iam inde a cunabulis longa familiaritate
retineret._
[980] _urbanum colonum, qui per familiam mavult agrum quam per se colere._
[981] _rusticos et eosdem adsiduos colonos._
[982] _in his regionibus quae gravitate caeli solique sterilitate
vastantur._ Cf I 5 § 5, _gravibus_, and Varro I 17 § 2.
[983] By H. Blümner in Müller’s _Handbuch_. So also Gummerus in _Klio_
1906 pp 85-6.
[984] _domini praesentia cariturum._
[985] Dig XXXIII 7 § 25¹, XIX 2 § 24, § 25³.
[986] M Weber _Röm Agrargeschichte_ p 244. Of course _opus_ is a
general term, not technical as _operae_ (= labour units) often is. See
Vinogradoff _Growth of the Manor_ note 94 on p 110. From Horace _epist_ I
1 21 _opus debentibus_ I can get no help.
[987] See below, in the chapter on the African inscriptions.
[988] Caesar _civ_ I 34, 56.
[989] Wallon, _Esclavage_ II 99, 100, refers to the long leasing of
municipal estates, held in virtual perpetuity so long as the rent was
paid. He cites Gaius III 145. So too estates of temples, and later of the
_fiscus_.
[990] Wallon II 120, cf Digest XXXIII 7 § 19, an opinion of Paulus. It
seems to be a sort of _métayer_ system. See index.
[991] But such as the _imbecilli cultores_ of Plin _epist_ III 19 § 6.
[992] See case referred to by Paulus in Digest XXXI § 86¹.
[993] I _praef_ § 12 _ex mercennariis aliquem_. In II 2 § 12 _operarum
vilitas_, and IV 6 § 3 _operarum paenuria_, III 21 § 10 _plures operas
quantocumque pretio conducere_, the hands hired may be slaves.
[994] Of course not necessarily agricultural, in fact generally not.
See my article in _Journal of Roman Studies_ 1918, and Index under
_Emigration_.
[995] Very different from the small farmers of old time, who were owners.
[996] See for instance Digest XXXIII 7 § 18⁴, and § 20¹, opinions of
Scaevola.
[997] I 8 and XI 1.
[998] I 8 §§ 1-3, XI 1 §§ 3, 4, 7.
[999] I 8 §§ 3, 4, where he says that a man who learns how to do
things _ab subiecto_ is not fitted _opus exigere_. XI 1 §§ 9-13 is not
inconsistent with this, but lays more stress on the necessity of training
the _vilicus_.
[1000] I 8 § 5 _contubernalis mulier_. She is to be _vilica_, cf XII 1 §§
1, 2. Apuleius _met_ VIII 22.
[1001] _eidemque actori_ = him in his capacity of _actor_. Cf XI 1 §§ 13,
19. See Index, _actor_.
[1002] I 8 §§ 6, 7, XI 1 §§ 22-3.
[1003] _nisi ut addiscat aliquam culturam._ He is in a sense _colonus_,
and hence his sphere of duty is called _colonia_ in XI 1 § 23. In I 4 §§
4, 5 the value of experiments is recognized.
[1004] I 8 § 8, XI 1 §§ 20-1.
[1005] I 8 § 9, XI 1 § 21.
[1006] I 8 § 10 _animi, quantum servile patitur ingenium, virtutibus
instructus_.
[1007] I 8 § 10, XI 1 § 25.
[1008] I 8 § 11 _operis exactio, ut iusta reddantur, ut vilicus semper se
repraesentet_, XI 1 §§ 25-6.
[1009] _magistri singulorum officiorum_, XI 1 § 27.
[1010] I 8 § 12, XI 1 § 23.
[1011] I 8 § 13, XI 1 § 24.
[1012] I 8 §§ 13-4, XI 1 §§ 27-30.
[1013] In XI 1 §§ 4 foll this notion is, with citation of Xenophon,
repudiated, and the need of training a steward emphasized.
[1014] In XI 1 § 4 he cites a saying of Cato, _male agitur cum domino
quem vilicus docet_.
[1015] I 8 § 15.
[1016] I 8 § 16 _ut ergastuli mancipia recognoscant_ ... etc. In XI 1 §
22 this appears as part of the steward’s daily duty.
[1017] I 8 §§ 17-8 _quanto et pluribus subiecti, ut vilicis ut operum
magistris ut ergastulariis, magis obnoxii perpetiendis iniuriis, et
rursus saevitia atque avaritia laesi magis timendi sunt_.
[1018] _an ex sua constitutione iusta percipiant._ _sua_ = the scale
allowed by himself as _dominus_.
[1019] I 8 § 19.
[1020] _multum confert augendo patrimonio._
[1021] I 9 §§ 1-6. Cf XI 1 §§ 8, 9.
[1022] _mediastinus._
[1023] Cf Dig XXXIII 7 § 8 pr.
[1024] _vineta plurimum per alligatos excoluntur._
[1025] _ne confundantur opera familiae, sic ut omnes omnia exequantur._
[1026] I 9 §§ 7, 8.
[1027] VI 2 § 15 _pecoris operarii_ (the very word also used = labourer),
3 § 3 _iumentis iusta operum reddentibus_.
[1028] XI 1 § 18 _more optimi pastoris ... idem quod ille diligens
opilio_.
[1029] _valetudinarium_ XI 1 § 18, XII 1 § 6, 3 §§ 7, 8.
[1030] IV 3 § 1 _quosdam emacitas in armentis, quosdam exercet in
comparandis mancipiis; de tuendis nulla cura tangit_. Cf I 4 § 7.
[1031] XII 3 especially §§ 1, 8, cf _praef_ § 9. He refers to Xenophon.
[1032] VIII 11 § 2 _tamquam servitio liberatae_, also 12 and 15 § 7
_parere cunctantur in servitute_.
[1033] I 6 § 3 _vinctis quam saluberrimum subterraneum ergastulum,
plurimis idque angustis illustratum fenestris atque a terra sic editis ne
manu contingi possint_. Cf XI 1 §§ 22.
[1034] I 6 § 19 _rusticis balneis_.
[1035] I 3 § 12 [our land-grabbers scorn moderation and buy up _fines
gentium_ so vast that they cannot even ride round them] _sed proculcandos
pecudibus et vastandos feris derelinquunt, aut occupatos nexu civium et
ergastulis tenent_. Schneider explains _nexu_ etc as = _civibus ob aes
alienum nexis_. Surely at this date it cannot be used in the strictly
technical sense. See p 269.
[1036] Like the _obaerarii_ or _obaerati_ of Varro I 17 § 2. See on that
passage p 180.
[1037] _suppressio._ See Index.
[1038] VIII 2 § 7 _anus sedula_ may serve as _custos vagantium_.
[1039] VI _praef_ § 4.
[1040] I 8 § 5, 7 § 7, but in XII 3 § 6 for instance _actores_ are not =
_vilici_. Schneider.
[1041] See Cic _de oratore_ I § 249, _pro Tullio_ § 17.
[1042] I 6 § 23.
[1043] I 6 § 7 _procuratori supra ianuam ob easdem causas: et is tamen
vilicum observet ex vicino_. Cf Plin _epist_ III 19 § 2.
[1044] In Columella’s time. At a later date this could hardly be said, as
the position of _coloni_ became worse.
[1045] III 13 §§ 12, 13. Cf Dig XLIII 24 § 15¹.
[1046] A good instance in Pliny _NH_ XIV 49, 50.
[1047] III 21 § 10 (of hurry resulting from want of forethought)
_cogitque plures operas quantocumque pretio conducere_.
[1048] III 3 § 8.
[1049] I _praef_ §§ 1, 2, II 1. Cf III 3 § 4 with Varro I 44 § 1.
[1050] I 3 § 9 _nec dubium quin mimis reddat laxus ager non recte cultus
quam angustus eximie_, IV 3 § 6.
[1051] For milk-delivery see Calpurnius _ecl_ IV 25-6 _et lac venale per
urbem non tacitus porta_. For cheese Verg _G_ III 402.
[1052] VI _praef_ §§ 3-5.
[1053] Also bee-keeping.
[1054] VIII 10 §§ 3, 4.
[1055] _quia nec parvo conducuntur qui mandant_ ... etc.
[1056] II 9 §§ 14, 16.
[1057] _siligo_, II 6 § 2, 9 § 13.
[1058] I 6 §§ 9-17.
[1059] II 20 § 6 _frumenta, si in annos reconduntur, ... sin protinus
usui destinantur_ ... etc.
[1060] I 2 § 3.
[1061] As Plutarch _C Gracc_ 7 says εὐθεῖαι γὰρ ἤγοντο διὰ τῶν χωρίων
ἀτρεμεῖs.
[1062] I 5 §§ 6, 7.
[1063] I 3 §§ 3, 4.
[1064] II 13 § 7 _consummatio operarum_.
[1065] II 21 § 10.
[1066] I _praef_ § 12, XI 1 § 12.
[1067] I _praef_ § 17 (of the non-urban population in old times) _qui
rura colerent administrarentve opera colonorum_. The last three words are
not in some MSS.
[1068] I 4 § 4, Verg _G_ I 51-3.
[1069] So the Greeks often refer to Homer as The Poet.
[1070] _verissimo vati velut oraculo._
[1071] Verg _G_ IV 116 foll.
[1072] Quintil X 1 §§ 46-131, especially §§ 85-6.
[1073] See Tacitus _Germ_ 41 on the exceptionally favourable treatment of
the Hermunduri, with Schweitzer-Sidler’s notes.
[1074] Seneca _ad Helviam_ 7 § 7 refers to the colonies sent out to the
provinces in earlier times, and is rhetorically exaggerated.
[1075] Cf Nissen _Italische Landeskunde_ vol II pp 128-30.
[1076] A notable utterance on this topic is Seneca _ad Helviam_ 6 §§ 2,
3. See Mayor’s notes on Juvenal III 58 foll.
[1077] See Tacitus _Germ_ 29 for interesting matter bearing on these
points.
[1078] The numerous references need not be given here. They can be found
in H. Schiller’s _Geschichte der Römischen Kaiserzeit_.
[1079] Schiller I 515, 534. See Hyginus gromat I p 133, Frontinus _ibid_
pp 53-4, and the rescript of Domitian in Girard, _textes_ part I ch 4 §
5. Suetonius _Dom_ 9.
[1080] Domitian also made ordinances forbidding new vineyards in Italy
and enjoining the destruction of those in the Provinces. But these were
not carried out. Schiller I 533. Suet _Dom_ 7, 14, Stat _silv_ IV 3 11-12.
[1081] Schiller I 540.
[1082] Plin _paneg_ 26-8.
[1083] Schiller I 566, 623, 630, 656.
[1084] Schiller I 566.
[1085] Capitolinus _M Aurel_ II § 7. The text is in some doubt.
[1086] Schiller I 651.
[1087] Schiller I 566. Plin _epist_ VI 19 depicts the situation fully.
The aim was to make them feel Italy their _patria_. See the jealousy of
rich Provincials shewn by senators, Tac _Ann_ XI 23.
[1088] Schiller I 656.
[1089] The remarkable community of Lamasba is referred to below in a note
after chapter XXXVII.
[1090] The _locus classicus_ on emigrant Romans is Cic _pro Fonteio_ §§
11-13, which belongs to 69 BC. Cf Sallust _Iug_ 21, 26, 47.
[1091] That is, allottees of land distributed _viritim_.
[1092] Inscription, Dessau 1334, CIL VIII 15454.
[1093] Dessau 6790.
[1094] [Victor] _de viris illustribus_ 73 § 1, cf § 5.
[1095] Cf Appian _civ_ I 29 § 2.
[1096] _Bellum Afr_ 32, 35, 56, Dion Cass XLIII 4 § 2.
[1097] For details of his life see Mayor on Pliny _epp_ III 11. Cf Ritter
and Preller _hist Philos_, Champagny _Les Césars_ IV 1 § 1.
[1098] Preserved by Stobaeus _flor_ LVI 18. It is in Greek, the classic
language of Philosophy, as the _Meditations_ of Marcus Aurelius, etc.
[1099] πόρος, a means of livelihood.
[1100] ἢ δημοσίαν ἢ ἰδιωτικήν.
[1101] αὐτουργικοὶ καὶ φιλόπονοι ὄντες.
[1102] εἴ γε μὴν ἅμα φιλοσοφεῖ τις καὶ γεωργεῖ.
[1103] τοῦ καθῆσθαι ἐν πόλει τὸ ζῆν ἐν χωρίῳ.
[1104] σύν γε τῷ καλοκαγαθίας μὴ ὀλιγωρεῖν.
[1105] These are stock instances of happiness in rustic life. For
references see notes in Frazer’s _Pausanias_ VIII 24 § 13, X 24 § 1.
[1106] σοφιστάς.
[1107] χαλεπώτατον.
[1108] He was in command of the fleet at Misenum in 79 AD when the
great eruption of Vesuvius took place. He persisted in approaching it,
and met his death. The family belonged to the colony of Novum Comum in
Transpadane Gaul, now part of Italy.
[1109] _NH_ XVIII 1-5.
[1110] _NH_ XVIII 7, 18, 20.
[1111] _NH_ XVIII 19, 21, 36.
[1112] _NH_ XVIII 35.
[1113] _NH_ XVIII 27-8.
[1114] _NH_ XVIII 32.
[1115] _NH_ XVIII 35.
[1116] _NH_ VIII 180. In Aelian _var hist_ this is recorded (V 14) as an
old rule in Attica.
[1117] _NH_ XVIII 36.
[1118] _NH_ XIX 60 _octo iugerum operis palari iustum est_ is a good
instance. This verb _palare_ = to dig should be added to dictionaries.
[1119] _NH_ XVIII 37-8.
[1120] _agros ... coemendo colendoque in gloriam._
[1121] So Tiberius in Tac _ann_ III 54.
[1122] Tac _hist_ III 8 _Aegyptus, claustra annonae_.
[1123] _NH_ XVIII 15 foll.
[1124] _ibid_ 17 _nec e latifundiis singulorum contingebat arcentium
vicinos_.
[1125] _NH_ XVIII 24.
[1126] _NH_ XIX 50-1.
[1127] _NH_ XVIII 12.
[1128] _NH_ XVIII 11, 26.
[1129] _NH_ XIV 49, 50.
[1130] _NH_ XIV 48.
[1131] Such as the _agricola strenuus_ depicted in the letter of Marcus
to Fronto (p 29 Naber), who has _omnia ad usum magis quam ad voluptatem_.
[1132] _NH_ XVIII 273-4. Aristotle _Politics_ I 11.
[1133] _NH_ XVIII 174.
[1134] _NH_ XVIII 178 ... _transverso monte_.
[1135] _certe sine hoc animali montanae gentes sarculis arant._
[1136] _NH_ XXXIII 26-7.
[1137] _aliter apud antiquos singuli Marcipores Luciporesve dominorum
gentiles omnem victum in promiscuo habebant._
[1138] _NH_ XVIII 36 _coli rura ab ergastulis pessimum est, et quicquid
agitur a desperantibus_.
[1139] _NH_ XXXVII 201-3.
[1140] _principatum naturae optinet ... viris feminis ducibus militibus
servitiis_ ... etc.
[1141] _servorum exercitio._
[1142] _NH_ XVIII 11.
[1143] _NH_ VIII 180 _tamquam colono suo interempto_.
[1144] _NH_ XVIII 167 _coloni vice fungens_.
[1145] _NH_ XVIII 38 _praeterquam subole suo colono aut pascendis alioqui
colente domino aliquas messis colligere non expedit, si computetur
impendium operae_.
[1146] In _NH_ XVIII 120 he cites Vergil as giving a piece of advice
based on the usage of the Po country. Pliny as a Transpadane may have
been prejudiced in Vergil’s favour and possibly jealous of the Spanish
Columella.
[1147] In _NH_ XVIII 170 he cites Verg _G_ I 53, calling it _oraculum
illud_, but with a textual slip.
[1148] _NH_ XVIII 70.
[1149] The passing mention in _Annals_ XVI 13 of the great mortality
among the _servitia_ and _ingenua plebes_ in the plague of 65 AD is a
good specimen. The two classes are often thus spoken of together. Cf
Sueton _Claud_ 22, _Nero_ 22.
[1150] _Annals_ III 54.
[1151] This policy bore fruit in the possibility of forming reserves in
the next period. See Spart _Severus_ 8 § 5, 23 § 2.
[1152] _Annals_ IV 27.
[1153] _Annals_ IV 6 _infecunditati terrarum_.
[1154] _Annals_ VI 16, 17. Caesar’s law is described as _de modo credendi
possidendique intra Italiam_. Nipperdey holds that it cannot be the law
of BC 49, but must be an unknown law, not of temporary effect. See his
note.
[1155] Nipperdey’s restoration of this sentence with the help of Suet
_Tib_ 48 seems to me quite certain.
[1156] _si debitor populo in duplum praediis cavisset._ The precedent of
Augustus is mentioned in Sueton _Aug_ 41.
[1157] See Cicero _in Catil_ II § 18.
[1158] See the case of Sittius in Cic _pro Sulla_ §§ 56-9. Such financial
opportunities were evidently few in the later Empire.
[1159] _trepidique patres_ (_neque enim quisquam tali culpa vacuus_) ...
etc.
[1160] _Germ_ 26.
[1161] See Schweitzer-Sidler’s notes, and cf the remarks of Caesar _BG_
IV 1, VI 22.
[1162] See Pliny _NH_ XVIII 259 and Conington’s notes on Verg _G_ I
71-83. Varro I 44 § 3.
[1163] _Germ_ 24.
[1164] _servos condicionis huius per commercia tradunt, ut se quoque
pudore victoriae exsolvant._
[1165] _Germ_ 25 _frumenti modum dominus aut pecoris aut vestis ut colono
iniungit, et servus hactenus paret_. The _colonus_ here is clearly a
tenant, his German analogue a serf.
[1166] _Agricola_ 28.
[1167] _per commercia venumdatos et in nostram usque ripam mutatione
ementium adductos._
[1168] CIL VIII 18587, Ephem epigr VII 788, where it is annotated by
Mommsen and others.
[1169] Mentioned in two routes of the _Itinerarium Antoninum_.
[1170] Cf Gaius II 7, 21, and below, note on p 351.
[1171] Cf Digest VIII 6 § 7, XLIII 20 §§ 2, 5.
[1172] See Marquardt _Stvw_ 1, index under _Lamasba_.
[1173] Were they perhaps _veterani_? That there were a number of these
settled in Africa is attested by Cod Th XI 1 § 28 (400), cf XII 1 § 45
(358).
[1174] Written 97 AD, under Nerva.
[1175] _de aquis_ 75. Formerly this offence was punished by confiscating
the land so watered, _ibid_ 97.
[1176] _de aquis_ 6.
[1177] _de aquis_ 9.
[1178] _de aquis_ 107-10. But according to Digest XLIII 20 § 1³⁹⁻⁴³
(Ulpian) the grant was sometimes not _personis_ but _praediis_, and so
perpetual.
[1179] _de aquis_ 105, 116-8.
[1180] _de aquis_ 120, 124-8.
[1181] _impotentia possessorum._
[1182] _holitores_ as in Horace _epist_ I 18 36. Later called _hortulani_
as in Apuleius _metam_ IX 31-2, 39-42. Girard, _textes_ part III ch 4
§ 1 e, gives an interesting case of a _colonus hortorum olitoriorum_
between Rome and Ostia, belonging to a _collegium_. The man is probably a
freedman.
[1183] _de aquis_ 112-5.
[1184] _de aquis_ 11, cf also 92.
[1185] Wilmanns _exempla_ 2844-8.
[1186] _Hermes_ XIX pp 393-416.
[1187] Plin _epist_ VII 18.
[1188] Mommsen _op cit_ p 410. See index under _instrumentum_.
[1189] Whether we have in Columella a direct reference to this method
is a question I have discussed in the chapter on that author. However
answered, it does not affect the present passage. See the chapter on the
African inscriptions.
[1190] See the case cited in the chapter on Pliny the younger.
[1191] By H Blümner in Müller’s _Handbuch_ ed 3, IV ii 2 p 544.
[1192] Mommsen _op cit_ p 416. See the chapter on evidence from the
Digest.
[1193] Mommsen _op cit_ p 412.
[1194] Digest XXXIII 7 § 20¹ _non fide dominica sed mercede_. _ibid_ §
12³ _qui quasi colonus in agro erat_.
[1195] Dig XXXIII 7 § 20³ _praedia ut instructa sunt cum dotibus et
reliquis colonorum et vilicorum et mancipiis et pecore omni legavit et
peculiis et cum actore_. Cf also XL 7 § 40⁵.
[1196] Dig XXXIII 7 § 20⁴.
[1197] But that _uxor_ was sometimes loosely used of a slave’s
_contubernalis_ is true. Wallon II 207, cf Paulus _Sent_ III 6 §§ 38, 40,
Dig XXXIII 7 § 12⁷,³³.
[1198] Mommsen _op cit_ p 409.
[1199] Columella I 9 § 4.
[1200] Plut _de defectu oraculorum_ 8.
[1201] oratio VII, _Euboicus seu venator_.
[1202] A contemporary of the younger Pliny, flourished about 100 AD.
[1203] I think Nero is meant here.
[1204] Mahaffy, _Silver Age_ p 329, thinks Carystos is meant, though it
might be Chalcis.
[1205] ἀφορμῆς. This passage seems openly to recognize the ruinous
competition of slave labour under capitalists, which the single artisan
was unable to face. The admission is so far as I know very rare in
ancient writers. That Dion’s mind was greatly exercised on the subject of
slavery in general, is shewn by Orations X, XIV, XV, and many scattered
references elsewhere.
[1206] See the chapter on Musonius.
[1207] As in Archbishop Trench’s charming _Lectures on Plutarch_ pp 10,
77 foll.
[1208] Matt 21 §§ 28-30. I cannot feel sure of this general inference.
[1209] Matt 21 §§ 33-41, Mar 12 §§ 1-9, Luk 20 §§ 9-16.
[1210] I Cor 9 §§ 7-10, I Tim 5 § 18, II Tim 2 § 6.
[1211] Luk 12 §§ 16-9, etc.
[1212] οἰκονόμος, Luk 12 §§ 42-8, 16 §§ 1-12, I Cor 4 § 2.
[1213] [Aristotle] _Econ_ 1 5 § 3 δούλῳ δὲ μισθὸς τροφή.
[1214] James 5 § 4.
[1215] Rom 4 § 4.
[1216] Matt 20 §§ 1-16. Abp Trench, _Notes on the Parables_, has cleared
away a mass of perverse interpretations.
[1217] Matt 6 § 12, Luk 7 § 41, 16 § 5.
[1218] Matt 25 §§ 14-30, Luk 19 §§ 12-26.
[1219] Acts 1 § 18, 4 §§ 34-7.
[1220] Often referred to. See Friedländer’s index under _Nomentanus_, and
cf VIII 61, IX 18, 97.
[1221] I 55, X 48.
[1222] III 47 etc. Cf VII 31, XII 72.
[1223] II 11 _nihil colonus vilicusque decoxit_. This may imply that the
_vilicus_ was a _servus quasi colonus_ liable to a rent and in arrears.
See notes pp 299, 311. But I do not venture to draw this inference.
[1224] VII 31.
[1225] X 87. Cf Juv IV 25-6, Digest XXXII § 99, XXXIII 7 § 12¹²,¹³, etc.
[1226] XII 59.
[1227] IV 66.
[1228] VI 73, X 92.
[1229] IX 2 _haud sua desertus rura sodalis arat_.
[1230] XII 57.
[1231] V 35, X 14, etc.
[1232] Plin _NH_ XVIII § 35.
[1233] IX 35.
[1234] See Juv XIV 267-302 on the risks faced by speculators in sea-borne
commerce.
[1235] III 58.
[1236] III 47.
[1237] _dona matrum_ ‘presents from their mothers.’ Eggs, I think. Cf VII
31 and Juv XI 70-1. The conjecture _ova matrum_ (Paley) is good.
[1238] The story of the Usipian deserters who found their way back into
Roman hands by way of the slave-market is a curious episode of 83 AD. Tac
_Agr_ 28. See the chapter on Tacitus.
[1239] VII 80.
[1240] X 30, of a charming seaside _villa_ at Formiae. _o ianitores
vilicique felices, dominis parantur ista, serviunt vobis._ In Dig XXXIII
7 § 15² we hear of _mulier villae custos perpetua_.
[1241] The note of Mommsen, _Hermes_ XIX 412, deals with the case of
_servi quasi coloni_ farming parcels of land, recognized in the writings
of jurists. It seems that they farmed either at their own risk or for
owner’s account [_fide dominica_]. In the former case they could have a
tenant’s agreement like the free _coloni_. In the latter they were only
_vilici_ and therefore part of the _instrumentum_. Here I think we may
see beginnings of the unfree colonate. But Mommsen does not touch the
point of manumission. It seems to me that an agreement with a slave must
at first have been revocable at the pleasure of the _dominus_, and its
growth into a binding lease was probably connected in many instances with
manumission.
[1242] I 55 _hoc petit, esse sui nec magni ruris arator, sordidaque in
parvis otia rebus amat_. And often.
[1243] VII 36, XI 34.
[1244] I 85, X 85. Cf Pliny _epist_ VIII 17.
[1245] X 61, XI 48. The title _de sepulchro violato_, Dig XLVII 12, will
illustrate this.
[1246] The form HNS (_heredem non sequitur_) is common in sepulchral
inscriptions.
[1247] X 92.
[1248] Juv XIV 161-71.
[1249] XI 86-9.
[1250] XIV 179-81.
[1251] XIV 159-63.
[1252] II 73-4.
[1253] XIV 70-2.
[1254] VIII 245 foll. For the error in this tradition see Madvig, _kleine
philologische Schriften_ No 10.
[1255] III 223-9.
[1256] VI 287-95, cf XI 77-131.
[1257] XVI 32-4. See Hardy on Plin _epist_ X 86 B, Shuckburgh on Sueton
_Aug_ 27, Tac _hist_ III 24 _vos, nisi vincitis, pagani_. This use is
common in the Digest.
[1258] VI 1-18, XV 147-58.
[1259] X 356-66.
[1260] VII 188-9, IX 54-5, etc.
[1261] IX 59-62.
[1262] VII 188-9, case of Quintilian.
[1263] XIV 86-95, 140 foll, 274-5. Cf X 225-6 etc.
[1264] XIV 140-55, XVI 36-9. Cf Seneca _epist_ 90 § 39.
[1265] XI 151 foll.
[1266] VI 149-52, IX 59-62.
[1267] I 107-8.
[1268] X 356.
[1269] III 223-9, _bidentis amans_.
[1270] Mart XIV 49 _exercet melius vinea fossa viros_.
[1271] See his use of _ingenuus_ = not fit for hard work, III 46, X 47,
following Ovid, and cf the lines to a slave IX 92.
[1272] Juv XI 77-81.
[1273] See _epist_ IV 10, VII 16, 32, VIII 16.
[1274] Cf Martial I 101, VI 29.
[1275] An important limitation, on which see Wallon III 55.
[1276] VII 11, 14.
[1277] VI 3.
[1278] VI 19.
[1279] _si paenitet te Italicorum praediorum._
[1280] III 19.
[1281] _sub eodem procuratore ac paene isdem actoribus habere._ The
_actores_ seem to be = _vilici_, under the newer name. _procurator_ a
much more important person. See _paneg_ 36 for the two as grades in the
imperial private service. Cf chapter on Columella p 264.
[1282] _atriensium, topiariorum, fabrorum, atque etiam venatorii
instrumenti._
[1283] _sed haec felicitas terrae inbecillis cultoribus fatigatur._ No
doubt lack of sufficient capital is meant.
[1284] See Digest XX 2 §§ 4, 7, for _pignora_ on farms.
[1285] _reliqua colonorum._