[647] Plato _Laws_ 777 _d_, Arist _Pol_ VII 10 § 13, [Ar] _Oec_ I 5 § 6.
[648] Livy XXXIII 36 § 1.
[649] Livy XXXIX 29 §§ 8, 9, cf 41 § 6.
[650] Diodorus book XXXIV, and other authorities enumerated in my _Roman
Republic_ § 683.
[651] Strabo XIV 1 § 38 [p 646], Diodorus XXXIV 2 § 26.
[652] Diodorus XXXVI.
[653] According to Appian _civ_ I 116 § 2 he was at first joined by some
free rustics. The same seems to have been the case in Sicily and Asia.
[654] Sallust _Catil_ 44 §§ 5, 6, 56 § 5.
[655] Tacitus _ann_ IV 27.
[656] Tacitus _ann_ III 53-5.
[657] Text edited by Keil 1895.
[658] Plutarch _Cato maior_ 27.
[659] Jordan’s edition of his remains, p 77, Plut _Cat mai_ 23.
[660] Pliny _NH_ XVIII §§ 29, 30, and Cicero _de off_ II § 89, Columella
VI _praef_ §§ 3-5.
[661] Jordan _op cit_ p 43. Plutarch _Cat mai_ 4.
[662] Plut _Cat mai_ 3-5, 20-1.
[663] Cato _agr_ 3 § 1, Pliny _NH_ XVIII § 32.
[664] Cato _agr_ 4.
[665] Cato _agr_ 56-7.
[666] Cato _agr_ 16, 136-7, 146.
[667] In 147 the _emptor_ of a season’s lambs seems to be bound to
provide a _pastor_, who is held as a pledge to secure the final
settlement.
[668] Cato _agr praef_.
[669] Cato _agr_ 10 § 1, 11 § 1.
[670] 2 § 7 _patrem familias vendacem non emacem esse oportet_.
[671] Cato _agr_ 1.
[672] Mommsen in _Hermes_ XV p 408.
[673] _praef_ § 2, 1 § 4. According to a speaker in Seneca _controv_ VII
6 § 17 Cato’s later wife was _coloni sui filiam ... ingenuam_. Plut _Cat
mai_ 24 makes her πελάτιν, that is daughter of a client. There seems to
be no real contradiction. The _cliens_ might be his patron’s tenant.
[674] 2 § 7 _boves vetulos ... servum senem, servum morbosum ... vendat_.
Cf Plut _Cat mai_ 5, Martial XI 70, Juvenal X 268-70. In Terence
_Hautont_ 142-4 the Old Man, on taking to farming, sells off all his
household slaves save such as are able to pay for their keep _opere
rustico faciundo_. His motive for giving up domestic comfort and taking
to hard manual labour on the land is to punish himself. So _ibid_ 65-74
he appears as neglecting to keep his farm-hands at work.
[675] Plut _Cat mai_ 21.
[676] Pliny _NH_ XVIII § 35.
[677] Polyb XXXII 13 §§ 10, 11.
[678] Plut _Cat mai_ 21, 25, 4.
[679] Jordan _op cit_ p 43.
[680] Cf Plin _epist_ III 19 § 5.
[681] Plut _Cat mai_ 21, 4.
[682] Plut _Cat mai_ 20.
[683] Pliny even refers to his precepts as _oracula_.
[684] Cato _agr_ 1 § 3 _operariorum copia siet_.
[685] Cato _agr_ 4 _operas facilius locabis, operarios facilius conduces_.
[686] Cato _agr_ 5, 83, 143.
[687] Cato _agr_ 2 § 1.
[688] Cato _agr_ 13 § 1 _duo custodes liberi ... tertius servus_ ... etc.
[689] Ibid 66 _ubi factores vectibus prement_.
[690] Ibid 64 § 1.
[691] Ibid 144.
[692] Ibid 144-5.
[693] Ibid 146.
[694] Ibid 149 § 2.
[695] Ibid 150.
[696] Ibid 66-7.
[697] Ibid 56.
[698] Ibid 10 § 1, 11 § 1.
[699] It is to be noted that _bubulci_ are to be indulgently treated, in
order to encourage them to tend the valued oxen with care. 5 § 6.
[700] Ibid 56 _compeditis ... ubi vineam fodere coeperint_. Cf Columella
I 9 § 4.
[701] Ibid 14.
[702] Ibid 16, 38.
[703] Ibid 136. In 5 § 4 the _politor_ appears as a hired wage-earner,
apparently paid by the job. In Varro III 2 § 5 we find _fundo ... polito
cultura_. See Nonius p 66 M for _politiones = agrorum cultus diligentes_.
Greenidge _hist_ p 79 regards the _politores_ as métayer tenants, why, I
do not know.
[704] Ibid 7 § 2, 21 § 5.
[705] Ibid 5, especially § 4 _operarium, mercennarium, politorem diutius
eundem ne habeat die_. This is taken by Wallon II pp 100, 345, to mean
that these hired men are to be paid off at the end of their stipulated
term. Keil thinks they are to be dischargeable at a day’s notice.
_eundem_ seems to imply that it was convenient to change your hired men
often.
[706] Ibid 2 § 2, and § 4 _viam publicam muniri_.
[707] The account given in Greenidge’s _History of Rome_ deserves special
reference here. On pp 266-7 he well points out that it was not the
Gracchan aim to revive the free labourer but the peasant proprietor.
[708] This is known from the _lex agraria_ of which a large part is
preserved. See text in Bruns’ _Fontes_ or Wordsworth’s _Specimens_.
Translated and explained in Dr E G Hardy’s _Six Roman Laws_.
[709] Perhaps some inference may be drawn from Sallust _Iug_ 73 § 6
_plebes sic accensa uti opifices agrestesque omnes, quorum res fidesque
in manibus sitae erant, relictis operibus frequentarent Marium_ ... etc,
though this refers directly to political support, not to the recruiting
of troops.
[710] See the important paper by Dr E G Hardy _Journ Phil_ 1913.
[711] _Monum Ancyr_ III 22 [cap XVI].
[712] Varro _RR_ I 2 §§ 3, 6. I find since writing this that Heisterbergk
_Entstehung des Colonats_ p 57 treats this utterance, rightly, as
rhetorical.
[713] See Mr Storr-Best’s translation, Introduction pp xxvii-xxx.
[714] _RR_ I 4 § 5. Surely in 49 Varro was in Spain.
[715] As in _RR_ II _praef_ § 6.
[716] The wild hill-pastures are referred to by Varro _RR_ II 1 § 16 as
still leased to _publicani_ to whom the _scriptura_ or registration fees
had to be paid. I have given further references in my _Roman Republic_ §
1351. See M Weber _Römische Agrargeschichte_ pp 135 foll.
[717] _RR_ I 18.
[718] _RR_ I 17.
[719] _RR_ I 6-16.
[720] [_genus_] _vocale_, _semivocale_, _mutum_.
[721] These are specimens only. Others would be hired freemen, asses, and
(near a river) barges.
[722] _ipsi_ suggests peasant owners.
[723] _pauperculi cum sua progenie._
[724] _mercennariis ... conducticiis liberorum operis._
[725] _obaerarios_ or _obaeratos_, who work off a debt by labour for a
creditor.
[726] _de quibus universis._ This seems to refer to all human workers.
[727] _gravia loca._ Cf I 12 § 2.
[728] _operarios parandos esse_, not _conducendos_, for these are clearly
slaves. Cf I 16 § 4.
[729] The text here is damaged. I give the apparent meaning.
[730] _qui praesint_, a very general expression.
[731] That is, obedience.
[732] _offensiones domesticas._ Varro may have in mind the Syrians in the
Sicilian slave-wars and the Thracians and Gauls under Spartacus.
[733] _peculium._
[734] Here also the text is doubtful.
[735] _RR_ II 3 § 7 _in lege locationis fundi excipi solet ne colonus
capra natum in fundo pascat_.
[736] _RR_ I 2 § 17 _leges colonicas_ ... etc.
[737] Caesar _BC_ I 34, 56.
[738] _servis libertis colonis suis._
[739] _colonis pastoribusque._
[740] As a creditor on a debtor.
[741] _RR_ I 16 § 4 _itaque in hoc genus coloni potius anniversarios
habent vicinos, quibus imperent, medicos fullones fabros, quam in villa
suos habeant_.
[742] _RR_ II _praef_ § 5, cf I 2 § 13 foll, and Columella VI _praef_ §§
1, 2.
[743] They evidently own slaves, though not special craftsmen, and are
distinct from the _pauperculi_ of I 17 § 2.
[744] _RR_ II _praef_ §§ 3, 4.
[745] _RR_ III 16 §§ 10, 11.
[746] _RR_ II 10 §§ 4, 5.
[747] _RR_ I 22 § 1. Basket work is often referred to in scenes of
country life. Cf Verg _buc_ II 71-2, _georg_ I 266.
[748] _RR_ III 3 § 4, 17 § 6.
[749] Cf Cato 56, Columella I 9 § 4.
[750] _RR_ I 18 §§ 2, 6.
[751] _valetudini tempestati inertiae indiligentiae._
[752] In _RR_ III 2 § 5 _cum villa non sit sine fundo magno et eo polito
cultura_ the reference is quite general.
[753] This is well illustrated by the words of Cicero _de republ_ V § 5.
[754] As in his opinion the younger Cato did.
[755] See _pro Murena_ § 62, where _disputandi causa_ is opposed to _ita
vivendi_.
[756] See _Brutus_ § 257, _de orat_ I §§ 83, 263, II § 40, _de finibus_ V
§ 52, _Tusc disp_ I § 34, III § 77, V § 104. The _messores_ whose rustic
brogue is referred to in _de orat_ III § 46 surely are free Italians.
[757] From lack of the _ingenuae artes_ and _liberales doctrinae_ etc.
[758] _de offic_ I § 150 _inliberales autem et sordidi quaestus
mercennariorum omnium quorum operae non quorum artes emuntur: est enim in
illis ipsa merces auctoramentum servitutis_.
[759] The _operae_ often referred to.
[760] The _familiae publicanorum_. The _publicani_ complained loudly
when their slave-staff was in danger from the violence of others. Cf _de
imperio Pompei_ § 16.
[761] Cf the famous case of Clodius and Milo.
[762] Cf _pro Rosc com_ §§ 32, 49, 54, _pro Tullio_ § 21.
[763] For a discussion of these see Greenidge in the Appendix to _The
legal procedure of Cicero’s time_.
[764] _pro Tullio_ §§ 7-12.
[765] _pro Tullio_ §§ 14-22.
[766] § 17 _mittit ad procuratorem litteras et ad vilicum_.
[767] To conduct of this kind Cicero makes a general reference in
_Paradoxa_ VI § 46 _expulsiones vicinorum ... latrocinia in agris_.
[768] _pro Caecina_ §§ 10-19.
[769] _pro Caecina_ § 1 _in agro locisque desertis_.
[770] _pro Vareno_ fragm 5, _pro Cluentio_ § 161, cf _pro Tullio_ § 8.
[771] _in toga candida_ fragm 11 _alter pecore omni vendito et saltibus
prope addictis pastores retinet, ex quibus ait se cum velit subito
fugitivorum bellum excitaturum_. For the _fugitivi_ in Sicily cf II
_in Verrem_ II § 27, III § 66, IV § 112, V _passim_, and the famous
inscription of Popilius, Wilmanns 797 and Wordsworth _specimens_ pp 221,
475, CIL I 551, referring to first Sicilian slave-war.
[772] _Brutus_ § 85.
[773] _pro Roscio Amer_ §§ 39-51.
[774] _pro Caecina_ §§ 58, 63.
[775] Thus in _pro Cluentio_ § 163 a disreputable tool is _mercennarius
Oppianici_.
[776] _de officiis_ I § 151 _quorum ordini conveniunt_.
[777] _de officiis_ I § 41.
[778] II _in Verrem_ I § 147, IV § 77.
[779] Thus of orators, _Brutus_ § 297, _de orat_ I §§ 83, 263, cf II §
40. Also _opifex_ in _Tusc disp_ V § 34.
[780] _de orat_ I § 249 _si mandandum aliquid procuratori de agri cultura
aut imperandum vilico est_.
[781] _pro Tullio_ § 17 _mittit ad procuratorem litteras et ad vilicum_.
[782] Cicero’s own estate at Arpinum seems to have been let in
_praediola_ to tenants. See _ad Att_ XIII 9 § 2.
[783] _pro Caecina_ §§ 17, 57, 94.
[784] _pro Caecina_ § 57, cf 63. So in § 58 the word _familia_ is shewn
not to be limited to slaves personally owned by the litigant referred to.
[785] II _in Verrem_ III §§ 53-5, and _passim_. These _arationes_ paid
_decumae_.
[786] _pro Cluentio_ §§ 175, 182.
[787] _de orat_ II § 287.
[788] _de republ_ V § 5, where the perfect ruler is a sort of blend of
_dispensator_ and _vilicus_.
[789] _pro Plancio_ § 62.
[790] II _in Verrem_ III § 119.
[791] _pro Rabirio_ §§ 10-17.
[792] _hanc condicionem ... quam servi, si libertatis spem propositam non
haberent, ferre nullo modo possent._
[793] _Philippic_ VIII § 32.
[794] Cic _ad fam_ XVI 16 § 1 _eum indignum illa fortuna nobis amicum
quam servum esse maluisti_.
[795] _pro Roscio Amer_ § 120 _homines paene operarios_.
[796] II _in Verrem_ III § 27.
[797] _quid, qui singulis iugis arant, qui ab opere ipsi non recedunt_
... etc.
[798] The infamous henchman of Verres.
[799] Diodorus fragm XXXIV 2 § 48, XXXVI 5 § 6.
[800] _de lege agr_ II §§ 80-3.
[801] See Beloch _Campanien_ pp 304-6.
[802] _de lege agr_ II § 84 _agros desertos a plebe atque a cultura
hominum liberorum esse non oportere_.
[803] _genus ... optimorum et aratorum et militum ... illi miseri, nati
in illis agris et educati, glaebis subigendis exercitati_ ... etc.
[804] _de lege agr_ II §§ 88-9 _locus comportandis condendisque
fructibus, ut aratores cultu agrorum defessi urbis domiciliis uterentur
... receptaculum aratorum, nundinas rusticorum, cellam atque horreum
Campani agri_ ... etc.
[805] _de lege agr_ II § 82 _deinde ad paucos opibus et copiis adfluentis
totum agrum Campanum perferri videbitis_.
[806] See above, chap XXV p 183.
[807] Sallust _Cat_ 4 § 1.
[808] Sallust _Cat_ 37 § 7 _iuventus, quae in agris manuum mercede
inopiam toleraverat_ ... etc.
[809] Sallust _Iug_ 73 § 6 _opifices agrestesque omnes, quorum res
fidesque in manibus sitae erant_ ... etc.
[810] Two notorious instances are Pompey and M Brutus.
[811] Horace _Odes_ II 15, III 6, etc.
[812] Horace _Odes_ IV 5, 15, etc.
[813] A picture forestalled by Lucretius III 1053-75.
[814] Already illustrated in the case of Cato noted above.
[815] See Cic _de legibus_ III § 30. Cf Horace _epodes_ IV.
[816] See Rostowzew, _Röm Colonat_, for detailed inquiry into Eastern
phenomena, Egyptian in particular. For the case of China see reference
to Macgowan [Appendix D 6]. A very interesting account of the system in
Hindustan in the 17th century, with criticism of its grave abuses, may
be found in the _Travels in the Mogul empire_ by François Bernier, ed 2
by V A Smith, Oxford 1914, pages 226-38. I believe the legal phrase is
‘Eminent Domain.’
[817] In Greenidge, _History_ pp 292-3, there are some good remarks on
the process.
[818] Frontinus grom I p 35, Columella III 3 § 11, and Heisterbergk’s
remarks cited below. See Index, _Italian land and taxation_.
[819] Tacitus _ann_ II 59 _seposuit Aegyptum hist_ I 11 _domi retinere_.
This need not be taken to mean that he treated it strictly as part of his
private estate, as Mommsen thought. See on the controversy a note of E
Meyer _Kl Schr_ p 479.
[820] See M Weber _Agrargeschichte_ pp 243 foll.
[821] The estates of Atticus in Epirus are a leading case of this.
Horace _epist_ I 12 refers to those of Agrippa in Sicily. Such cases
have nothing to do with emigration of working farmers, in which I do not
believe. Surely Greenidge _History_ p 270 is right in saying that the
Gracchan scheme of colonization was commercial rather than agricultural.
Also the municipalities, beside their estates in Italy, held lands in
the Provinces. See Tyrrell and Purser on Cic _ad fam_ XIII 7 and 11. In
general, Seneca _epist_ 87 § 7, 89 § 20, Florus II 7 § 3.
[822] We may perhaps carry this back into the time of the Republic. See
the references to the royal domains of Macedon, Livy XLV 18 § 3, and with
others Cic _de lege agr_ II § 50.
[823] See the chapter on the African inscriptions.
[824] For the cases of India and China see references to Sir A Fraser and
Macgowan [Appendix D 6].
[825] Tacitus _ann_ XIV 27 records the failure of Nero’s colonization
of veterans singly in Italy, who mostly returned to the scenes of their
service. He strangely regrets the abandonment of the old plan of settling
them in whole legions. It is to be remembered that in the later Empire
the army was more and more recruited from the barbarians.
[826] The γῆ κληρουχική, assigned in κλῆροι to soldiers.
[827] See Herodotus II 165-7, cf 141, Strabo XV 1 § 40 (p 704), § 34 (p
701), § 54 (p 710), cf Diodorus II 40-1, Arrian _Indica_ 10 §§ 8, 9. The
references to slave-traffic in the _Periplus maris Erythraei_ do not
really imply existence of a slave-system in India. See Rapson _Ancient
India_ p 97. Much of interest in Sir J D Rees, _The real India_, on
the Land-system etc. In _The early history of India_ by V A Smith the
existence of slavery in India is maintained.
[828] See Dionysius II 28, cf 8, 9.
[829] The _operae_ referred to in the African inscriptions.
[830] It is possible to see a beginning of this system in the
tenancy-on-shares (the _colonia partiaria_) which we find not only in
Italy but in Africa as a recognized plan.
[831] This is the view of Rostowzew _Röm Colonat_ p 397.
[832] Hor _Sat_ II 7 23, _Epist_ II 1 139-40.
[833] Hor _Odes_ I 12.
[834] _Odes_ II 15, 18, _Sat_ II 6 6-15.
[835] _Odes_ III 6.
[836] _Odes_ III 5. See above pp 139-40.
[837] _Odes_ III 1 _redemptor cum famulis_.
[838] _Odes_ II 3, _Epist_ II 2 177-8.
[839] _Odes_ I 1, II 16, III 16.
[840] _Odes_ I 1 _patrios ... agros_, Epode II 3 _paterna rura bobus
exercet suis_.
[841] _Epode_ IV 13 _arat Falerni mille fundi iugera_, etc.
[842] _Odes_ III 16 _quicquid arat impiger Apulus_.
[843] _Epode_ II 39 foll.
[844] A fact recognized by Horace himself in lines 14-16 of _Odes_ III 4,
and _Sat_ I 5 lines 77 foll.
[845] _Odes_ I 35 _pauper ... ruris colonus_, II 14 _inopes coloni_.
_Sat_ II 2 115, where the fact of expulsion in favour of a military
pensioner is judiciously ignored. See below.
[846] These _coloni_ of course owned their farms; that is, were _domini_.
_Odes_ III 4 lines 37-8, _Sat_ II 6 55-6.
[847] _Odes_ I 1 _mercator ... indocilis pauperiem pati_, cf III 2.
[848] So Cicero’s estate at Arpinum is spoken of _ad Att_ XIII 9 § 2 as
_praediola_ and was perhaps let in the same way.
[849] Cf Seneca _epist_ 47 § 14, 86 § 14.
[850] The ownership of the slaves is another matter, for in letting farms
the _dominus_ often supplied the slaves. See Index, _instrumentum_.
[851] I find that Mr Warde Fowler, _The death of Turnus_ p 105, also
takes this view. But he understands _pater_ to imply that the man brought
up a family, which I do not. I agree that it gives the idea of headship
of a household.
[852] _Italische Landeskunde_ II p 615.
[853] The description of such an _agellus_ in Plin _epist_ I 24
illustrates the wants of a literary landowner excellently.
[854] Tibullus II 1 51 _agricola adsiduo ... satiatus aratro_.
[855] Tibullus II 6 25-6.
[856] Ovid _fasti_ I 207, III 779-82, IV 693-4.
[857] Ovid _metam_ I 135-6, Manilius I 73-4.
[858] Vitruvius II 1.
[859] I cannot accept Prof. Richmond’s view (Inaugural lecture 1919 p 25)
of the _Georgics_ as ‘concerned with every side of husbandry.’
[860] Whether Vergil suffered two expulsions, and what is the
chronological order of eclogues I and IX, are questions that do not
affect my inquiry.
[861] Pliny _epist_ III 10 § 7.
[862] _Aen_ VII 641-817, IX 603-13.
[863] e.g. _Aen_ VI 613.
[864] Ellis on Catullus XXIII 1.
[865] See page 217.
[866] Sueton _Vespas_ I.
[867] Keightley includes Mago, whether rightly or not I am not sure.
Conington’s Introduction treats this matter fully.
[868] The futility of addressing rustic readers in polished literary
language (_diserte_) is commented on by Palladius [4th cent AD] in his
opening sentences. He has been thought to have in view Columella, who by
the by is Vergil’s great admirer. I cannot accept the views of Daubeny in
his _Lectures_ pp 3-5. It is possible that the use of fire in improving
land may be a bit of Vergil’s own advice, but I doubt it. See Daubeny pp
91-4, _georg_ I 84 foll.
[869] E Meyer _Kl Schr_ p 488 describing the hopeless task of Augustus in
attempting the moral and physical regeneration of Italy makes the general
remark ‘Nur an die höheren Stände, nur an die Elite, konnte Augustus sich
wenden.’ This is a true picture of the situation as a whole. To have to
begin building at the top was fatal.
[870] Most clearly stated in Columella I 7.
[871] For _coloni_ of Cicero’s time see II _in Verr_ III § 55, _pro
Caecina_ § 94, _pro Cluent_ §§ 175, 182. The references in Horace are
given below. That letting to tenants was practised about 100 BC or
earlier, appears certain from the reference to Saserna’s opinion on this
policy in Columella I 7 § 4.
[872] Velleius II 88, and many passages in Seneca and other authors.
[873] Dion Cass LII 27-8.
[874] Compare Suet _Aug_ 41 for the Emperor’s actual policy. It seems
that the influx of specie captured at Alexandria sent the rate of
interest down and the price of land up.
[875] This is admirably dealt with in Sellar’s _Virgil_, and need not be
reproduced here.
[876] Mr T R Glover, _Virgil_ p 14, reminds us that the poet’s father is
said to have done some business in timber at one time.
[877] When Cicero _de orat_ III § 46 credits _messores_ with a rustic
brogue he can hardly be thinking of foreign slaves.
[878] As in Lucan VII 402 _vincto fossore_.
[879] Varro _RR_ II 10.
[880] See Varro _RR_ II 2 § 20, 5 § 18, 7 § 16, even for treatment of
_homines_ 10 § 10. Written books of prescriptions were provided.
[881] _Georg_ III 515-30.
[882] _tristis_ suggests the owner. A slave was not likely to care.
[883] In Sellar’s _Virgil_ chapter VI § 5 there is an excellent treatment
of this episode, with a discussion of V’s relation to Lucretius and a
most apposite quotation from G Sand.
[884] Varro II 5 § 4, Columella VI _praef_ § 7, Plin _NH_ VIII § 180.
[885] The _molle atque facetum_ attributed to V by Horace is I think
rightly explained by Quintilian VI 3 § 20, and amounts to easy and
fastidious taste, of course the result of careful revision, his practice
of which is attested in the Suetonian biography.
[886] So Tibullus II 1 41-2.
[887] Cf Cic _de off_ I §§ 41, 150, passages in which the growth of the
technical sense is seen.
[888] See the interesting story of the bee-farm in Varro _RR_ III 16 §§
10, 11.
[889] Pliny _NH_ XIX §§ 50-1.
[890] II 412-3 _laudato ingentia rura, exiguum colito_. Not found in
surviving text of Cato.
[891] II 532.
[892] I 125-8, II 336-42.
[893] II 136-76.
[894] Dionys _Hal_ I 36-7, Strabo VI 4 § 1, p 286, Varro _RR_ I 2 §§ 1-7.
[895] Horace _Odes_ IV 5, 15, published about 14 BC. So Martial V 4
declares that Domitian has made Rome _pudica_.
[896] Sueton _Aug_ 32 (cf _Tib_ 8), and the elder Seneca _contr_ X 4
§ 18. Even in the second century AD, Spart _Hadr_ 18 § 9 _ergastula
servorum et liberorum tulit_. Perhaps the _ergastula_ in Columella I 3 §
12 refer to the same practice.
[897] H Blümner in Müller’s _Handbuch_ IV 2 2 p 543 says that Varro
does not refer to the _Kolonat als Pacht_. But that sense seems clearly
implied in I 2 § 17, II 3 § 4 _in lege locationis fundi_. In I 16 § 4 it
surely includes tenants, even if the application is more general. In II
_praef_ § 5 _colonus_ is simply = _arator_, opposed to _pastor_.
[898] Columella I 7.
[899] Pliny _epist_ III 19, IX 37.
[900] This reminds us of Varro’s words, speaking (I 17 § 2) of free
workers ... _cum ipsi colunt, ut plerique pauperculi cum sua progenie_.
[901] Cf Tibullus II 1 23 _turbaque vernarum saturi bona signa coloni_.
[902] See above, p 216.
[903] Hor _epist_ I 14 39, cf II 2 184-6.
[904] Hor _Sat_ I 3 99 foll, where _animalia_ seems to mean little more
than _homines_.
[905] Hor _Sat_ II 6 55-6, _Odes_ III 4 37-40.
[906] The one reference to the assignations [_G_ II 198] only speaks of
the misfortune of Mantua, not of his own.
[907] Hor _Epist_ I 16 69-72.
[908] Hor _Sat_ I 1 28, 32.
[909] For the story of the φιάλη (freedman’s offering) sent yearly
by Maecenas to Augustus as a recognition of his restoration of Roman
freedom, see Gardthausen _Augustus_ VII 7 and notes.
[910] _Monum Ancyr_ ed Mommsen, I 16-9, III 22-8.
[911] Tacitus _ann_ XIV 53.
[912] Gardthausen _Augustus_ VII 7, pp 768-9. He quotes Schol ad Juvenal
V 3 (Maecenas) _ad quem sectio bonorum Favoni pertinuerat_.
[913] Varro _RR_ I 17, a notable chapter.
[914] Livy VI 12, VII 25.
[915] Plin _NH_ XXXVII §§ 201-3.
[916] _Augustus_ VI 3, p 547.
[917] Macrob _Sat_ I 11 § 22.
[918] Dion Cass XLVIII 6 § 3.
[919] The words of Donatus (after Suetonius) in his life of Vergil.
Reifferscheid’s Suetonius p 59.
[920] Keightley (1846) says the same.
[921] With much respect and regret, I cannot accept the views of Prof
Conway in his inaugural lecture of 1903.
[922] The absence of reference to Cicero has of course been noted. But
this was general in the Augustan age.
[923] Seneca _epist_ 86 § 15.
[924] Seneca _controversiae_ II 1 § 26.
[925] Seneca _excerpt contr_ V 5
[926] Compare the reference to unruly _servorum agmina_ in Calabria, Tac
_ann_ XII 65, in the time of Claudius.
[927] Seneca _excerpt contr_ VI 2.
[928] Seneca _contr_ II 1 § 5.
[929] Seneca _contr_ VII 6 § 18.
[930] Seneca _contr_ X 4 § 18 _solitudines suas isti beati ingenuorum
ergastulis excolunt_. See above p 233 and below on Columella p 263.
[931] Seneca _contr_ VII 6 § 17, cf Plut _Cat mai_ 24.
[932] Val Max IV 4 § 6.
[933] Val Max IV 3 § 5, cf 4 § 7, 8 § 1.
[934] Val Max VII 5 § 2.
[935] Phaedr IV 5, II 8.
[936] Such as Polybius the influential freedman of Claudius, to whom
Seneca addressed a _consolatio_.
[937] _Epist_ 77 § 7 is a notable passage.
[938] Cf _de benef_ III 26.
[939] As by the younger Pliny _paneg_ 42 on Trajan.
[940] _de benef_ V 18 § 2, 19 § 1, VII 4 § 4.
[941] _de clement_ I 18, _nat quaest_ I 16 § 1.
[942] _de benef_ III 22 § 1, cf Athenaeus 276 b.
[943] _de benef_ V 19 § 9, _epist_ 12 § 3.
[944] _de constant_ (ad Serenum) 5 § 1.
[945] _epist_ 47 § 14.
[946] _epist_ 90 § 27, _artificem vides vitae_ etc.
[947] _epist_ 65 § 6.
[948] _epist_ 88 § 21. The contrast of _liberalis_ and _sordidus_ often
occurs.
[949] _epist_ 90 § 15.
[950] _epist_ 44 § 3 _aquam traxit et rigando horto locavit manus_.
[951] _epist_ 114 § 26 _quot millia colonorum arent fodiant_ ... etc.
[952] _epist_ 123 § 2 _non habet panem meus pistor: sed habet vilicus,
sed habet atriensis, sed habet colonus_. _atriensis_ = head of domestics,
porter or butler.