I. Cato's family derived the origin of its splendour and reputation
from his great-grandfather[653] Cato, a man who had reputation and
power chief among the Romans by reason of his merit, as it has been
written in his Life. Cato was left an orphan with his brother Cæpio
and a sister Porcia. Servilia also was a sister of Cato by the same
mother. All of them were brought up and lived with Livius Drusus,[654]
their mother's uncle, who was then the chief political leader; for he
was a most powerful speaker, and also a man of the best regulated
habits, and in lofty bearing inferior to no Roman. It is said that
Cato from his childhood both in his voice and the expression of his
countenance and even in his amusements gave indication of a character
immovable and impassive and firm in everything. His purposes displayed
a strength in accomplishing his ends which was above his age: and
while he was rough and stubborn towards those who attempted to flatter
him, still more did he show his mastery over all who would try to
terrify him by threats. He was also difficult to move to laughter, and
his countenance was seldom relaxed even into a smile; he was not quick
nor prone to anger, but when he had been moved to anger, he was hard
to pacify. Accordingly when he began to learn, he was dull and slow to
conceive, but when he had conceived, he held fast and remembered well.
And it is generally the case that those who have a good natural
capacity are more ready at recollection,[655] but those have a strong
memory who learn with labour and trouble; for all learning is in a
manner a branding on the mind. It appears too that Cato's difficulty
of persuasion made learning a matter of more labour to him; for
learning is in truth a kind of passive condition, and to be easily
persuaded is incident to those who have less power of resistance. It
is for this reason that young men are more easily persuaded than old
men, and sick persons than those who are whole; and generally, with
those in whom the doubting faculty is weakest, that which is proposed
meets the readiest acceptance. However, they say that Cato was
obedient to his pædagogus and did everything that he was bid, but he
would ask for the reason of everything, and inquire the Why. His
pædagogus also was a good-tempered man, and was readier at a reason
than a blow: his name was Sarpedon.
II. While Cato was still a boy, the Allies[656] of the Romans were
agitating to obtain the Roman franchise; and a certain Pompædius
Sillo,[657] a man of military talent and of the highest repute, and a
friend of Drusus, lodged with him several days, during which he became
familiar with the youths, and he said, "Come now, pray your uncle on
our behalf to exert himself to get the franchise for us." Now, Cæpio
with a smile nodded assent, but as Cato made no answer and looked on
the strangers steadily and sternly, Pompædius said, "But you, young
man, what reply have you for us? Can you not help the strangers with
your uncle, like your brother?" As Cato still would not speak, but by
his silence and his expression showed that he rejected their entreaty,
Pompædius took him up and holding him through the window as if he
intended to drop him down, told him either to assent or he would let
him fall, and at the same time he assumed an angry tone and several
times he swung the boy backwards and forwards as he held him in his
hands. Now, when Cato had borne this for some time, unmoved and
fearless, Pompædius gently putting him down said to his friends, "What
a blessing[658] to Italy that he is a child; for if he were a man, I
do not think we should have a single vote among the people." On
another occasion when a kinsman on his birthday invited to supper
other boys and Cato with them, in order to pass the time they played
in a part of the house by themselves, younger and older mixed
together; and the game consisted of trials, and accusations, and
carrying off those who were convicted. Now, one of the boys convicted,
who was of a handsome presence, being dragged off by an older boy to a
chamber and shut up, called on Cato for aid. Cato soon perceiving what
was going on came to the door, and pushing through those who were
standing before it and endeavouring to stop him, took the boy out; and
in a passion he went off home with him and other boys accompanied him.
III. Cato was so much talked of that when Sulla was preparing for
exhibition the sacred horse race called Troja,[659] in which youths
are the actors, and had got together the boys of noble birth and
appointed two captains, the boys submitted to the one for his mother's
sake, for he was a son of Metella, Sulla's wife; but the other, who
was a nephew of Pompeius and named Sextus, they would not have, nor
would they go through their exercise nor follow him; and on Sulla
asking whom they would have, they all called out "Cato," and Sextus
himself gave way and yielded the honour to Cato as his better. It
happened that Sulla was an old friend of Cato's family, and sometimes
he had the children brought to him and talked with them, a kind of
friendship which he showed to few, by reason of the weight and state
of the office and power that he held. Sarpedon considering this a
great matter both as regarded the honour and security of the youth,
constantly took Cato to pay his respects to Sulla at his house, which
at that time to all outward appearance differed not from a place of
torture for criminals,[660] so great was the number of those who were
dragged there and put to the rack. Cato was at this time in his
fourteenth year, and seeing the heads of persons who were said to be
men of distinction brought out, and those who were present lamenting
inwardly, he asked his pædagogus why nobody killed this man. Sarpedon
replied, "Because they fear him, child, more than they hate him."
"Why, then," said Cato, "do you not give me a sword that I might kill
him, and so free my country from slavery?" Hearing these words and at
the same time observing his eyes and countenance to be filled with
passion and resolve, Sarpedon was so afraid that henceforward he kept
a close look and watch upon him, that he should not venture on any
desperate measure. Now when he was still a little boy, and some
persons asked him whom he loved most, he replied his brother; when he
was asked whom he loved next, he gave the same answer, his brother;
and so on to the third question, until the questioner was tired out by
always getting the same answer. When he arrived at man's estate, he
strengthened still more his affection to his brother; for when he was
twenty years of age he never supped, he never went abroad, never came
into the Forum without Cæpio. When Cæpio used perfumes, Cato would
not have them; and in all other respects he was strict and frugal in
his way of living. Accordingly Cæpio, who was admired for his
temperance and moderation, admitted that he was indeed temperate and
moderate when contrasted with others, "but," said he, "when I compare
my life with Cato's, I seem to myself to differ not at all from
Sippius;" which was the name of a man notorious at that time for
luxury and effeminacy.
IV. After Cato obtained the priesthood[661] of Apollo, he changed his
residence, and taking his portion of his paternal property, which
portion was a hundred and twenty talents, he contracted his style of
living still further, and making his companion of Antipater[662] of
Tyrus, a Stoic, he attached himself mainly to Ethical and Political
studies, occupying himself with every virtue as if he were possessed
by some divine influence; but above all that part of the beautiful
which consists in steady adherence to justice and in inflexibility
towards partiality or favour was his great delight. He disciplined
himself also in the kind of speaking which works upon numbers,
considering that, as in a great state, so in political philosophy,
there should be nurtured with it something of the contentious quality.
Yet he did not practise his exercises in company with others, nor did
any one hear him when he was declaiming; but to one of his companions
who observed, "Men find fault, Cato, with your silence," he replied,
"I only hope they may not find fault with my life. But I will begin to
speak, when I am not going to say something that were better unsaid."
V. The Basilica[663] called Porcia was a censorial dedication of the
old Cato. Now, as the tribunes were accustomed to transact business
here, and there was a pillar which was considered to be in the way of
their seats, they resolved to take it away or to remove it to another
spot. This was the first occasion that brought Cato into the Forum,
and against his will; for he opposed the tribunes, and he gained
admiration by this sample of his eloquence and elevated character. His
speech contained nothing juvenile or artificial, but it was
straightforward, full to overflowing, and rough. However there was
diffused over the roughness of the sentiments a charm which led the
ear, and his own character intermingled with it gave to the dignity of
his address a certain pleasingness and placidity, that were not ill
calculated to win men's favour. His voice was loud and powerful enough
to reach to so large a multitude, and it had a strength and tone which
could neither be broken nor tired; for he often spoke for a whole day
without being wearied. On this occasion he got the better in the
matter in dispute, and then again wrapped himself up in silence and
his discipline. He used to harden his body by vigorous exercises,
training himself to endure both heat and snow with uncovered head, and
to walk along the roads in all seasons without a vehicle. His friends
who used to accompany him on his journeys employed horses, and Cato
would often go side by side with each of them in turns, and talk to
them, himself walking while they rode. He showed in his complaints
also wonderful endurance and self-denial; for when he had a fever, he
would spend the day quite alone without permitting any person to
approach him, until he felt certain relief, and that the disease was
going away.
VI. At entertainments he used to cast lots for the parts, and if he
failed, and his friends urged him to begin first, he would say that it
was not right to do so against the will of Venus.[664] And at first he
would get up from supper after drinking once, but in course of time
he stuck to drinking more than anybody, so that he often continued
over his wine till daybreak. His friends said that the cause of this
was the administration and public affairs, in which Cato being engaged
all day and hindered from literary pursuits, associated with
philosophers during the night and over his cups. Accordingly when one
Memmius[665] observed in company that Cato was intoxicated all night
long, Cicero rejoined, "But you do not say that he also plays at dice
all day long." Altogether Cato thought that he ought to walk a course
the opposite to the then modes of life and usages, which he considered
to be bad and to require a great change, and observing that a purple
dress of a deep bright was much in fashion, he himself wore the dark.
He would go into public without shoes and tunic after dinner, not
seeking for reputation by the strangeness of the practice, but
habituating himself to be ashamed only of what was shameful, and to
despise everything else as indifferent. The inheritance of his cousin
Cato of the value of a hundred talents having been added to his
property, he turned it into money and let any of his friends make use
of it who needed, without paying interest. Some also pledged to the
treasury both lands and slaves of his, which Cato himself offered for
this purpose and confirmed the pledge.
VII. When he considered that he was ripe for marriage, without ever
having had to do with any woman, he betrothed Lepida, who had before
been promised in marriage to Scipio Metellus,[666] but at that time
was disengaged, for Scipio had repudiated her, and the betrothment was
cancelled. However before the marriage Scipio again changed his mind,
and by using every exertion got the maid. Cato, who was greatly
irritated and stung, made preparation to prosecute the matter in legal
form, but on his friends preventing him, in his passion and youthful
fervour he betook himself to iambic verses and vented much injurious
language upon Scipio, employing the bitterness of Archilochus,[667]
but dropping his ungoverned licence and childish manner. He married
Atilia,[668] the daughter of Soranus, and this was the first woman
with whom he came together, but not the only woman, like Lælius[669]
the companion of Scipio; for Lælius was more fortunate in having known
during his long life only one woman and that his wife.
VIII. When the Servile War[670] was on foot, which they called the war
of Spartacus, Gellius was commander, but Cato joined the service as a
volunteer for his brother's sake, for his brother Cæpio was a tribune.
He had not indeed the opportunity of displaying as much as he wished
his zeal and his discipline in virtue owing to the war being ill
conducted; but notwithstanding this, by showing, in contrast to the
great effeminacy and luxury of those who were engaged in that
campaign, orderly behaviour and bravery when it was required, and
courage and prudence in all things, he was considered in no degree to
fall short of the old Cato. Gellius assigned to him special
distinctions and honours, which Cato would not take nor allow, saying
that he had done nothing worthy of honour. In consequence of this he
was considered a strange kind of fellow; and when a law was made, that
those who were candidates for an office should not be accompanied by
nomenclators,[671] he was the only person when a candidate for a
tribuneship who observed the law; and having himself made it his
business to salute and address those whom he met with, he did not
escape censure even from those who praised him, for the more they
perceived the honourable nature of his conduct, the more they were
annoyed at the difficulty of imitating it.
IX. Upon being appointed a tribune he was sent to Macedonia to Rubrius
the Prætor. On that occasion it is told that his wife being troubled
and shedding tears, one of the friends of Cato, Munatius, said,
"Atilia, be of good cheer; I will take care of him for you." "It shall
be so," replied Cato; and after they had advanced one day's journey,
he said immediately after supper, "Come, Munatius, and keep your
promise to Atilia by not separating yourself from me either by day or
by night." Upon this he ordered two beds to be placed in the same
chamber and Munatius always slept thus, being watched in jest by Cato.
There accompanied him fifteen slaves, and two freedmen and four
friends, and while they rode on horseback, Cato himself always went on
foot, keeping by the side of each of them in turns and talking with
them. When he arrived at the camp, where there were several legions,
being appointed to the command of one legion by the general, he
considered the display of his own merit, being only one thing, as a
small matter and nothing kingly, but being chiefly ambitious to make
those who were under him like himself, he did not deprive his power of
its terrors, but he added to it reason, by means of which persuading
and instructing his men about every thing--honour and punishment
following; whether he made his soldiers more peaceable or warlike or
more full of zeal or just, it is difficult to say, so formidable did
they become to the enemy, and gentle to the allies, and so little
disposed to wrong, and so ambitious of praise. But that which Cato
cared least for, he had most of, both good opinion, and popularity,
and honour above measure, and affection from the soldiers. For by
voluntarily labouring at that which he imposed on others, and in his
dress and way of living and marching on foot making himself like them
rather than the commander, and in his morals and in his noble bearing,
and in eloquence surpassing all who were intitled Imperators and
generals, by such means he imperceptibly produced in the men at the
same time good will towards himself. For no true emulation after
virtue is bred except from perfect good will and respect towards him
who commends it: but those who having no love, praise the brave,
respect their character, though they admire not their virtue, nor do
they imitate it.
X. Hearing that Athenodorus[672] named Kordylion, who had great skill
in the Stoic philosophy, was living at Pergamus, being now an old man,
and having most resolutely resisted all intimacy and friendship with
governors and kings, Cato thought that he should get nothing by
sending and writing to him, but as he had a furlough of two months
allowed by the law, he made a voyage to Asia to the man, in the
confidence that through his own merits he should not fail in the
chase. After discoursing with Athenodorus and getting the victory
over him and drawing him from his settled purpose, he returned with
him to the camp, overjoyed and greatly elated at having made the
noblest capture and got a more splendid booty than the nations and
kingdoms which Pompeius at that time and Lucullus were subduing in
their campaigns.
XI. While Cato was still engaged in the service, his brother, who was
on his road to Asia, fell sick at Ænus,[673] in Thrace; and a letter
immediately came to Cato, and though the sea was very stormy, and
there was no vessel at hand of sufficient size, taking only two
friends with him and three slaves, he set sail from Thessalonike in a
small trading ship. After narrowly escaping being drowned at sea, he
was saved by unexpected good luck, but he found Cæpio already dead. He
was considered to have borne the misfortune with more of passion than
philosophy, not only in his lamentations and his embracings of the
dead body and the heaviness of his grief, but also in his expenditure
about the interment, and the trouble that he took about fragrant
spices and costly vests which were burnt with the body, and a monument
of polished Thasian stone of the cost of eight talents which was
constructed in the Agora of Ænus. These things there were some who
found fault with by comparison with Cato's freedom from all display in
other matters, not seeing how much mildness and affection there was in
the man who was inflexible and firm against pleasures and fears and
shameless entreaties. For the celebration of the funeral both cities
and princes offered to send him many things to do honour to the dead,
from none of whom however would he receive valuables, but he accepted
fragrant spices and vests, paying the price to those who sent the
things. Though the succession came to him and the young daughter of
Cæpio, he did not claim back in the division of the property any thing
that he had expended about the funeral. And though he did such things
as these and continued to do such, there was one[674] who wrote, that
he passed the ashes of the dead through a sieve and sifted them to
search for the gold that was burnt. So far did the writer allow, not
to his sword only, but also to his stilus, irresponsibility and
exemption from all account.
XII. When the time of Cato's service was at an end, he was attended on
his departure, not with good wishes, which is usual, nor yet with
praises, but with tears and never-satisfied embraces, the soldiers
placing their garments under his feet on the way by which he went and
kissing his hands, which the Romans of that day hardly ever did to any
of their Imperators. As he wished, before engaging in public affairs,
at the same time to travel about to make himself acquainted with Asia,
and to see with his own eyes the customs and mode of living and power
of each province, and at the same time not to give any offence to the
Galatian Deiotarus,[675] who prayed Cato to come to him on account of
the ancient ties of hospitality and friendship that subsisted between
him and Cato's family, he made his sojourning after this fashion. At
daybreak he used to send forward his bread-maker and cook to the place
where he intended to lodge; and it was their practice to enter the
city with great decorum and no stir, and if there happened to be no
ancient friend of Cato's family there or no acquaintance, they would
prepare for his reception in an inn without troubling anybody; and if
there was no inn, they would in that case apply to the magistrates and
gladly accept what accommodation was offered. And oftentimes getting
no credit, and being neglected because they did not apply to the
magistrates about these matters with noise or threats, Cato came upon
them before they had accomplished their business, and when he was
seen, he was still more despised; and because he would sit silently on
the baggage, he gave them the notion of being a person of mean
condition and a very timid man. However Cato would call them to him,
and would say, "Ye miserable wretches, lay aside this inhospitable
practice. All those who come to you will not be Catos. Dull by your
kind reception the power of those who only want a pretext to take by
force what they cannot get from you with your consent."
XIII. In Syria[676] a laughable incident is said to have happened to
him. For as he was walking to Antiocheia, he saw near the gates on the
outside a number of men arranged on each side of the road, among whom
young men by themselves in cloaks and boys on the other side stood in
orderly wise, and some had white vests and crowns, and these were
priests of the gods or magistrates. Now Cato, being quite sure that
some honourable reception was preparing for him by the city, was angry
with those of his own people who had been sent on, for not having
prevented this, and he bade his friends get off their horses and he
proceeded with them on foot. But when they came near, he who was
arranging all this ceremony and setting the folk in order, a man
somewhat advanced in years, holding a rod in his hand and a chaplet,
advanced in front of the rest, and meeting Cato, without even saluting
him, asked where they had left Demetrius and when he would be there.
Demetrius had been a slave of Pompeius, but at this time, as all the
world, so to speak, had their eyes on Pompeius, Demetrius was courted
above his merits on account of his great influence with Pompeius. Now
the friends of Cato were seized with such a fit of laughter that they
could not contain themselves as they walked through the crowd, but
Cato, who at the time was vehemently disconcerted, uttered the words,
"O ill-fated city," and nothing more; afterwards however he was
accustomed to laugh at the matter himself both when he told the story
and when he thought of it.
XIV. However Pompeius himself reproved those who thus misbehaved
themselves towards Cato in their ignorance. For when Cato on his
arrival at Ephesus went to pay his respects to Pompeius as his elder,
and much his superior in reputation and then at the head of the
greatest armies, Pompeius observing him did not wait or allow Cato to
approach him as he was seated, but springing up as to a man of
superior rank, he met him and gave him his right hand. And Pompeius
passed many encomiums on the merit of Cato while treating him as a
friend and showing him attention during his stay, and still more when
he had departed, so that all persons being admonished and now
directing their observation to Cato admired him for the things for
which he was despised, and studied his mildness and magnanimity. Yet
it did not escape notice that the great attention of Pompeius to him
proceeded more from respect than from love, and people discerned that
Pompeius honoured him while he was present, and was glad when he went
away. For the other young men who came to him, he was ambitious to
keep with him, and he wished them to stay, but he asked of Cato
nothing of the kind, and as if he were not commander with
irresponsible power while Cato was there, he was glad to get rid of
him; and yet he was almost the only person among those who were
sailing to Rome to whom Pompeius commended his children and wife, who
however were connected with Cato by kinship. In consequence of this
there was high regard and great exertion and emulation in the cities
towards Cato, and suppers and invitations, wherein Cato bade his
friends keep a watch upon him, lest he should unawares make good what
Curio[677] had said. For Curio, who was annoyed at the austerity of
Cato, who was his friend and intimate, asked him if he should like to
visit Asia after he had served his time in the army. And on Cato
saying that he should like it very much, "You say well," replied
Curio, "for you will be more agreeable when you return thence, and
tamer," using some such words as these.
XV. Deiotarus the Galatian, who was now an old man, sent for Cato,
wishing to intrust to him his children and his family; and on his
arrival he offered him all manner of presents, and tried and entreated
him in every way till he so irritated Cato, that after arriving in the
evening and staying all night, he set off on the following day about
the third hour. However when he had advanced one day's journey, he
found in Possinus[678] more presents than before awaiting him there,
and letters from the Galatian begging him to receive them; and if he
should not be disposed to take them, to let his friends at least
receive favours on his account, as they well deserved it, and Cato had
not much of his own. But Cato did not give in even to these arguments,
though he saw that some of his friends were beginning to be softened
and were inclined to blame him; but observing that all receiving of
gifts might find a good excuse, and his friends should share in all
that he got honourably and justly, he sent back the presents to
Deiotarus. As he was about to set sail to Brundisium, his friends
thought that they ought to put the ashes of Cæpio in another vessel,
but Cato, saying that he would rather part with his life than the
ashes of his brother, set sail. And indeed it is said that it chanced
that he had a very dangerous passage, though the rest got to
Brundisium with little difficulty.
XVI. On his return to Rome he spent his time either at home in the
company of Athenodorus, or in the Forum assisting his friends. Though
the office of Quæstor[679] was now open to him, he did not become a
candidate for it till he had read the laws relating to the
quæstorship, and had learned all particulars from the experienced, and
had comprehended the powers of the office in a certain shape.
Accordingly as soon as he was established in the office, he made a
great change in the servants and clerks about the treasury, for as
they constantly had in hand the public accounts and the laws, and had
young superiors who, by reason of their inexperience and ignorance, in
fact required others to teach and direct them, they did not allow
their superiors to have any power, but were the superior officers
themselves, until Cato vigorously applied himself to the business, not
having the name only and the honour of a magistrate, but understanding
and judgment and apt expression; and he resolved to make the clerks
into servants as they really were, in some things detecting their evil
doings, and in others correcting their errors which arose from
inexperience. But as the clerks were insolent, and attempted to
ingratiate themselves with and to flatter the other quæstors, and
resisted him, he expelled from the treasury the first among them whom
he had detected in knavish dealings in a matter of trust concerning an
inheritance, and he brought another to trial for dishonesty. This
second person Catulus Lutatius[680] the censor came forward to defend,
a man who had great dignity from his office, and the greatest from his
merit, being considered superior to all the Romans in integrity and
temperance; and he was also an admirer and intimate friend of Cato all
through his life. Now, when Catulus found that the justice of the case
was against him and openly asked to have the man acquitted for his
sake, Cato would not allow him to act so: and when he still continued
to urge his request, Cato said, "It were a scandalous thing, Catulus,
for you, who are the censor, and whose duty it is to examine into our
lives, to be turned out[681] by our officers." When Cato had uttered
these words, Catulus looked at him as if he were going to reply, but
he said nothing, and either being angry or ashamed he went away in
silence and perplexed. However the man was not convicted, for when the
votes for condemnation had exceeded those for acquittal by a single
vote, and Lollius Marcus, one of the colleagues of Cato, owing to
sickness had not attended at the trial, Catulus sent to him and
prayed him to give his support to the man; and he was carried thither
in a litter after the trial and gave the vote which acquitted. However
Cato did not employ the clerk nor give him his pay, nor did he take
any reckoning at all of the vote of Lollius.
XVII. Having thus humbled the clerks and reduced them to obedience, by
managing the accounts in his own way, he made the treasury in a short
time more respected than the Senate, so that every body said and
considered that Cato had surrounded the quæstorship with the dignity
of the consulship. For in the first place finding that many persons
owed old debts to the state and that the state was indebted to many,
he at the same time put an end to the state being wronged and wronging
others, by demanding the money from those who owed it vigorously and
without relenting at all, and paying the creditors speedily and
readily, so that the people respected him when they saw those pay who
expected to defraud the state, and those recover who never expected
it. In the next place, it was the general practice to bring in
writings without observing the proper forms, and previous quæstors
used to receive false decrees to please persons, and at their request.
Cato however let nothing of this kind escape his notice, and on one
occasion being in doubt about a decree, whether it was really
ratified, though many persons testified to the fact, he would not
trust them, nor did he allow it to be deposited until the consuls came
and by oath confirmed its genuineness. Now there were many whom Sulla
had rewarded for killing proscribed persons at the rate of twelve
thousand drachmæ apiece, and though all detested them as accursed and
abominable wretches, no one ventured to bring them to punishment; but
Cato, calling to account every man who had public money by unfair
means, made him give it up and at the same time upbraided him for his
unholy and illegal acts with passion and argument. Those whom this
befel were immediately charged with murder and were brought before the
judices in a manner prejudged, and were punished, to the joy of all
who considered that the tyranny of those former times was at the same
time blotted out and that they witnessed Sulla himself punished.
XVIII. The many were captivated by his persevering and unwearied
industry: for none of his colleagues went up earlier to the treasury
or came away after him. He never omitted attending any meeting of the
people and of the Senate, for he feared and kept a watch on those who
were ready to vote for remissions of debts and taxes and for gifts in
favour of any body. By proving that the treasury was inaccessible and
free from intrigues, and full of money, he showed that they could be
rich without doing wrong. Though at first he appeared to be disliked
by and odious to some of his colleagues, he afterwards gained their
good-will by subjecting himself on behalf of them all to the hatred
that was incurred by not giving away the public money and by not
deciding dishonestly, and by furnishing them with an answer to those
who preferred their requests and urged them, that nothing could be
done if Cato did not consent. On the last day of his office when he
had been accompanied to his house by almost all the citizens, he heard
that many who were intimate with Marcellus,[682] and men of influence,
had fallen upon him at the treasury and having got round him were
forcing him to sign a certain payment of money that was due. Marcellus
from his boyhood had been a friend of Cato and together with him had
been a most excellent magistrate, but by himself he was easily led by
others through false shame, and was ready to oblige any body.
Accordingly Cato immediately returned to the treasury, and finding
that Marcellus had been prevailed upon to sign the payment asked for
the tablets and erased what was written, while Marcellus stood by and
said not a word. Having done this Cato conducted him down from the
treasury and put him in his house; and Marcellus neither then nor
afterwards found fault with Cato, but continued on intimate terms with
him all along. Nor did Cato when he had quitted the treasury leave it
destitute of protection, but slaves of his were there daily who copied
out the transactions, and he himself purchased for five talents books
which contained the public accounts from the times of Sulla to his own
quæstorship, and he always had them in his hands.
XIX. He used to go into the Senate house the first, and he was the
last to come away; and often while the rest were slowly assembling, he
would sit and read quietly, holding his toga before the book. He never
went abroad when there was to be a meeting of the Senate; but
afterwards when Pompeius saw that Cato could not be prevailed upon,
and could never be brought to comply with the unjust measures on which
he was intent, he used to contrive to engage him in giving his aid to
some friend in a matter before the courts, or in arbitrations, or in
discharging some business. But Cato quickly perceiving his design,
refused all such engagements and made it a rule to do nothing else
while the Senate was assembled. For it was neither for the sake of
reputation, nor self-aggrandisement, nor by a kind of spontaneous
movement, nor by chance, like some others, that he was thrown into the
management of state affairs, but he selected a public career as the
proper labour of a good man, and thought that he ought to attend to
public concerns more than the bee to its cells, inasmuch as he made it
his business to have the affairs of the provinces and decrees and
trials and the most important measures communicated to him by his
connections and friends in every place. On one occasion by opposing
Clodius the demagogue, who was making a disturbance and laying the
foundation for great charges, and calumniating to the people the
priests and priestesses, among whom was also Fabia,[683] the sister of
Terentia, Cicero's wife, he was in great danger, but he involved
Clodius in disgrace and compelled him to withdraw from the city; and
when Cicero thanked him, Cato said that he ought to reserve his
gratitude for the state, as it was for the sake of the state that he
did every thing and directed his political measures. In consequence of
this there was a high opinion of him, so that an orator said to the
judices on a certain trial when the evidence of a single person was
produced, that it was not right to believe a single witness even if he
was Cato; and many persons now were used to say when speaking of
things incredible and contrary to all probability, as by way of
proverb, that this could not be believed even if Cato said it. And
when a man of bad character and great expense delivered a discourse in
the senate in favour of frugality and temperance, Amnæus[684] rose up
and said, "My man, who will endure you, you who sup like Crassus, and
build like Lucullus, and harangue us like Cato." Others also who were
people of bad character and intemperate, but in their language
dignified and severe, they used to call by way of mockery, Catos.
XX. Though many invited him to the tribuneship, he did not think it
well to expend the power of a great office and magistracy, no more
than that of a strong medicine, on matters wherein it was not
required. At the same time as he had leisure from public affairs, he
took books and philosophers with him and set out for Lucania, for he
had lands there on which there was no unseemly residence. On the road
he met with many beasts of burden and baggage and slaves, and learning
that Nepos Metellus[685] was returning to Rome for the purpose of
being a candidate for the tribuneship, he halted without speaking, and
after a short interval ordered his people to turn back. His friends
wondering at this, he said, "Don't you know that even of himself
Metellus is a formidable man by reason of his violence; and now that
he has come upon the motion of Pompeius, he will fall upon the state
like a thunderbolt and put all in confusion? It is therefore not a
time for leisure or going from home, but we must get the better of the
man or die nobly in defence of liberty." However at the urgency of his
friends he went first to visit his estates, and after staying no long
time he returned to the city. He arrived in the evening, and as soon
as day dawned, he went down into the Forum to be a candidate for the
tribuneship and to oppose Metellus. For this magistracy gives more
power to check than to act; and even if all the rest of the tribunes
save one should assent to a measure, the power lies with him who does
not consent or permit.
XXI. At first there were few of Cato's friends about him, but when his
views became public, in a short time all the people of character and
distinction crowded together and cheered and encouraged him, for they
said it was no favour that he was receiving, but he was conferring the
greatest favour on his country and the most honest of the citizens,
for that when it was often in his power to hold a magistracy without
any trouble, he now came down to contend on behalf of freedom and the
constitution, not without danger. It is said that owing to many
persons through zeal and friendly disposition crowding towards him he
was in some danger, and with difficulty on account of the crowd he
made his way to the Forum. Being elected tribune with others and with
Metellus, and observing that the consular comitia were accompanied
with bribery, he rated the people, and at the close of his speech he
swore that he would prosecute the briber, whoever he might be, with
the exception of Silanus,[686] on account of his connection with him;
for Silanus had to wife Servilia, a sister of Cato. For this reason he
passed over Silanus, but he prosecuted Lucius Murena,[687] on the
charge of having secured his election with Silanus by bribery. There
was a law according to which the accused had always the power to
appoint a person to watch the accuser, in order that it might not be
unknown what he was getting together and preparing to support the
prosecution. Now he who was appointed by Murena to watch Cato used to
accompany him and observe his conduct, and when he saw that Cato was
doing nothing with unfair design or contrary to equity, but honourably
and in a kindly spirit was going a simple and straightforward course
towards the prosecution, he had such admiration of his noble bearing
and morality that he would come up to Cato in the Forum, or go to his
door and ask, whether he intended that day to attend to any matters
that concerned the prosecution, and if he said that he did not, he
would take his word and go away. When the trial came on, Cicero, who
was then consul and one of the advocates of Murena, on account of
Cato's connection with the Stoics, ridiculed and mocked these
philosophers and their so-called paradoxes, and thus made the judices
laugh. On which it is said that Cato, with a smile, observed to those
who were present, "My friends, what a ridiculous consul we have."
Murena, who was acquitted, did not display towards Cato the temper of
a bad or a foolish man, for in his consulship he used to ask his
advice in the most important affairs, and all along in every other
matter showed him respect and confidence. Cato's own conduct was the
cause of this, for while he was severe and terrible on the judgment
seat and in the Senate on behalf of justice, he was benevolent and
friendly in all his social intercourse.
XXII. Before Cato entered on the tribuneship, during Cicero's
consulship he supported his administration in many other difficulties,
and he put the finishing stroke to the measures relating to
Catiline,[688] which were the most important and glorious of all.
Catiline himself, who was designing to effect a pernicious and
complete change in the Roman state, and was at the same time stirring
up insurrection and war, being convicted by Cicero, fled from the
city; but Lentulus and Cethegus and many others with them, who had
taken up the conspiracy, upbraiding Catiline with cowardice and want
of spirit in his designs, were plotting to destroy the city with
fire, and to subvert the supremacy of Rome by the revolt of nations
and by foreign wars. Their schemes having been discovered in the
manner told in the Life of Cicero, he laid the matter before the
Senate for their deliberation, whereupon Silanus, who spoke first,
gave his opinion that the men ought to suffer the extreme punishment,
and those who followed him spoke to the same effect, till it came to
Cæsar's turn. Cæsar now rose, and as he was a powerful speaker and
wished rather to increase all change and disturbance in the state than
to allow it to be quenched, considering it as the stuff for his own
designs to work upon, he urged many arguments of a persuasive and
humane kind to the effect that the men ought not to be put to death
without trial, and he advised that they should be confined in prison:
and he wrought so great a change in the opinion of the Senate, who
were afraid of the people, that even Silanus retracted what he had
said, and affirmed that neither had he recommended that they should be
put to death, but that they should be imprisoned; for to a Roman this
was the extreme of punishment.
XXIII. Such had been the change, and all the Senators in a body had
gone over to the milder and more humane proposal, when Cato rising to
deliver his opinion, commenced his speech in anger and passion,
abusing Silanus for changing his mind, and attacking Cæsar, whom he
charged with a design to overturn the State under a popular guise and
pretext of humanity, and with making the Senate alarmed at things at
which he himself ought to be alarmed, and therewith well content, if
he escaped unharmed on account of what had passed and without
suspicion, when he was so openly and audaciously endeavouring to
rescue the common enemies of all, and admitting that he had no pity
for the state, such and so great though it was, and though it had so
narrowly escaped destruction, but was shedding tears and lamenting
because those who ought never to have existed or been born would by
their death release the state from great bloodshed and danger. They
say that this is the only speech of Cato which is preserved, and that
it was owing to Cicero the consul, who had previously instructed
those clerks who surpassed the rest in quick writing in the use of
certain signs which comprehended in their small and brief marks the
force of many characters and had placed them in different parts of the
Senate house. For the Romans at this time were not used to employ nor
did they possess what are called note-writers,[689] but it was on this
occasion, as they say, that they were first established in a certain
form. However, Cato prevailed and changed the opinion of the Senate,
who condemned the men to death.
XXIV. Now as we perhaps ought not to omit even the slight tokens of
character when we are delineating as it were a likeness of the soul,
it is reported that on this occasion when Cæsar was making much
exertion and a great struggle against Cato, and the attention of the
Senate was fixed on both of them, a small letter was brought in for
Cæsar from the outside. Cato attempted to fix suspicion on this
matter, and alleged that some of the senators were disturbed at it and
he bade him read the writing, on which Cæsar handed the letter to Cato
who was standing near him. Cato read the letter, which was an amatory
epistle addressed to Cæsar by his sister Servilia[690] who was
enamoured of Cæsar and had been debauched by him, and throwing it at
Cæsar he said, "Take it, drunkard," and so resumed his speech. Indeed
in the female part of his family Cato appears to have always been
unlucky. For this sister had a bad report in respect of Cæsar; and the
conduct of the other Servilia, also a sister of Cato, was still more
unseemly. For though she was married to Lucullus, a man who was among
the first of the Romans in reputation, and bore him a child, she was
driven from his house for incontinence. And what was most scandalous
of all, even Cato's wife Atilia was not free from such vices, for
though he had two children by her, he was compelled to put her away
for her unseemly behaviour.
XXV. Cato then married Marcia, a daughter of Philippus,[691] who had
the character of being an honest woman, and about whom a good deal is
said; but just as in a drama, this part of Cato's life is a difficult
and perplexed matter. However it was after the following manner, as
Thrasea[692] writes, who refers as his authority to Munatius, a
companion and intimate associate of Cato. Among the numerous friends
and admirers of Cato there were some more conspicuous and
distinguished than others, of whom one was Quintus Hortensius,[693] a
man of splendid reputation and honest morals. Now as Hortensius was
desirous to be not merely an intimate friend and companion of Cato,
but in a manner to unite in kinship and community the whole family and
stock, he endeavoured to persuade Cato, whose daughter Porcia was the
wife of Bibulus and had born him two sons, to give her in turn to him
as a fertile soil to beget children in. He said that according to
men's opinion such a thing was strange, but that according to nature
it was good and for the advantage of states, that a woman who was in
her youth and perfection should neither lie idle and check her
procreative power, nor yet should by breeding more children than
enough cause trouble to her husband and impoverish him when he wanted
no more children; but that if there was a community of offspring among
worthy men, it would make virtue abundant and widely diffused among
families, and would mingle the state with itself by these family
relationships. If Bibulus, he said, was greatly attached to his wife,
he would return her as soon as she had born a child, and he had become
more closely united both with Bibulus and Cato by a community of
children. Cato replied that he loved Hortensius and valued his
kinship, but he considered it strange for Hortensius to speak about
the marriage of his daughter who had been given to another; on which
Hortensius changing his proposal and disclosing himself did not
hesitate to ask the wife of Cato, who was still young enough to bear
children, while Cato himself had children enough. And it cannot be
said that Hortensius did this because he knew that Cato paid no
attention to Marcia, for they say that she happened to be with child
at the time. Accordingly Cato seeing the earnestness and eagerness of
Hortensius did not refuse, but he said that Philippus the father of
Marcia must also approve of it. When they had seen Philippus and
informed him of the agreement, he did not give Marcia in marriage,
except in the presence of Cato, and Cato joined in giving her away.
Though this took place later, it seemed convenient to me to anticipate
the time as I had made mention of the female part of Cato's family.
XXVI. When Lentulus and his associates had been executed, and Cæsar,
on account of the charges and insinuations made against him before the
Senate, betook himself to the people for protection and was stirring
up the numerous diseased and corrupted members of the state and
collecting them about him, Cato, being alarmed, persuaded the Senate
to relieve the crowd of poor who had no property by an allowance of
grain, the expenditure for which purpose was to the amount of twelve
hundred and fifty talents[694] annually; and the threats of Cæsar were
manifestly rendered futile by this liberality and bounty. After this,
Metellus, as soon as he had entered on the tribuneship, got together
tumultuous meetings and proposed a law that Pompeius Magnus[695]
should hasten to Italy with his forces and should undertake the
protection of the city, which it was alleged was in danger from
Catiline. This was in appearance a specious proposal, but the real
object and end of the law was to put affairs in the hands of Pompeius
and to surrender to him the supremacy. When the Senate was assembled
and Cato did not in his usual way fall violently on Metellus, but
advised him with much forbearance and moderation, and at last even
betook himself to entreaty and praised the family of the Metelli for
having always been aristocratic, Metellus becoming much emboldened and
despising Cato, whom he supposed to be giving way and cowering, broke
out in extravagant threats and arrogant expressions, as if he would
accomplish every thing in spite of the Senate. On this Cato, changing
his attitude and tone and language, and concluding all that he said
with a vehement affirmation that so long as he lived Pompeius should
not come into the city with his soldiers, brought the Senate to this
opinion, that neither he nor Metellus was in a sober mind and that
neither of them was guided by sound considerations, but that the
measures of Metellus were madness which from excess of depravity was
loading to the destruction and confusion of every thing, and those of
Cato an enthusiasm of virtue struggling in behalf of honour and
justice.
XXVII. But when the people were going to vote on the law, and armed
strangers and gladiators and slaves had come to the Forum arrayed to
support Metellus, and that part of the people which longed for
Pompeius from desire of change was not small, and there was also great
support from Cæsar who was then prætor, and the first men of the
citizens rather shared in the indignation and wrongs of Cato than
joined him in making resistance, and great depression and alarm
prevailed in his family, so that some of his friends taking no food
watched all night with one another in perplexed deliberation on his
behalf, and his wife and sisters also were lamenting and weeping, Cato
himself displayed a fearless and confident behaviour to all, and
cheered them, and he took his supper, as usual, and after resting all
night was roused from a deep sleep by Minucius Thermus one of his
colleagues; and they went down to the Forum with a few persons
accompanying them, though many met them and urged them to be on their
guard. When Cato stopped and saw the temple of the Dioscuri[696]
surrounded by armed men and the steps guarded by gladiators, and
Metellus himself with Cæsar sitting above, he turned to his friends
and said, "O the daring and cowardly men, to collect such a force of
soldiery against a single man unarmed and defenceless." Saying this he
advanced straight forwards with Thermus; and those who occupied the
steps made way for them but they let nobody else pass, except that
Cato with difficulty pulled Munatius by the hand and got him up, and
then advancing right onwards, he flung himself between Metellus and
Cæsar and there took his seat, and so cut off their communications.
Cæsar and Metellus were disconcerted, but the better part of the
people seeing and admiring the noble bearing and spirit of Cato came
nearer, and with shouts encouraged Cato to be of good heart, and they
urged one another to stay and keep close together and not to betray
their liberty and the man who was contending in defence of it.
XXVIII. The clerk now produced the law, but Cato would not let him
read it, and when Metellus took it and began to read, Cato snatched
the writing from him; and when Metellus who knew the law by heart was
beginning to declare it orally, Thermus held his mouth with his hand
and stopped his voice, till at last Metellus seeing that the men were
making an opposition which he could not resist and that the people
were beginning to give way to what was best and to change, he ordered
armed men to hurry thither from his house[697] with threats and
shouts. This being done, and all having been dispersed except Cato,
who stood there, though he was pelted with stones and pieces of wood
from above, Murena, who had been brought to trial and prosecuted by
Cato, did not remain indifferent, but holding his toga in front of him
and calling out to those who were throwing missiles, to stop, and
finally persuading Cato himself and taking him in his arms, led him
off to the temple of the Dioscuri. Now when Metellus saw that all was
clear about the Rostra, and that his opponents were flying through the
Forum, being quite confident that he had got the victory, he ordered
the armed men to go away, and coming forward in an orderly manner he
attempted to conduct the proceedings about the law. But his opponents
quickly recovering themselves from their rout again advanced with loud
and confident shouts, so that the partizans of Metellus were seized
with confusion and fear, for they thought that their opponents were
falling on them with arms which they had provided themselves with from
some place or other, and not one of them stood his ground, but all ran
away from the Rostra. When they were thus dispersed, and Cato coming
forward partly commended and partly encouraged the people, the people
prepared themselves to put down Metellus by every means, and the
Senate assembling declared anew that they would support Cato and
resist the law, which they considered to be introducing discord and
civil war into Rome.
XXIX. Metellus himsalf was unmoved from his purpose and still bold,
but seeing that his partizans were struck with great terror at Cato,
and considered him invincible and that it was impossible to overpower
him, he suddenly hurried out to the Forum, and assembling the people
he said many things calculated to bring odium on Cato, and crying out
that he was flying from his tyranny and the conspiracy against
Pompeius, for which the city would speedily repent and for their
disgracing so great a man, he forthwith set out to Asia to lay all
these charges before Pompeius. Now the fame of Cato was great inasmuch
as he had eased the state of the no small burden of the tribuneship,
and in a manner had put down the power of Pompeius in the person of
Metellus; but he got still more credit by not consenting that the
Senate, who were minded to do it, should degrade Metellus, and by
opposing the measure and praying them not to pass it. For the majority
considered it a token of a humane and moderate temper not to trample
on his enemy nor insult him after he had got the victory; and to the
prudent it appeared wise and politic in him not to irritate Pompeius.
After this, Lucullus,[698] who had returned from his campaign, the
conclusion and the glory of which Pompeius was considered to have
snatched from him, ran the risk of not having a triumph, owing to
Caius Memmius stirring up the people and bringing charges against him,
rather to please Pompeius than out of any private ill-will. But Cato,
being connected with Lucullus by Lucullus having married Cato's sister
Servilia, and also thinking it a scandalous affair, resisted Memmius
and exposed himself to much calumny and many imputations. Finally an
attempt being made to eject Cato from his office, on the ground that
he was exercising tyrannical power, he so far prevailed as to compel
Memmius himself to desist from his prosecution and to give up the
contest. Lucullus accordingly had a triumph, in consideration of which
he stuck still more closely to the friendship of Cato, which was to
him a protection and bulwark against the power of Pompeius.
XXX. Pompeius[699] returning from his military command with great
reputation, and relying on the splendour and heartiness of his
reception for getting everything from the citizens that he asked for,
sent a message to the Senate before his arrival at Rome, to ask them
to put off the Comitia, that he might be present to assist Piso at his
canvass. The majority were ready to give way, but Cato who did not
consider the putting off the Comitia as the chief matter, and wished
to cut short the attempts and the hopes of Pompeius, opposed the
request and induced the Senate to change their mind and reject it.
This gave Pompeius no little uneasiness, and considering that he
should find no slight obstacle in Cato, if he did not make him his
friend, he sent for Munatius,[700] an intimate of Cato, and as Cato
had two marriageable nieces, he asked for the elder for his own wife,
and the younger for his son. Some say that the suit was not for the
nieces, but the daughters of Cato. When Munatius made the proposal to
Cato and his wife and sisters, the women were delighted above measure
at the prospect of the alliance by reason of the greatness and
reputation of the man; but Cato, without pause or deliberation, with
passion forthwith replied, "Go, Munatius, go, and tell Pompeius, that
Cato is not to be caught by approaching him through the women's
chamber, but that he is well content to have the friendship of
Pompeius, and if Pompeius will act rightly, Cato will show him a
friendship more sure than any marriage connection, but he will not
give up hostages to the reputation of Pompeius contrary to the
interests of his country." The women were vexed at these words, and
Cato's friends blamed his answer as both rude and insolent. The next
thing, however, was that Pompeius while trying to secure the
consulship for one of his friends, sent money for the tribes, and the
bribery[701] was notorious, the money being counted out in his
gardens. Accordingly when Cato observed to the women, that he who was
connected with Pompeius by marriage, must of necessity participate in
such measures and be loaded with the disgrace of them, they admitted
that he had judged better in rejecting the alliance of Pompeius. But
if we may judge by the result, Cato appears to have made a complete
mistake in not accepting the proposed alliance with Pompeius, and
allowing him to turn to Cæsar and to contract a marriage, which, by
uniting the power of Pompeius and Cæsar, nearly overthrew the Roman
state and did destroy the constitution, nothing of which probably
would have happened if Cato had not, through fear of the small errors
of Pompeius, overlooked the greatest, which was the allowing him to
increase the power of another.
XXXI. These things, however, were still in the future. Now when
Lucullus was engaged in a contest with Pompeius respecting the
arrangements made in Pontus, for each of them wished his own
arrangements to be confirmed, and Cato gave his aid to Lucullus, who
was manifestly wronged, Pompeius being worsted in the Senate and
seeking to make himself popular, proposed a division of lands among
the soldiery. But when Cato opposed him in this measure also and
frustrated the law, Pompeius next attached himself to Clodius, the
boldest of the demagogues at that time, and gained over Cæsar,[702] to
which Cato in a manner gave occasion. For Cæsar, who had returned from
his prætorship in Iberia, at the same time wished to be a candidate
for the consulship and asked for a triumph. But as it was the law that
those who were candidates for a magistracy should be present, and
those who were going to have a triumph should stay outside the walls,
Cæsar asked permission of the Senate to solicit the office through
means of others. Many were willing to consent, but Cato spoke against
it, and when he saw that the Senators were ready to oblige Cæsar, he
took up the whole day in talking, and thus frustrated the designs, of
the Senate. Cæsar accordingly giving up his hopes of a triumph,
entered the city, and immediately attached himself to Pompeius, and
sought the consulship. Being elected consul, Cæsar gave Julia in
marriage to Pompeius, and the two now coalescing against the state,
the one introduced laws for giving to the poor allotments and a
distribution of land, and the other assisted in supporting these
measures. But Lucullus and Cicero siding with Bibulus, the other
consul, opposed the measures, and Cato most of all, who already
suspected that the friendship and combination of Cæsar and Pompeius
had no just object, and said that he was not afraid of the
distribution of the land, but of the reward for it which those would
claim who were gratifying the multitude, and alluring them by this
bait.
XXXII. By these arguments Cato brought the Senate to an unanimous
opinion; and of those without the Senate no small number supported the
senators, being annoyed at the unusual measures of Cæsar: for what the
boldest and most reckless tribunes were used to propose for
popularity's sake, these very measures Cæsar in the possession of
consular power adopted, basely and meanly endeavouring to ingratiate
himself with the people. Cæsar's party, therefore, being alarmed, had
recourse to violence, and first of all a basket of ordure was thrown
upon Bibulus as he was going down to the Forum, and then the people
fell on his lictors and broke the fasces; finally missiles being
thrown about, and many being wounded, all the rest ran away from the
Forum except Cato, who walked away slowly, every now and then turning
round and cursing the citizens. Accordingly Cæsar's partisans not only
passed the law for the distribution of land,[703] but they added to it
a clause to compel all the Senate to swear that they would maintain
the law, and give their aid against any one who should act contrary to
it, and they enacted heavy penalties against those who did not swear.
All swore to maintain the law under compulsion, bearing in mind what
befell Metellus of old, whom the people allowed to be driven from[704]
Italy because he would not swear to observe a like enactment. For this
reason the women of Cato's family with tears earnestly entreated him
to yield and take the oath, and also his friends and intimate
acquaintance. But the person who most persuaded and induced Cato to
take the oath was Cicero the orator, who argued and urged that perhaps
it was not even right for him to think that he was the only man who
ought to refuse obedience to what had been determined by the common
voice; and when it was impossible to undo what had been done, it was
altogether senseless and mad to have no regard for himself; and of all
evils, he argued, it was the greatest to give up and surrender the
state, to the interests of which all his actions were directed, to
those who were plotting against it, as if he were glad to be released
from all struggles in its behalf; for if Cato did not stand in need of
Rome, Rome stood in need of Cato, and all his friends also did; and
among them Cicero said that he was the first, being the object of the
designs of Clodius, who was clearly proceeding to attack him by means
of the tribunitian office. By these and the like arguments and
entreaties, both at home and in the Forum, it is said that Cato was
induced to relent, and was prevailed upon with difficulty, and that he
came forward to take the oath last of all, except Favonius, one of his
friends and intimates.
XXXIII. Cæsar being encouraged, introduced another law for the
division of nearly the whole of Campania among the poor and needy.
Nobody spoke against it except Cato; and him Cæsar caused to be
dragged from the Rostra to prison, Cato the while remitting nothing of
his freedom of speech, but as he went along, at the same time speaking
about the law and advising them to cease attempting such political
measures. The Senate followed with downcast countenances, and the best
part of the people, much annoyed and troubled, though they said
nothing, so that Cæsar did not fail to see that they were displeased;
but out of self-will and expectation that Cato would appeal and have
recourse to entreaties, he continued leading him to prison. But when
it was plain that Cato intended to do nothing at all, Cæsar, overcome
by shame and the ill opinion of the thing, privately persuaded one of
the tribunes to rescue Cato. By these laws, however, and these grants
of land, they so cajoled the people, that they voted to Cæsar the
government of Illyricum and all Gaul with four legions for five years,
though Cato warned them that they would by their own votes plant the
tyrant in the Acropolis; and they transferred by illegal means Publius
Clodius from the patrician order to the plebeians, and made the man a
tribune, who was willing to do anything in his public capacity to
serve them, on condition that they would let Cicero be driven out; and
they made consuls Piso[705] Calpurnius, the father of Cæsar's wife,
and Gabinius Aulus, a man from the lap of Pompeius, as those say who
were acquainted with his habits and life.
XXXIV. But though Cæsar and his party had thus violently got
possession of the power, and had one part of the citizens at their
command through their grants, and another part through fear, they
still dreaded Cato. For even when they did get the advantage over him,
the fact that it was with difficulty and labour, and not without shame
and exposure that they hardly forced their purpose, was annoying and
vexatious. Clodius, indeed, did not expect to be able to put down
Cicero so long as Cato was at home, and as he was contriving how to
effect this, he sent for Cato as soon as he was in his office, and
addressed him to the effect that he considered Cato to be the purest
man of all the Romans, and he was ready to prove the sincerity of his
opinion by his acts, and he said that though many persons were
soliciting the commission to Cyprus and Ptolemæus,[706] and asking to
be sent, he thought Cato alone worthy of it, and that he gladly
offered him the favour. On Cato crying out that the thing was a snare
and insult and not a favour, Clodius replied in an insolent and
contemptuous manner, "Well, if you don't like it, you shall make the
voyage against your liking;" and immediately going before the people
he got the mission of Cato confirmed by a law. When Cato was leaving
Rome, Clodius allowed him neither ship nor soldier nor attendant
except two clerks, one of whom was a thief and a thorough knave, and
the other was a client of Clodius. And as if he had given him but
small occupations with the affairs of Cyprus and Ptolemæus, Clodius
commissioned him also to restore the Byzantine fugitives, his wish
being that Cato should be as long as possible from Rome during his
tribuneship.
XXXV. Being under such compulsion, Cato advised Cicero, who was
pressed by his enemies, not to raise any commotion nor to involve the
city in a contest and bloodshed, but by yielding to the times to be
again the saviour of his country; and sending forward to Cyprus
Canidius,[707] one of his friends, he prevailed on Ptolemæus[708] to
yield without a struggle, assuring him that he should want neither
money nor respect, for that the people would give him the priesthood
of the goddess at Paphos.[709] Cato himself stayed in Rhodes making
preparation and waiting for the answers. In the meantime
Ptolemæus,[710] King of Egypt, left Alexandria in anger after
quarrelling with the citizens, and set sail for Rome in the hope that
Cæsar and Pompeius would restore him with a military force; and as he
wished to see Cato he sent a message, expecting that Cato would come
to him. Cato happened to be then undergoing a purging,[711] and he
answered that Ptolemæus must come, if he wished to see him; and when
the king did come, Cato neither advanced to meet him nor rose, but
saluted him as one of his ordinary visitors and bade him be seated;
and by this behaviour the king was at first disturbed, and was amazed
at the contrast between Cato's haughty behaviour and rough manners,
and the meanness and simplicity of the man's attire. But when he had
begun to talk with him about his own affairs, and listened to words
full of wisdom and plain-speaking, for Cato reproved him and showed
what a happy condition he had left and to what servitude and toils and
corruption and love of aggrandisement in the chief men of the Romans
he was subjecting himself, whom scarcely Egypt would satisfy if it
were all turned into silver, and Cato advised the king to return and
be reconciled to his people, and said that he was ready to sail with
him and assist in bringing about an accommodation, the king, as if he
had been brought to his senses from some madness or delirium by the
words of Cato, and perceiving the integrity and judgment of the man,
was resolved to follow his advice. However, the king was again turned
by his friends to his original design, but as soon as he was in Rome
and was approaching the door of one of the magistrates, he groaned
over his ill resolve, as if he had rejected, not the advice of a good
man, but the prophetic warning of a deity.
XXXVI. The Ptolemæus in Cyprus, to Cato's good luck, poisoned himself;
and as it was said that he had left a large sum of money, Cato
determined to go to Byzantium himself, and he sent his nephew
Brutus[712] to Cyprus, because he did not altogether trust Canidius.
After bringing the exiles to terms with their fellow-citizens and
leaving Byzantium at peace with itself, he sailed to Cyprus. Now as
there was a great quantity of movables, such as suited a royal
household, consisting of cups, tables, precious stones and purple, all
which was to be sold and turned into money, Cato being desirous to do
everything with the greatest exactness and to bring up everything to
the highest price, and to be present everywhere and to apply the
strictest reckoning, would not trust even to the usages of the market,
but suspecting all alike, assistants, criers, purchasers and friends,
in fine, by talking to the purchasers singly and urging them to bid,
he in this way got most of the things sold that were put up for sale.
Cato thus offended the rest of his friends by showing that he did not
trust them, and Munatius, the most intimate of all, he put into a
state of resentment that was well nigh past cure; so that when Cæsar
was writing his book against Cato, this passage in the charges against
him furnished matter for the most bitter invective.