not by reason of Cato's distrust of him, but his contemptuous
behaviour, and a certain jealousy of his own in regard to Canidius;
for Munatius also published a book about Cato, which Thrasea chiefly
followed. He says that he arrived after the rest in Cyprus and found
very poor accommodation prepared for him; and that on going to Cato's
door he was repulsed, because Cato was engaged about some matters in
the house with Canidius, and when he complained of this in reasonable
terms, he got an answer which was not reasonable and to the effect:
That excessive affection, as Theophrastus says, is in danger of often
becoming the cause of hatred, "for," continued Cato, "you, by reason
of your very great affection for me, are vexed when you suppose that
you receive less respect than is your due. But I employ Canidius
because I have made trial of him and trust him more than others, for
he came at the first and has shown himself to be an honest man." This,
says Munatius, Cato said to him, when they two were alone, but that
Cato afterwards told it to Canidius; and accordingly when Munatius
heard of it, as he says, he did not go to Cato's table nor to his
counsels when he was invited; and when Cato threatened that he would
take pledges[713] from him, which the Romans do in the case of those
who refuse to obey a command, that without caring for Cato's threats
he sailed away from Cyprus and for a long time continued to be angry
with him. That afterwards Marcia, for she was still the wife of Cato,
having spoken with Cato, both Cato and he happened to be invited to
supper by Barcas;[714] and Cato, who came in after the guests were
seated, asked where he should recline. Upon Barcas answering, "Where
he pleased," Cato looking about him said he would take his place near
Munatius; and going round he did take his place near him, but showed
him no other sign of friendly feeling during the supper. However, upon
Marcia preferring a second request, Cato wrote to him to say that he
wished to see him on some matter, and that he went early in the
morning to the house and was detained by Marcia till all the rest went
way, when Cato came in and throwing both his arms round him saluted
and received him with all signs of friendship. Now I have told this at
some length, because I consider such things to contain a certain
evidence for the exhibition and perception of character no less than
public and great acts.
XXXVIII. Cato[715] got together nearly seven thousand talents of
silver, and being afraid of the length of the voyage, he had many
vessels made, each of which contained two talents and five hundred
drachmæ, and he fastened to each vessel a long rope, to the end of
which was attached a very large piece of cork, with the view, that if
the ship were wrecked, the cork holding the vessels suspended in the
deep sea might indicate the place. Now the money, with the exception
of a small part, was safely conveyed; but though he had accounts of
all his administration carefully drawn up in two books, he saved
neither of them. One of them was in the care of his freedman
Philargyros, who set sail from Kenchreæ,[716] but was wrecked, and
lost the book and all the cargo with it: the other he had safely
carried as far as Corcyra, where he pitched his tent in the Agora; but
the sailors on account of the cold having lighted many fires, the
tents were burnt in the night, and the book was destroyed. The king's
managers who were present were ready to stop the mouths of the enemies
and detractors of Cato; but the matter gave him annoyance for other
reasons. For it was not to prove his own integrity, but to set an
example of exact dealing to others that he was ambitious to produce
his accounts, and this was the cause of his vexation.
XXXIX. Cato's arrival with the ships did not pass unobserved by the
Romans, for all the magistrates and priests, and all the Senate and a
great part of the people met him at the river, so that both the banks
were covered, and Cato's voyage upwards was not inferior to a triumph
in show and splendour. Yet it seemed to some to be a perverse and
stubborn thing, that though the consuls and prætors were present, Cato
neither landed to meet them nor stopped his course, but sweeping along
the shore in a royal galley of six banks, he never stopped till he had
moored his ships in the dockyard. However, when the money was carried
along through the Forum, the people were amazed[717] at the quantity,
and the Senate assembling voted together with suitable thanks that an
extraordinary prætorship[718] should be given to Cato, and that he
should wear a dress with a purple border when he was present at the
public spectacles. Cato protested against both these distinctions, but
he recommended the Senate to emancipate Nikias, the king's steward, to
whose care and integrity he bore testimony. At that time Philippus,
the father of Marcia, was consul, and in a manner the dignity and
power of the office were transferred to Cato, for the colleague of
Philippus[719] paid no less respect to Cato on account of his merit
than on account of his relationship to Philippus.
XL. When Cicero[720] had returned from the exile into which he was
driven by Clodius, and was now a powerful man, he forcibly pulled down
and destroyed in the absence of Clodius, the tribunitian tablets which
Clodius had recorded and placed in the Capitol; and the Senate having
been assembled about this business, and Clodius making it a matter of
accusation, Cicero said that inasmuch as Clodius had been made tribune
in an illegal manner, all that had been done during his tribunate and
recorded ought to be ineffectual and invalid. But Cato took exception
to what Cicero said, and at length he rose and declared, that he was
of opinion that there was nothing sound or good in any degree in the
administration of Clodius, but that if any man was for rescinding all
that Clodius had done in his tribunate, all his own measures relating
to Cyprus were thereby rescinded, and his mission had not been legal,
having been proposed by a man who was not legally tribune: he
maintained that Clodius had not been illegally elected tribune by
virtue of being adopted out of the patrician body into a plebeian
family, for the law allowed this; but if he had been a bad magistrate,
like others, it was fitting to call to account the man who had done
wrong, and not to annul the office which had been wronged also. In
consequence of this, Cicero was angry with Cato, and for a long time
ceased all friendly intercourse with him: however, they were
afterwards reconciled.
XLI. After this Pompeius and Crassus[721] had a meeting with Cæsar,
who had come across the Alps, in which they agreed that they should
seek a second consulship; and when they were established in it, they
should cause another period in Cæsar's government as long as the first
to be given him by the vote of the people, and to themselves the chief
of the provinces and money and military forces: the which was a
conspiracy for the division of the supreme power and the destruction
of the constitution. Now though many honest men were at this time
preparing to be candidates for the consulship, they were deterred by
seeing Pompeius and Crassus canvassing; but Lucius Domitius alone, the
husband of Porcia, the sister of Cato, was induced by Cato not to give
way or to yield, as the contest was not for office but for the liberty
of Rome. And indeed it was currently said among that part of the
citizens who were still of sober thoughts, that they ought not to
allow the consular office to become completely overbearing and
oppressive by permitting the power of Crassus and Pompeius to be
combined, but that they should deprive one of them of the office. And
they ranged themselves on the side of Domitius, urging and encouraging
him to keep to his purpose; for many, they argued, even of those who
said nothing by reason of fear, would help him with their votes. The
party of Pompeius and Crassus fearing this, laid an ambuscade for
Domitius as he was going down to the Campus Martius early in the
morning, by torch-light. First of all the man who was lighting
Domitius and standing close by him was struck and fell down dead; and
after him others also being wounded, there was a general flight of all
except Cato and Domitius; for Cato held Domitius though he himself was
wounded in the arm, and urged him to stay and so long as there was
breath in them, not to give up the struggle for liberty against the
tyrants who showed how they would use their power, by making their
way to it through such acts of wrong.
XLII. Domitius, however, did not face the danger, but fled to his
house, upon which Pompeius and Crassus,[722] were elected. Yet Cato
did not give up the contest, but came forward as a candidate for a
prætorship, because he wished to have a strong position in his
struggles with them and not to be himself a private man while he was
opposing those who were in office. Pompeius and Crassus being afraid
of this, and considering that the prætorship by reason of Cato would
become a match for the consulship, in the first place on a sudden and
without the knowledge of many of the body, summoned the Senate, and
got a vote passed that those who were elected prætors should enter on
office forthwith and should not let the time fixed by law intervene,
during which time prosecutions were allowed of those who had bribed
the people. In the next place, now that they had by the vote of the
Senate made bribery free from all responsibility, they brought forward
their own tools and friends as candidates for the prætorship,
themselves giving the bribe-money, and themselves standing by while
the voting was going on. But when the merit and good name of Cato were
getting the superiority even over all this, the many for very shame
considering it a great crime by their votes to sell Cato, whom it were
even honourable to purchase for the state as prætor, and the tribe
which was first called voted for him, Pompeius all at once, falsely
saying he had heard thunder, dissolved the assembly, for it was the
custom of the Romans to view such tokens as inauspicious, and not to
ratify anything when there had been signs from heaven. Thereafter, by
employing excessive bribery and driving all the honest folks from the
Campus they brought about by violence that Vatinius should be elected
prætor instead of Cato. Upon this it is said that those who had given
their votes thus illegally and dishonestly, forthwith skulked away;
and a certain tribune forming on the spot a meeting of those who were
assembling together and expressing their dissatisfaction, Cato came
before them, and as if inspired by the gods, foretold everything that
would happen to the state, and urged the citizens to oppose Pompeius
and Crassus as being privy to such measures and engaging in a course
of policy, on account of which they feared Cato lest, if he were
prætor, he should get the advantage over them. And finally as he went
home, he was attended by such a crowd as not even all the prætors
together, who were elected, had to accompany them.
XLIII. When Caius Trebonius[723] drew up a law for the division of the
provinces between the consuls, to the effect that one of them should
have the government of Iberia and Libya, and the other Syria and
Egypt, to attack and carry on war against whom they pleased with naval
and military forces, the rest despairing of all opposition and
hindrance even desisted from speaking against the measure, and when
Cato got up on the Rostra before the question was put to the vote, and
expressed a wish to speak, he with difficulty obtained leave to speak
for two hours.[724] After Cato had occupied this time with much
speaking, and alleging of arguments and prophetic warnings, they would
not let him speak longer, but an officer went up and pulled him down
while he was still keeping his place on the Rostra. But inasmuch as he
continued to cry out from the place where he was standing below, and
had persons to listen to him and join in his dissatisfaction, the
officer again laid hold of him and taking him away, put him out of the
Forum. But scarcely was he let loose when he returned and made his way
to the Rostra with loud shouts, urging the citizens to aid him. This
being repeated several times, Trebonius in a passion ordered him to be
led to prison, and the crowd followed listening to him talking as he
went along, so that Trebonius was afraid and let him go. In this
manner Cato took up all that day: but on the following days by
terrifying some of the citizens and gaining over others by favours and
by bribes, and with armed men preventing Aquilius[725] one of the
tribunes from coming out of the senate house, and by ejecting from the
Forum Cato himself, who called out that there had been thunder, and by
wounding no small number, and even killing some, they forcibly carried
the law, in consequence of which many persons in passion crowded
together and pelted the statues of Pompeius. Cato, however, who came
up to them stopped this; and further, when a law was proposed
respecting the provinces and armies of Cæsar, Cato no longer addressed
himself to the people, but turning to Pompeius himself he adjured and
forewarned him, that he did not see that he was now taking up Cæsar on
his shoulders, but that when he began to feel the weight of his burden
and to be mastered by it, having neither power to rid himself of it
nor strength to bear it, he would fall with it upon the state, and
then he would remember Cato's advice and see that it concerned no less
the interests of Pompeius than honour and justice. Though Pompeius
heard this often, he cared not for it and let it pass, not believing
there would be any change in Cæsar, because he trusted in his own good
fortune and power.
XLIV. For the following year Cato was chosen prætor,[726] but he was
considered not to add so much dignity and honour to the office by his
good administration, as to detract from it and bring it into disrepute
by often going to the Rostra without his shoes and his tunic, and in
this attire presiding at trials of men of rank in matters of life and
death. Some also say that even after dinner, when he had drunk wine,
he would transact business; but this at least is untruly said. The
people being now corrupted by the bribery of those who were ambitious
of office, and the majority being accustomed to receive money for
their votes as if in the way of a regular trade, Cato wishing to
eradicate completely this disease in the state, persuaded the Senate
to make a decree, that if those who were elected magistrates should
have none ready to accuse them, they should themselves be compelled to
come forward before a sworn court and give an account of their
election. The candidates for magistracies were vexed at this, and
still more vexed were the mass who received the bribe-money.
Accordingly in the morning when Cato had gone to the tribunal, the
people in a body pressing upon him, cried out, abused him, and pelted
him so that every person fled from the tribunal, and Cato himself
being shoved from his place by the crowd and carried along with it,
with difficulty laid hold of the Rostra. Thereupon getting up, by the
boldness and firmness of his demeanour, Cato forthwith mastered the
tumult, and stopped the shouting, and after saying what was suitable
to the occasion and being listened to with perfect quiet, he put an
end to the disturbance. When the Senate were bestowing praise upon
him, he said, "But I cannot praise you, who left a prætor in danger
and did not come to his help." But of the candidates for magistracies
every man felt himself in a difficult position, being afraid to give
bribes himself, and being afraid that he should lose the office if
another did it. Accordingly it was agreed among them that they should
come together to one place, and each lay down one hundred and
twenty-five thousand drachmæ of silver, and all should then seek the
office in a right and just way, and that he who broke the terms and
employed bribery, should lose his money. Having agreed to these terms
they chose Cato as depositary and umpire and witness, and bringing the
money, they offered to place it with him; and they had the terms of
the agreement drawn up before him, but Cato took sureties instead of
the money, and would not receive the money itself. When the day for
the election came, Cato taking his place by the presiding tribune and
watching the vote, discovered that one of those who had entered into
the engagement, was playing foul, and he ordered him to pay the money
to the rest. But they, commending his uprightness and admiring it,
waived the penalty, considering that they had sufficient satisfaction
from the wrong-doer; but Cato offended all the rest and got very great
odium from this, it being as if he assumed to himself the power of the
Senate and of the courts of justice and of the magistrates. For the
opinion and the credit of no one virtue makes people more envious than
that of justice,[727] because both æpower and credit among the many
follow it chiefly. For people do not merely honour the just, as they
do the brave, nor do they admire them, as they do the wise, but they
even love the just, and have confidence in them and give them credit.
But as to the brave and wise, they fear the one, and give no credit to
the other; and besides this, they think that the brave and the wise
excel by nature rather than by their own will; and with respect to
courage and wisdom, they consider the one to be a certain sharpness,
and the other a firmness of soul; but inasmuch as any man who chooses,
has it in his power to be just, they have most abhorrence of injustice
as badness that is without excuse.
XLV. Wherefore all the great were enemies of Cato, as being reproved
by his conduct: and as Pompeius viewed Cato's reputation even as a
nullification of his own power, he was continually setting persons on
to abuse him, among whom Clodius also was one, the demagogue, who had
again insensibly attached himself to Pompeius, and was crying out
against Cato on the ground that he had appropriated to his own
purposes much money in Cyprus, and was hostile to Pompeius because
Pompeius had rejected a marriage with Cato's daughter. Cato replied
that he had brought to the city from Cyprus, without the aid of a
single horse or soldier, more money than Pompeius had brought back
from so many wars and triumphs after disturbing the habitable world,
and that he never chose Pompeius to make a marriage alliance with, not
because he considered Pompeius unworthy, but because he saw the
difference between his polity and that of Pompeius. "For my part,"
continued Cato, "I declined a province when it was offered to me after
my prætorship, but Pompeius has got some provinces, and he also offers
some to others; and now, last of all, he has lent to Cæsar a force of
six thousand legionary soldiers for Gaul, which neither did Cæsar ask
of you, nor did Pompeius give with your assent; but forces to such an
amount and arms and horses are gifts from private persons and things
of mutual exchange. And being called Imperator and governor he has
given up to others the armies and the provinces, and he himself sits
down close to the city raising commotions at the elections and
contriving disturbances, from which it is manifest that he is
intriguing to get by means of anarchy a monarchy for himself."
XLVI. In this fashion Cato defended himself against Pompeius. But
Marcus Favonius, an intimate friend and admirer of Cato, just as
Apollodorus[728] of Phalerum is said to have been of Socrates of old,
being a passionate man and one who was violently moved by his
principles, did not with any temper or moderation, but intemperately
attack Pompeius, like a man under the influence of drink and somewhat
mad. Favonius was a candidate for the ædileship and was losing his
election, when Cato, who was present, observed that the voting tablets
were written in one hand, and so proved the knavery, and by appealing
to the tribunes stopped the return. Afterwards when Favonius was made
ædile, Cato both administered the other duties of the ædileship, and
superintended the exhibitions in the theatre, giving to the actors not
crowns of gold, but as is the fashion of Olympia, crowns of wild
olive, and instead of costly presents, giving to the Greeks, turnips
and lettuces and radishes and parsley;[729] and to the Romans, earthen
jars of wine, and hogs' flesh, and figs and gourds, and bundles of
wood, at the thrift of which gifts some laughed, but others treated
the matter in a respectful way, seeing the austere and serious
countenance of Cato imperceptibly assuming a pleasant expression.
Finally, Favonius, mingling with, the crowd and sitting among the
spectators, applauded Cato, and called out to him to give to those who
were distinguishing themselves, and to honour them, and he urged the
spectators to the same effect, inasmuch as he had surrendered all his
authority to Cato. Now in the other theatre, Curio, the colleague of
Favonius, was conducting the celebration in splendid style, but still
the people left him to go to the other place, and they readily joined
in the amusement of Favonius playing a private part and Cato the part
of the superintendent of the exhibitions. And Cato did this to
disparage the thing and to show that when a man is in sport he should
use sportive ways, and accompany it with unpretending kindness rather
than with much preparation and great cost, bestowing great care and
trouble on things of no value.
XLVII. Now when Scipio and Hypsæus and Milo[730] were candidates for
the consulship, and were employing not merely those wrongful ways that
were now familiar and had become usual in matters political, the
giving of gifts and bribery, but were plainly pushing on through arms
and slaughter to civil war, in their daring and madness, and some
persons were urging Pompeius to preside over the comitia, Cato at
first opposed this and said, that the laws should not owe their
maintenance to Pompeius, but that Pompeius should owe his security to
the laws. However, when there had been an anarchy for some time, and
three armies were occupying the Forum daily, and the mischief had well
nigh become past checking, he determined in favour of putting affairs
in the hands of Pompeius before the extreme necessity arrived, by the
voluntary favour of the Senate, and by employing the most moderate of
unconstitutional means as a healing measure for the settlement of what
was most important, to bring on the monarchy rather than to let the
civil dissensions result in a monarchy. Accordingly Bibulus, who was
a friend of Cato, proposed that they ought to elect Pompeius sole
consul, for that either matters would be put into a good condition by
his settlement of them, or that the state would be enslaved by the
best man in it. Cato rose and spoke in favour of the proposal, which
nobody could have expected, and recommended any government as better
than no government; and he added, that he expected that Pompeius would
manage present affairs best, and would protect the state with which he
was intrusted.
XLVIII. Pompeius[731] being thus declared consul prayed Cato to come
to him to the suburbs: and on his arrival Pompeius received him in a
friendly manner with salutations and pressing of hands, and after
acknowledging his obligations he entreated Cato to be his adviser and
his assessor in the consulship. But Cato replied, that neither had he
said what he first said out of evil disposition towards Pompeius, nor
had he said what he last said in order to win his favour, but
everything for the interest of the state; accordingly he observed that
he would give Pompeius his advice when he was privately invited, but
that in public, even if he should not be invited, he would certainly
say what he thought. And he did as he said. In the first place, when
Pompeius was proposing laws with new penalties and severe proceedings
against those who had already bribed the people, Cato advised him not
to care about the past, but to attend to the future, for he said, it
was not easy to determine at what point the inquiry into past offences
should stop, and if penalties be imposed after the offences, those
would be hardly dealt with who were punished by a law which they were
not breaking at the time of their wrong-doing. In the next place, when
many men of rank were under trial, some of whom were friends and
relations of Pompeius, Cato observing that Pompeius was giving way to
the greater part of them and yielding, rebuked him firmly and roused
him up. Though Pompeius himself had caused a law to be passed which
did not allow the panegyrics which used to be pronounced on those who
were under trial, he wrote a panegyric on Munatius Plancus[732] on
the occasion of his trial and handed it in, but Cato by stopping his
ears with his hands, for he happened to be one of the judices,
prevented the testimonial from being read. Plancus challenged Cato as
one of the judices after the speeches, but nevertheless he was
convicted. And altogether Cato was a kind of thing difficult and
unmanageable for persons accused, as they were neither willing to have
him to be a judex, nor could they venture to challenge him. For not a
few were convicted because, by being unwilling to have Cato for one of
their judices, they were considered to show that they had no
confidence in the justice of their cause; and their revilers even
charged it upon some as matter of great reproach that they would not
have Cato as one of their judices when he was proposed.
XLIX. Now when Cæsar, though he kept close to his armies in Gaul and
stuck to arms, was still employing gifts and money and friends to
secure his power in the city, Cato's admonitions roused Pompeius from
his former long continued state of incredulity, and he began to be
afraid of the danger; but as he was somewhat hesitating and
spiritlessly procrastinating all attempts at prevention, Cato resolved
to be a candidate for the consulship with the view of either forthwith
wresting Cæsar's arms from him or demonstrating his designs. But the
rival candidates were both popular men: and Sulpicius[733] had already
derived much advantage from Cato's reputation in the state and his
influence. He therefore seemed to be doing what was neither just nor
grateful, but yet Cato found no fault with him. "What is it strange,"
said he, "if a man does not give up to another the thing which he
thinks to be the greatest of goods?" But Cato by persuading the Senate
to pass a Consultum that those who were candidates for the office
should canvass the people themselves, and should not solicit through
any other person, not even by such person going about to see the
citizens on their behalf, still more irritated the citizens, in that
by depriving them not only of the opportunity of receiving money, but
even of conferring a favour, he rendered the people at once poor and
dishonoured. In addition to this, as Cato had neither any persuasive
manners in canvassing for himself, but wished to maintain the dignity
of his life in his character rather than to add to it that of the
consulship by shaking hands with the electors, and as he would not
allow his friends to do the things by which the mass are taken and
gained over, he lost the office.
L. Though the matter caused not only to those who failed, but to their
friends and kin a certain degree of shame and depression and sorrow
for many days, Cato bore what had happened with so little concern,
that after anointing himself in the Campus he exercised at ball, and
again after dinner, according to his wont, he went down into the Forum
without his shoes and tunic, and walked about with his intimates. But
Cicero blames him, that when the times required such a magistrate, he
used no exertion nor tried to gain the favour of the people by
friendly intercourse with them, but for the future ceased to make any
effort and gave up the contest, though he was again a candidate for
the prætorship. Cato, however, said, that he lost the prætorship not
by the real will of the majority, but because they were forced or
corrupted; whereas in the voting for the consulship, in which there
was no foul play, he further perceived that he had displeased the
people by his manners, which it was not the part of a man of sense to
change in order to please others, nor, if he still kept to the like
manners, to subject himself to the like treatment.
LI. When Cæsar had attacked warlike nations and had conquered them
with great hazard, and when it was the opinion that he had fallen upon
the Germans even after a truce had been made, and had destroyed three
hundred thousand[734] of them, the rest indeed were promising to the
people to offer sacrifices for the victory, but Cato urged that they
should give up Cæsar to those who had been wronged, and should not
turn the guilt upon themselves nor allow it to fall on the state.
"However," said he, "let us still sacrifice to the gods, that they do
not turn their vengeance for the madness and desperation of the
commander upon the soldiers, and that they spare the city." Upon this
Cæsar wrote and sent a letter to the Senate; and when the letter had
been read, which contained much abuse of Cato and many charges against
him, Cato got up, and not under the influence of passion or personal
animosity, but as if it were on good consideration and due
preparation, showed that the charges against him were in the nature of
abuse and insult, and were pure trifling and mockery on Cæsar's part.
Then taking hold of all Cæsar's measures from the first, and unveiling
all his plans, not as if he were an enemy, but a fellow conspirator
and participator, he proved to them that they had no reason to fear
the sons of the Britons nor yet the Celts, but Cæsar himself, if they
were prudent; and he so worked on and excited them that the friends of
Cæsar repented of having read the letter in the Senate, and so given
Cato an opportunity of making a fair statement and true charges.
Nothing, however, was done, but it was merely said that it would be
well for a successor to Cæsar to be appointed. But when Cæsar's
friends required that Pompeius also should lay down his arms and give
up his provinces, or that Cæsar should not, Cato cried out, that now
what he foretold them had come to pass, and that the man was having
recourse to force and was openly employing the power which he had got
by deceiving and gulling the state; yet Cato could do nothing out of
doors, because the people all along wished Cæsar to have the chief
power, and he found the Senate ready to assent to his measures, but
afraid of the people.
LII. But when Ariminum[735] was captured, and news came that Cæsar
with his army was advancing against the city, then indeed all men
turned their eyes on Cato, both the people and Pompeius, as the only
man who from the first had foreseen and who had first clearly shown
the designs of Cæsar. Accordingly Cato said, "Men, if any among you
had listened to what I had all along been foretelling and advising,
you would neither have to fear a single man now, nor would you have to
rest all your hopes on a single man." Upon Pompeius saying that Cato
had indeed spoken more like a prophet, but that he had acted more like
a friend, Cato advised the Senate to place affairs in the hands of
Pompeius alone, for it was the business of those who caused great
evils to put an end to them. Now as Pompeius had not a force in
readiness, and he saw that the troops which he was then levying had no
zeal, he left Rome. Cato having determined to follow Pompeius in his
flight, sent his younger son into the country of the Bruttii[736] to
Munatius for safe keeping, but the elder he took with him. And as his
household and daughters required some one to look after them, he took
again Marcia, who was now a widow with a large estate, for Hortensius
at his death had made her his heir. It was with reference to this that
Cæsar[737] vented most abuse on Cato, and charged him with
covetousness and making a traffic of his marriage; for why should he
give up his wife, said Cæsar, if he still wanted one, or why should he
take her back, if he did not want one? if it was not that from the
first[738] the woman was put as a bait in the way of Hortensius, and
Cato gave her up when she was young that he might have her back when
she was rich. Now, in reply to these charges, this from Euripides
suffices:--
"First then what can't be said, for of this kind
I deem thy so call'd cowardice, O Hercules."
For to accuse Cato of filthy lucre is like upbraiding Hercules with
cowardice. But whether the matter of the marriage was not well in
other respects is a thing for inquiry. However, Cato did espouse
Marcia, and intrusting to her his family and daughters, hurried after
Pompeius.
LIII. From that day it is said that Cato never cut the hair of his
head or beard, nor put on a chaplet, but maintained till his death the
same outward signs of sorrow and depression of spirits and grief over
the misfortunes of his country, just the same when his party was
victorious and when it was vanquished. At that time having got by lot
Sicily as his province, he crossed over to Syracuse, and on hearing
that Asinius Pollio[739] had arrived from the enemy with a large force
at Messene, he sent to him to demand the reason of his coming. But
Cato in turn being asked for the reason of the change in affairs, and
having heard that Pompeius had completely deserted Italy and was
encamped in Dyrrachium, he said that there was great perplexity and
uncertainty in matters appertaining to the gods. Pompeius, who had
always been invincible while he was doing what was not honest or just,
now when he wished to save his country and fight in defence of
liberty, was deserted by his good fortune. As to Asinius, he said that
he was able to drive him out of Sicily, but as another greater force
was coming against him, he did not choose to ruin the island by a war;
and after advising the Syracusans to join the victorious party and to
take care of themselves, he sailed away. When he came to Pompeius, he
kept steadily to one opinion, to prolong the war, for he expected
some terms of reconciliation and did not wish that the state should be
worsted in a battle and suffer from itself the extreme of sufferings
by having its fate determined by the sword. And he persuaded Pompeius
and his council to other determinations akin to these, neither to
plunder any city that was subject to the Romans, nor to put to death
any Roman except on the field of battle; and he gained good opinion
and brought over many to the side of Pompeius, who were pleased with
his moderation and mildness.
LIV. Being sent to Asia to help those there who were collecting
vessels and an army, he took with him his sister Servilia and her
young child by Lucullus. For Servilia, who was now a widow, followed
Cato, and she removed much of the evil report about her licentious
conduct by voluntarily subjecting herself to the guardianship of Cato
and his wanderings and mode of life. But Cæsar[740] did not spare his
abuse of Cato even with respect to Servilia. However as it seems the
generals of Pompeius did not want the assistance of Cato at all; and
after persuading the Rhodians to join the side of Pompeius and leaving
Servilia and the child there, he returned to Pompeius, who had already
a splendid military force and a naval power with him. Here indeed
Pompeius appeared most clearly to show his mind; for at first he
intended to give to Cato the command of the ships, and the fighting
vessels were not fewer than five hundred, and the Liburnian and spy
ships and open boats were very numerous: but having soon perceived, or
it having been hinted to him by his friends, that it was the one chief
thing in all the policy of Cato to liberate his country, and that if
he should have the command of so great a force, the very day on which
they should defeat Cæsar, Cato would require Pompeius also to lay down
his arms and to follow the laws, he changed his mind though he had
already spoken with him, and he appointed Bibulus commander of the
ships. Yet he found not Cato's zeal dulled by this; for it is told
that when Pompeius was urging his troops to a battle before Dyrrachium
and bidding each of the commanders say something and to encourage the
men, the soldiers heard them with listlessness and silence; but when
Cato, after the rest, had gone through all the topics derived from
philosophy that were suitable to the occasion to be said about liberty
and virtue, and death and good fame, with great emotion on his part,
and finally addressed himself to invoke the gods as being there
present and watching over the struggle on behalf of their country,
there was so loud an acclamation and so great a movement in the whole
army thus excited, that all the commanders hastened to the contest
full of hopes. The soldiers of Pompeius routed and defeated the enemy,
but the dæmon of Cæsar prevented the completion of the victory by
taking advantage of the caution of Pompeius and his want of confidence
in his success. Now this is told in the Life of Pompeius.[741] But
while all were rejoicing and magnifying the victory, Cato wept for his
country and bewailed the love of power that brought destruction and
misfortune with it, when he saw that many brave citizens had fallen by
the hands of one another.
LV. When Pompeius in order to pursue Cæsar broke up his camp to march
into Thessaly, he left at Dyrrachium a great quantity of arms and
stores, and many kinsmen and friends, and he appointed Cato commander
and guardian over all with fifteen cohorts, both because he trusted
and feared the man. For if he were defeated, he considered that Cato
would be his surest support; but that if he were victorious, Cato
would not, if he were present, let him manage matters as he chose.
Many men of rank also were left behind in Dyrrachium with Cato. When
the defeat at Pharsalus took place, Cato resolved that if Pompeius
were dead, he would take over to Italy those who were with him, and
himself would live an exile as far from the tyranny as possible; but
if Pompeius were alive, that he would by all means keep together the
force for him. Accordingly having crossed over to Cercyra, where the
navy was, he proposed to give up the command to Cicero, who was a
consular, while he was only of prætorian rank; but when Cicero would
not accept the command and set off for Italy, Cato observing that
Pompeius[742] through his stubborn self-will and unreasonable temper
was desirous of punishing those who were sailing away, privately
admonished and pacified him, by which Cato manifestly saved Cicero
from death and secured the safety of the rest.
LVI. Conjecturing that Pompeius Magnus would make his escape to Egypt
or to Libya, and being in haste to join him, Cato with all whom he had
about him weighed anchor and set sail after permitting all those to go
away or stay behind who were not ready to accompany him. He reached
Libya, and coasting along he fell in with Sextus,[743] the younger son
of Pompeius, who reported to him his father's death in Egypt. Now they
were all much troubled, and no one after the death of Pompeius would
obey any other commander while Cato was present. Wherefore Cato, out
of respect to those who were with him, and because he had not heart to
desert and leave in difficulties the brave men who had given proof of
their fidelity, undertook the command and went along the coast till he
came to Cyrene; for the people received him though a few days before
they had shut out Labienus. Upon hearing that Scipio, the
father-in-law of Pompeius, had been well received by King Juba, and
that Varus Attius, who had been appointed governor of Libya by
Pompeius, was with them with a force, he set out by land in the winter
season, having got together a number of asses to carry water, and
driving along with him a quantity of cattle, and also taking chariots
and the people called Psylli,[744] who cure the bites of serpents by
sucking out the poison with their mouths, and deaden and soothe the
serpents themselves by charming them with music. Though the march was
seven days in succession, Cato led at the head of his men without
using horse or beast of burden. And he continued to sup in a sitting
posture from the day that he heard of the defeat at Pharsalus, and he
added this further sign of his sorrow, never to lie down except when
he was sleeping. Having spent the winter in Libya[745] he led forth
his army; and the men were near ten thousand.
LVII. Matters were in bad plight between Scipio and Varus, for in
consequence of their disagreement and disunion they were secretly
trying to win the favour of Juba,[746] who was intolerable for the
arrogance of his temper and his haughtiness by reason of his wealth
and power. When he was going to have his first interview with Cato,
Juba placed his seat between the seats of Scipio and Cato. However,
when Cato observed it, he took up his seat and moved it to the other
side so as to leave Scipio in the middle, though Scipio was his enemy,
and had published a certain writing which contained abuse of Cato.
This, indeed, people make no account of; but they blame Cato that in
Sicily he placed Philostratus[747] in the middle, as he was walking
about with him, to do honour to philosophy. On this occasion, however,
he checked Juba, who had all but made Scipio and Varus his satraps,
and he reconciled them. Though all invited Cato to the command, and
Scipio and Varus were the first to surrender and give it up to him, he
said that he would not break the laws in defence of which they were
fighting against him who broke them, nor would he place himself, who
was a proprætor, before a proconsul who was present. For Scipio had
been appointed proconsul, and the majority, on account of the name,
had confidence that they should be successful, if a Scipio commanded
in Libya.
LVIII. However when Scipio[748] immediately on receiving the command,
wished to please Juba by putting to death all the people of Utica who
were capable of bearing arms, and to dig down the city, because it
favoured Cæsar, Cato would not endure this, but with adjurations and
loud cries in the council and by appealing to the gods he with
difficulty rescued the people from their cruelty; and partly at the
request of the citizens of Utica[749] and partly at the instance of
Scipio, he undertook to keep guard in the city, that it should not
either involuntarily or voluntarily join Cæsar. For the place was in
all respects advantageous, and defensible by those who held it; and it
was strengthened still more by Cato. For he brought abundance of corn
into the city, and he strengthened the walls by raising towers, and
making strong ditches and palisado-work in front of the city. To the
people of Utica who were able to bear arms he assigned the
palisado-work as their quarter, and made them give up their arms to
him; but he kept the rest in the city, and took great care that they
should not be wronged and should suffer no harm from the Romans. He
also sent out a great quantity of arms, supplies and grain to those
in camp, and altogether he made the city the storehouse for the war.
But the advice which he gave Pompeius before, and gave Scipio then,
not to fight with a man of a warlike turn and great ability, but to
take advantage of time which wastes all the vigour wherein the
strength of tyranny lies, Scipio through self-will despised; and on
one occasion he wrote to Cato upbraiding him with cowardice, in that
he was not content to sit down within a city and walls, but would not
even let others boldly use their own judgment as opportunity offered.
To this Cato replied, that he was ready to take the legionary soldiers
and horsemen whom he had brought into Libya, and carry them over to
Italy, and so make Cæsar change his place and to turn him from them to
himself. And when Scipio mocked at this also, it was clear that Cato
was much annoyed that he had declined the command, for he saw that
Scipio would neither conduct the war well, nor, if he should succeed
contrary to expectation, would he behave with moderation to the
citizens in his victory. Accordingly Cato formed the opinion and
mentioned it to some of his friends, that he had no good hopes of the
war on account of the inexperience and confidence of the commanders,
but if there should be any good fortune, and Cæsar should be worsted,
he would not stay in Rome, and would fly from the harshness and
cruelty of Scipio, who was even then uttering dreadful and extravagant
threats against many. But it turned out worse than he expected; and
late in the evening there arrived a messenger from the camp who had
been three days on the road, with the news that a great battle had
been fought at Thapsus[750] in which their affairs were entirely
ruined, that Cæsar was in possession of the camps, Scipio and Juba had
escaped with a few men, and the rest of the army was destroyed.
LIX. On the arrival of this intelligence, the city, as was natural on
the receipt of such news by night and in time of war, nearly lost its
reason, and hardly contained itself within the walls; but Cato coming
forward, whenever he met with any one running about and calling out,
laid hold of him, and cheering him took away the excessive fright and
confusion of his alarm, by saying that matters perchance were not so
bad as they had been reported, but were magnified by rumour; and so he
stayed the tumult. At daybreak he made proclamation that the three
hundred, whom he had as a Senate, and these were Romans, and were
carrying on business in Libya as merchants and money-lenders, should
assemble at the temple of Jupiter, and also all the Roman senators who
were present and their sons. While they were still assembling, Cato
advanced, without hurry and with a tranquil countenance, as if nothing
new had happened, holding a book in his hand, which he was reading;
and this was a register of the military engines, arms, corn, bows, and
legionary soldiers. When they had come together, beginning with the
three hundred, and commending at some length the zeal and fidelity
which they had displayed in aiding with their means and persons and
advice, he exhorted them not to let their hopes be destroyed, and not
severally to provide for their flight or escape. For, he said, that if
they would keep together, Cæsar would despise them less if they made
resistance, and would spare them more if they asked his mercy. And he
urged them to deliberate about themselves, and that he would not find
fault with their deciding either way, and if they should be disposed
to turn to the fortunate side, he should attribute the change to
necessity; but if they preferred to oppose the danger and to undertake
the hazard in defence of liberty, he should not only commend them, but
admire their virtue, and make himself their commander and
fellow-combatant, till they had tried the last fortune of their
country, which was not Utica or Adrumetum only, but Rome, that had
often by her might recovered from greater falls. And they had many
grounds for safety and security; and chief of all, that they were
warring against a man who was pulled in many directions by the
circumstances of the times, for Iberia had gone over to Pompeius the
young, and Rome herself had not yet altogether received the bit for
want of being used to it, but was impatient of suffering and ready to
rise up collected upon every change, and danger was not a thing to
fly from, but they should take as a pattern the enemy, who was not
sparing of his life for accomplishing the greatest wrongs, and for
whom the uncertainty of the war had not the same result as for them,
to whom it would bring the happiest life, if they were successful, and
the most glorious death if they failed. However, he said they ought to
deliberate by themselves, and he joined them in praying that in
consideration of their former virtue and zeal what they resolved might
be for the best.
LX. When Cato had spoken to this effect, some of them indeed were
brought to confidence by his words; but the greater part seeing his
fearlessness and noble and generous temper, nearly forgot present
circumstances, and considering him alone as an invincible leader and
superior to all fortune, prayed him to use their persons and property
and arms as he judged best, for they said it was better to die in
obedience to him than to save their lives by betraying such virtue. On
a certain person observing that they should declare freedom to the
slaves, and most of them assenting to this, Cato said he would not do
so, for it was not lawful nor yet right; but if the masters were ready
to give up their slaves, they should receive those who were of
military age. Many offers were made, and Cato, after telling them to
enrol every man who was willing, retired. Shortly after there came to
him letters from Juba and Scipio; from Juba, who was hid in a mountain
with a few men, asking him what he had resolved to do; and that if
Cato left Utica he would wait for him, and if he stood a siege he
would come to aid him with an army; from Scipio, who was in a vessel
off a certain point not far from Utica, and waiting with the same
views.
LXI. Accordingly Cato determined to detain the letter-carriers till he
had confirmed the resolution of the three hundred. For the senators
were zealous, and immediately manumitted their slaves, and set about
arming them. But with respect to the three hundred, inasmuch as they
were men engaged in maritime affairs and money lending, and had the
chief part of their substance in slaves, the words of Cato stood no
long time in them, but oozed out, just as bodies which have a great
degree of rarity easily receive heat and again part with it, being
cooled when the fire is removed; in like manner Cato, while they saw
him, fanned the flame and warmed those men; but when they began to
reflect by themselves, the fear of Cæsar drove out of them all regard
to Cato and to honour. "Who are we," said they, "and who is the man
whose commands we are refusing to obey? Is not this Cæsar, to whom the
whole power of the Romans has been transferred? and not one of us is a
Scipio, nor a Pompeius, nor a Cato. But at a time when all men by
reason of fear are humbled in mind more than is fitting, at such a
time shall we fight in defence of the liberty of the Romans, and
contend in Utica against a man before whom Cato with Pompeius Magnus
fled and gave up Italy; and shall we manumit our slaves to oppose
Cæsar, we who have only as much freedom as he shall choose to give?
No, even yet, miserable wretches, let us know our own weakness, and
deprecate the conqueror, and send persons to supplicate him." This was
what the most moderate among the three hundred recommended; but the
majority were forming a design on the senatorial class, with the hope
that, if they seized them, they would pacify Cæsar's rage against
themselves.
LXII. Though Cato suspected the change, he took no notice of it.
However he wrote to Scipio and Juba to tell them to keep away from
Utica, because he distrusted the three hundred, and he sent off the
letter-carriers. But the horsemen who had escaped from the battle, no
contemptible number, riding up to Utica, sent to Cato three men, who
did not bring the same message from all; for one party was bent on
going to Juba, another wished to join Cato, and a third was afraid of
entering Utica. Cato on hearing this ordered Marcus Rubrius to observe
the three hundred and quietly to receive the registrations of those
who manumitted their slaves without forcing any one; and himself
taking the senatorial men went out of Utica, and meeting with the
commanders of the cavalry he besought them not to betray so many Roman
senators, nor to choose Juba for their commander in place of Cato but
to secure their own safety and that of the rest by coming into a city
which could not be taken by storm, and contained both corn and other
resources for many years. The senatorial men joined in this prayer and
wept; and the commanders conferred with the cavalry, while Cato sat
down on a mound with the senatorial men and waited for the answer.
LXIII. In the meantime Rubrius came in a passion, charging the three
hundred with great disorder and tumult, inasmuch, as they were falling
off and disturbing the city. On which the rest, altogether despairing,
fell to weeping and lamentation, but Cato attempted to cheer them, and
sent to the three hundred and bade them wait. But the representatives
on the part of the horsemen came with no reasonable requisitions: for
they said that they neither wanted Juba for their pay-master, nor were
they afraid of Cæsar if they had Cato to command them, but it was a
dangerous thing to shut themselves up with the citizens of Utica, who
were Phœnicians and an inconstant people; and if they should keep
quiet now, they would set upon them and betray them, when Cæsar came.
If then any man wanted their aid in war and their presence, he must
eject or kill all the people of Utica, and then invite them into a
city free from enemies and barbarians. Cato considered this to be an
excessively savage and barbarous proposal, but he answered mildly and
said that he would consult with the three hundred. When he had
returned into the city he found the men no longer making pretexts or
evasions out of respect to him, but openly complaining that any one
should force them to fight with Cæsar when they were neither able nor
willing. Some even whispered with respect to the senatorial men, that
they ought to keep them in the city, since Cæsar was near. Cato let
this pass as if he did not hear it, and indeed he was somewhat deaf;
but when one came up to him and reported that the horsemen were going
away, Cato, fearing that the three hundred might do something
desperate to the senatorial men, got up with his friends and set out
walking; but observing that they had already advanced some distance,
he seized a horse and rode to them. The horsemen were glad to see him
approach, and received him and urged him to save himself with them.
Then it is said that Cato even shed tears, beseeching on behalf of the
senatorial men and holding forth his hands, and turning back the
horses of some and laying hold of their arms, until he prevailed on
them to abide there for that day at least, and secure the senatorial
men in their flight.
LXIV. When Cato arrived with the horsemen, and had posted some at the
gates, and had delivered the citadel to others to watch, the three
hundred, who were afraid that they should be punished for their
change, sent to Cato and prayed him by all means to come to them. But
the senatorial men crowding round him would not let him go, and they
declared that they would not give up their guardian and saviour to
faithless men and traitors. For a most lively perception, as it
appears, and affection and admiration of Cato's virtue had been
implanted in all alike who were in Utica, inasmuch as nothing spurious
or deceitful was mingled with what he did. And as the man had long
resolved to kill himself, he laboured with prodigious toil, and had
care and pain on behalf of others, in order that after placing all in
safety he might be released from life. For his resolution to die was
no secret, though he said nothing. Accordingly he complied with the
wish of the three hundred after comforting the senatorial men, and he
went alone to the three hundred, who thanked him, and prayed him to
employ them and trust them in everything else, and if they are not
Catos, and not capable of the lofty mind of Cato, he should have pity
on their weakness; and as they had determined to supplicate Cæsar and
to send to him, on Cato's behalf chiefly and for him first of all they
would prefer their prayer; and if they could not prevail on Cæsar,
neither would they receive the grace if it were offered to themselves,
but so long as they breathed would fight for him. In reply to this
Cato commended their good intentions, but said that they ought for
their own safety's sake to send quickly, and not to offer any petition
on his behalf, for entreaty belonged to the vanquished, and
deprecation of vengeance to those who were wrongdoers; that he had not
only been unvanquished all through life, but that he was victorious as
far as he chose to be, and had the superiority over Cæsar in things
honourable and just, and that Cæsar was the party who was captured
and conquered; for what he used to deny that he was doing against his
country long ago, he was now convicted of and detected therein.
LXV. Having thus spoken to the three hundred he went away, and hearing
that Cæsar at the head of all his army was already on his march, "Ha!"
said he, "he considers that he has to deal with men;" and turning to
the senators he urged them not to delay, but to make their escape
while the horsemen were still staying there. He also closed the gates,
except one that led to the sea, where he assigned vessels to those
under his command and preserved order by stopping wrong-doing and
settling disturbances, and supplying with stores those who were ill
provided. And when Marcus Octavius[751] with two legions had encamped
near, and had sent a message to Cato, in which he called on Cato to
come to some terms with him about the command, Cato gave him no
answer, but he said to his friends, "Do we wonder why our affairs are
ruined, when we see that love of power abides among us even when we
are in the midst of ruin?" In the mean time hearing that the horsemen,
as they were leaving the city, were pillaging and plundering the
people of Utica, as if their property was booty, Cato hurried to them
as fast as he could run, and took the plunder from the first that he
met with, and the rest made haste to throw it away or set it down on
the ground, and all of them for very shame retired in silence and with
downcast looks. Cato having called together the people of Utica in the
city, entreated them not to irritate Cæsar against the three hundred,
but to unite altogether to secure their safety. Then again betaking
himself to the sea he inspected the persons who were embarking, and
all his friends and acquaintance whom he could persuade to go away, he
embraced and accompanied to the shore. But he did not recommend his
son to take shipping, nor did he think it his duty to turn him from
his purpose of sticking to his father. There was one Statyllius, in
years a young man, but one who aimed at being resolute in character
and an imitator of the indifference of Cato. This man Cato entreated
to embark, for he was notoriously a hater of Cæsar; and-when he would
not go, Cato looking on Apollonides the Stoic and Demetrius the
Peripatetic said--"It is your business to soften this stubborn man and
to fashion him to his own interests." But Cato himself was busied all
the night and the greatest part of the following day in assisting the
rest in making their escape and helping those who wanted his aid.
LXVI. When Lucius Caæsar,[752] who was a kinsman of Cæsar, and about
to go to him as ambassador on behalf of the three hundred, urged Cato
to help him in devising some plausible speech which he should employ
on behalf of the three hundred, "for on thy behalf," he continued, "it
is becoming for me to touch the hands and to fall down at the knees of
Cæsar," Cato would not allow him to do this, and said, "For my part,
if I wished to save my life by Cæsar's favour, I ought to go to him
myself. But I do not choose to thank a tyrant for his illegal acts;
and he acts illegally in sparing as master those whom he has no right
to lord it over. However, if you please, let us consider how you shall
get pardon for the three hundred." After talking with Lucius on this
matter he presented his son and his friends to him as he was
departing, and after accompanying him some distance and taking leave
of him he returned home, and then calling together his son and his
friends he spoke on many subjects, among which he forbade his son to
meddle in political matters, for, he said, circumstances no longer
allowed him to act as befitted a Cato, and to act otherwise was base.
At evening he went to the bath. While he was bathing, he remembered
Statyllius, and calling out aloud he said, "Apollonides, have you sent
Statyllius away, and brought him down from his stubborn temper, and
has the man gone without even taking leave of us?" "By no means,"
replied Apollonides, "though we said much to him, but he is lofty and
immovable and says he will stay and do whatever you do." On this they
say that Cato smiled and replied, "Well, this will soon be shown."
LXVII. After taking the bath he supped in much company, still sitting
as his fashion had been since the battle, for he never reclined except
when he was sleeping; and there were at supper with him all his
friends and the magistrates of Utica. After supper the drinking went
on with much gaiety and enjoyment, one philosophical subject after
another taking its turn, till at last the enquiry came round to the
so-called paradoxes of the Stoics, that the good man alone is free,
and that all the bad are slaves. Hereupon the Peripatetic making
objections, as one might expect, Cato broke in with great vehemence,
and with a loud tone and harsh voice maintained his discourse at great
length, and displayed wonderful energy, so that no one failed to
observe that he had resolved to end his life and relieve himself from
present troubles. Wherefore as there was silence and depression of
spirits among all the company, after he had done speaking, with the
view of cheering them up and diverting their suspicions, Cato again
begun to put questions and to express anxiety about the state of
affairs, and his fears for those who had sailed away, and also for
those who were going through a waterless and barbarian desert.
LXVIII. At the end of the entertainment he took his usual walk with
his friends after supper, and after giving the officers of the watch
the proper orders, he retired to his chamber, but he first embraced
his son and his friends with more than his usual expression of
kindness, which again made them suspect what was going to happen. On
entering his chamber and lying down he took Plato's dialogue on the
Soul,[753] and when he had gone through the greater part of it, he
looked up over his head, and not seeing his sword hanging there, for
his son had caused it to be taken away while he was at supper, he
called a slave and asked who had taken his sword. The slave made no
answer and Cato was again at the book, but after a short interval, as
if he were in no haste or hurry, and was merely looking for his sword,
he bade the slave bring it. As there was some delay and nobody brought
it, after having read the dialogue through he again called his slaves
one by one, and raising his voice demanded his sword; and striking the
mouth of one of them with his fist he bruised his hand, being in a
great passion and calling out aloud that he was surrendered
defenceless to the enemy by his son and his slaves, till at last his
son ran in weeping with his friends, and embracing him fell to
lamentations and entreaties. But Cato rising up looked sternly and
said, "When and where have I been proved, and without knowing it, to
have lost my reason, that no one instructs me or teaches me in the
matters wherein I am judged to have determined ill, but I am hindered
from using my own reasonings and am deprived of my weapons? Why don't
you put your father in chains also, generous son, and his hands behind
his back, till Cæsar shall come and find me unable even to defend
myself? For I need not a sword to kill myself, when it is in my power
to die by holding my breath for a short time and giving my head a
single blow against the wall."
LXIX. As he said this the youth went out weeping, and all the rest,
except Demetrius and Apollonides, to whom when they were left by
themselves Cato begun to speak in milder terms, and said, "I suppose
you too have resolved by force to keep alive a man of my age and to
sit here in silence and to watch him, or are you come to prove that it
is neither a shocking nor a shameful thing for Cato, when he has no
other way to save his life, to wait for mercy from his enemy? Why then
do you not speak and convince me of this and teach me a new doctrine,
that we may cast away those former opinions and reasons in which we
lived together, and being made wiser through Cæsar owe him the greater
thanks for it? And yet for my part I have come to no resolve about
myself, but it is necessary that when I have resolved I have power to
do what I have determined. And I will deliberate in a manner together
with you, deliberating with the reasons which even you in your
philosophy follow. Go away then in good heart and tell my son not to
force his father when he cannot persuade him."
LXX. Upon this Demetrius and Apollonides without making any reply
retired weeping. The sword was sent in by a child, and when Cato
received it he drew it and looked at it. Seeing that the point was
entire and the edge preserved, he said, "Now I am my own master," and
laying the sword down, he began reading the book again, and he is said
to have read it through twice.[754] He then fell into so sound a sleep
that those who were outside the chamber were aware of it, and about
midnight he called his freedmen Cleanthes the physician and Butas whom
he employed chief of all in public matters. He sent Butas to the sea
to examine if all had set sail and to report to him, and he presented
his hand to the physician to tie it up, as it was inflamed from the
blow which he gave the slave. And this made them all more cheerful,
for they thought that Cato was inclined to live. In a little time
Butas came and reported that all had set sail except Crassus,[755] who
was detained by some business, and that even he was now all but on
board, and that a violent storm and wind prevailed at sea. Cato
hearing this groaned for pity of those who were at sea and he sent
Butas again to the sea, to learn if any one were driven back and
waited any necessaries, and to let him know. And now the birds were
beginning to sing,[756] and he sank asleep again for a while. When
Butas had returned and reported that all was quiet about the ports,
Cato, bidding him close the door, threw himself on the bed as if he
were going to sleep for the rest of the night. When Butas had gone
out, he drew the sword and thrust it beneath his chest, but as he used
his hand with less effect owing to the inflammation, he did not
immediately despatch himself, and having some difficulty in dying he
fell from the bed and made a noise by overturning a little abacus of
the geometrical kind that stood by, which his attendants perceiving
called out and his son and his friends immediately ran in. Seeing him
smeared with blood and the greater part of his bowels protruding,
though he was still alive and his eyes were open, they were all
dreadfully alarmed, and the physician going up to him attempted to
replace his bowels, which remained uninjured, and to sew up the wound.
But when Cato recovered and saw this, he pushed the physician away,
and tearing the bowels with his hands and at the same time rending the
wound he died.[757] LXXI. In a space of time which one would not have
thought enough for all in the house to have heard of the event, there
were present at the door the three hundred, and soon after the people
of Utica were assembled, with one voice calling Cato benefactor and
saviour and the only free man, the only unvanquished. And this they
did though it was told that Cæsar was advancing; but neither fear nor
subserviency towards the conqueror nor their mutual differences and
quarrels dulled them towards doing honour to Cato. They decorated the
body in splendid style, and made a pompous procession and interred him
near the sea, where a statue of him now stands with a sword in his
hand, and then they began to think how they should save themselves and
their city.
LXXII. Cæsar hearing from those who came to him that Cato was staying
in Utica and not flying away, and that he was sending off the rest,
while himself and his companions and his son were fearlessly going
about, thought it difficult to ascertain the intentions of the man,
but as he made most account of him he advanced with his force by quick
marches. When he heard of his death, it is reported that he said this,
"Cato, I grudge thee thy death, for thou hast grudged me thy safety."
For in fact if Cato had submitted to receive his life from Cæsar, he
would not have been considered to have lowered his own fame so much as
to have added to the splendour of Cæsar's. What would have been done
is uncertain, but with respect to Cæsar the milder measures are more
probable.
LXXIII. When Cato died he was fifty[758] years of age save two. His
son[759] received no harm from Cæsar, but he is said to have been fond
of pleasure and not free from blame with regard to women. In
Cappadocia he had as his host Marphadates, one of the royal family,
who possessed a handsome wife, and as Cato stayed longer with them
than was decent, he was satirized in such terms as these:
"To-morrow Cato goes away, to-morrow thirty days."
And:
"Porcius and Marphadates, friends are two, but Psyche one."
For the wife of Marphadates was named Psyche (Soul). And again:
"Of noble blood and splendid fame, Cato has a royal Soul."
But he blotted out and destroyed all such ill report by his death; for
while fighting at Philippi against Cæsar and Antonius in defence of
liberty, and the line was giving way, not deigning either to fly or to
secrete himself, but challenging the enemy and showing himself in
front of them and cheering on those who kept the ground with him he
fell after exhibiting to his adversaries prodigies of valour. And
still more, the daughter of Cato being inferior neither in virtue nor
courage (for she was the wife of Brutus who killed Cæsar) was both
privy to the conspiracy and parted with life in a manner worthy of her
noble birth and merit, as is told in the Life of Brutus. Statyllius,
who said that he would follow Cato's example, was prevented indeed at
the time by the philosophers, though he wished to kill himself, but
afterwards he showed himself most faithful to Brutus and most
serviceable at Philippi, and there he died.