Possest with these things, the people we_A Voyage Round the World Being an account of a remarkable enterprize, begun in the year 1719, chiefly to cruise on the Spaniards in the great South ocean. Relating the true historical facts of that whole affair: testifyd by many imployd therein; and confirmd by authorities from the owners.

would leave a clear berth and good anchoring to venture farther in,

where it was foul and rocky; and where if the cable parted there could

be but little hopes to save the ship: whereas in their first situation

they had clear anchoring, room and drift enough to get their tacks

aboard, to claw it off either to the east or westward. As soon as the

anchor was down, Mr. _Brook_ the first lieutenant advised flinging two

of their heaviest guns, which, in case of losing the anchor, might

bring her up a little ’till they could set the sails: But _Shelvocke_

rejected all these things with a stedfast tranquillity, and now says

he had no opportunity of getting to sea in four days, tho’ he was

ready: which I am sure is an absurdity wants clearing up, p. 205.

Moreover, how can _Shelvocke_ impose this sham readiness on mankind,

when his seventeen hands are all at this time on the island, and who

he owns came down so seasonably to his assistance, as soon as the ship

touched the shore? Here, he says, a hard gale of wind came from the

sea, which brought in such a tumbling swell, that in a few hours the

cable parted, the ship struck, and all the masts went overboard.

This is the plausible reason he gives for losing his ship, being a

wind rais’d only in his brain, and of his own invention: for ’tis a

most notorious falshood, to say, there was any gale when the cable

parted: all his people have in one word assur’d me and many others to

the contrary. And _Shelvocke_ very well knew, that if he should be

catched by a gale in that perilous road-stead, and so poorly found with

ground tackle, they must all inevitably have perish’d, by reason of

the prodigious breach the sea makes in any thing of weather against

the sunken rocks and stones all along the shore. He therefore took

care to secure all their lives by destroying his ship in fine serene

weather, which the ingenious captain perform’d by bringing a spring on

his cable, with which he hove his ship’s broadside against the swell,

and kept her in that position ’till the cable was tore asunder. Mr.

_Dod_, who pretends not to be a seaman, says, that about three hours

before the ship went ashore, some hands were at work on the quarter

deck hawling in a hawser which was made fast to the cable; and that

he inquir’d of _Gilbert Henderson_ the gunner, what that was for?

_Henderson_ answer’d him, that if he would be rightly inform’d, he must

go and ask the captain. To confirm this, several of his people have

made _affidavit_, that it blew no wind at all, that every soul of them

got commodiously ashore, and that it’s their belief he lost the ship on

purpose: and its remarkable, he made not one tryal to prevent it.

Soon as the cable parted, Mr. _Laport_ his third lieutenant seeing

immediate ruine, cry’d out, Set the foresail; hoping thereby to do

some good: and while _Edmund Philips_ and others were actually upon

the yard, _Shelvocke_ hastily order’d them down, and taking the helm

in his hand, said, Ne’re mind it boys; stand all fast, i’ll lay her on

a feather bed: which, as it proved a plaguy hard one, shews his great

indifference as to the event of the ship.

Page 26. He brags of his being thirty years an officer in the navy:

what then must we say to a man of such experience, who will lavishly

destroy two or three ships, and save not an anchor and cable for a time

of need? There’s nothing can excuse it, but owning what I have been

proving. Either way it’s very bad: his judgment and his honesty being

both in great danger.

Another circumstance comes in here--When we met _La Jonquiere_ at St.

_Catherine_’s, _Shelvocke_ procur’d of him a pair of smith’s bellows

and forge, p. 29, which at that time we could see no manner of occasion

for: but without them, ’tis now evident, he could never have made

bolts, spikes, nails and other iron work for a barque able to carry

fifty or sixty men to sea; and in short, without the bellows, he could

never have begun such a piece of work at all. I am sure none of us

mistrusted then, that the _Speedwel_ was to be lost; tho’ our captain

had a greater foresight, and provided accordingly. Sometimes indeed,

large burdensome ships that strain and labour much in a grown sea, and

often snap their bolts and chainplates, may want such a thing; but a

lively handy vessel like ours of 170 ton, had no more occasion for a

pair of smith’s bellows than a great cathedral organ.

I offer not these things as clear demonstrations, but circumstances

only; for it is impossible in this case to go farther: and there’s

no room for any other sort of proof in a fact where a man has no

conspirators, but keeps all the design in his own breast.

In short the ship struck several times and bulg’d. The captain and his

men all got ashore: he says one was lost; but it is utterly false: and

how wretched so ever he has painted their lives and conversation, the

reader will but little regard what he writes: for it is certain he

saved all that was most valuable; particularly sugar and powder, both

which are damaged as soon any thing. He sav’d but little provision;

because that is always stow’d in the hold: but he rememberd to get

out his commission, with all the plate and money. What else could he

expect? He used to say it was easy living at _Fernandes_, but now ’tis

to serve another turn, he says quite other things.

Here they put themselves under the _Jamaica_ discipline; and divided

among them every shilling of the money laid by before for the Owners,

and all our shares left in the ships by us who were taken prisoners:

and the only reason _Shelvocke_ gives for this, is the old story, his

men would have it so: but I that have most reason of any man living

to know him best, shall prove that _Shelvocke_ lost not a tittle of

his command after the shipwreck: for after they had put themselves on

the model aforesaid, whereby he says the captains are allow’d but four

shares; he could manage it so, as to have six. And whatever hardships

he may sham the reader with, p. 223, those six proportions are much

better now, than sixty before. For pray consider, the gentlemen Owners

are intirely excluded; who were to have one half of all the capture;

and then he has got rid of more than half his ship’s company, among

whom _Hatley_, as second captain, was intituled to thirty shares; my

self to twenty, the two mates, the surgeon’s mate, the ensign, a

serjeant and corporal of marines, besides the foremastmen. All these

shares, I say, being deducted, besides reducing three more of his chief

officers, _La Port_, _Hendrie_ and _Dod_, two of which afterwards

quitted the ship, does not all this make it evident, that six shares,

where there are but 52 dividends of the whole capture are better than

60 where there are 650 dividends of half the capture? This shews how

greatly _Shelvocke_ would impose upon mankind, and is a confirmation

that it was his aim and his interest to destroy the ship; and bring

about this new regulation.

As to the whole trifling account of his transactions at _Fernandes_

taking up above fifty pages of his book, as it is little to me; I shall

take but little notice of it: leaving the reader to amuse himself

with it at leisure. He has taken pains all along to make us believe,

that the shipwreck was not his own act and deed, by representing the

hardships he was exposed to ashore, from the dissention of his people,

the barreness of the place, and the improbability of his getting well

to sea again: But this is all artifice, to make the reader imagine,

that no man would run himself voluntarily into so many difficulties.

It is certain they liv’d poor enough upon the island; but having good

carpenters, caulkers, smiths, and all proper workmen, he continually

imploy’d them upon the main point: which was to get a new bark built

out of the old ship; in order to make a private fortune in a more

expeditious manner, than he could before: as I shall demonstrate by and

by, when I shew my reader the written account of their acquisition,

and how they shard it on the coast of _Mexico_; tho’ _Shelvocke_ has

conceal’d it. One thing I must not forget, p. 225, he says that Mr.

_Brook_ having got the love of the people; was named to be their future

commander: but as it did not take place, I shall shew how _Shelvocke_

took care it never should, by making away with him and five more at

_Sansonate_.

However, I must not quit him without a story I lately had from Mr.

_Hendrie_, which shews how he was divested of his authority, as he

calls it, p. 219. Captain _Shelvocke_ maintaind as absolute sway at

_Fernandes_, as before, till the tenth of _June_ came about. The men

knowing what affection the captain had for that anniversary, some

of them begd to have the small arms to celebrate the day in the most

dutiful manner they could: upon which _Shelvocke_ readily consented;

and those who did not care to assist at it, diverted themselves about

the island, not knowing but a civil war might be the consequence. So,

a bonfire was made steeple high, the loyal subjects wearing artificial

roses of linen rags and paper, while several cordial vollies and huzzas

were let off; _Shelvocke_ himself being captain of the mob, and his

son _George_ the skinker to fill out the liquor. But, what sower’d the

festival was, they had nothing to drink the _Chevalier_’s health in,

but vinegre, water and sugar, being the best punch they could get. At

the close of this rejoycing, the captain demanded their muskets; but

the men were wise enough to keep them, the scheme having been chiefly

laid for that purpose.

In short, on the fifth of _October 1720_, the bark is completed,

launched, and calld the _Recovery_. And thus by giving her a new name,

captain _Shelvocke_ has the new fashiond assurance to tell mankind that

the Owners title is quite sunk, as if there never had been any such

thing: tho’ he still proceded with the king’s commission, being the

property of the Owners; and is the same which he afterwards producd at

_China_, as a protection for his own person, and a security for all

that he had rapaciously got together.

And whereas, p. 216, he affectedly says, that the men in a body

thank’d him for giving them a prospect of deliverance; I think it very

improbable that the men would be so courtly, when above twenty of

them chose to remain upon the island. And whereas again, p. 242, he

insinuates that they who stay’d behind were afraid to venture in the

new bark; I think it much more natural to suppose, they had rather stay

upon that island and trust to the mercies of providence, than be made

the certain tools of _Shelvocke_’s tyranny and self interest.

My captain’s first enterprize was with the _Margarita_, p. 262, he

calls her a forty gun ship; which at that rate could not burthen less

than 400 ton. In this I can confront him of my own authority: for I

was aboard this ship afterwards at _Callao_, and she never carried

above 200 ton and eighteen guns: but _Shelvocke_ wisely magnifys

her force, because her geting clear might bring no other slur upon

his captainship: whereas she certainly escaped thro’ his own fear:

for after his gunner was kill’d he took the helm in his hand from

_Christopher Hawkins_, and puting it hard down, sheer’d off from her.

P. 279, he says, he heard the captain and three of the _Margarita_’s

men were killd in the action; which is so far from truth, that they

had none kill’d, and only a _Nigro_ wounded in the cheek. They had not

above a dozen cartridges of powder aboard, and two or three small arms

belonging to the passengers, with only stones or ballast for shot. The

commander of her was a _Frenchman_, who told it me all at _Callao_:

beside which, captain _Opie_ in the _Carteret_ brought from _Buenos

Aires_ one of the _Margarita_’s passengers, who told the story to fifty

gentlemen about town.

_David Griffith_, who went with _Shelvocke_ to _China_, confirms

all the above particulars. He has been with me since his arrival in

_London_, and says that captain _Morel_, who was afterwards taken

aboard the _Conception_, declared there was a man in the _Margarita_,

who stood ready by the colours immediately to strike, if captain

_Shelvocke_ could have taken courage to board her. _David_ further

assures me, that _Shelvocke_’s whole account of that story is to excuse

his own faint heart: for whereas he talks of his animating the men,

and their backwardness to fight, it is a mean pitiful forgery; for the

men were unanimous for boarding the enemy; and _Shelvocke_ shamefully

refused it; took the helm and sheerd off.

His next feat is plundering the village of _Iquique_; where he got a

good quantity of provision, wine and brandy: immediately after which he

meets with and attacks the _Francisco Palacio_ a large merchant ship:

and _Shelvocke_ by this time being somewhat potvaliant, I believe he

did his indeavour to carry her; but she provd too big for his bark.

However his main purpose being to change his new baptized vessel, as

soon as he could, he quickly met with an opportunity that succeded.

Standing into the road of _Pisco_, they discover a good ship: whereupon

_Shelvocke_ summons his people, who came to a resolution to board her

at once; which they luckily performd without resistance. This prize

was calld _Jesu Maria_ of 200 ton, laden with pitch, tar and copper:

so that our freebooters decently quit their slight new tenement for a

good, clean, weatherproof habitation. It seems the _Spaniard_ offerd

16000 dollars for her again: but _Shelvocke_’s people were certainly

in the right to keep the prize; for considering their circumstance, no

money at that time could be an equivalent.

A way he sails to _Payta_ in the _Jesu Maria_, where the most important

thing I find, is the reflexion he makes upon the conduct of captain

_Clipperton_, who he says refused a booty of 400,000 dollars, king’s

money, which lay there in the governer’s hands.

Here _Shelvocke_ gives another great example of his ignorance; for to

my experience, who was first set there ashore, after being a prisoner;

I know very well that the place is poor and without a governer, having

no trade whereby any duties, worth mentioning, can arise to his

_Catholic_ Majesty: There is indeed a head man (as there is in all

places) called _Teniente_, who makes a hard shift to live by exacting

port charges and other small fees from the vessels that touch there

only for refreshments, and to put their pedlars ashore. _Clipperton_

knew this very well, and was too prudent to make a fresh broil upon

the coast for nothing at all, and that’s the reason he never touchd

there; tho’ _Shelvocke_ has magnified himself so much upon it, and

has absurdly connected two facts together, which happend at a year’s

distance: For the first time the _Success_ was in the parallel of

_Payta_, was _Nov. 1719_; and the second time _Nov. 1720_, as appears

plainly by _Taylor_’s journal: and yet this ignorant book-writer, p.

188 and 288, has mention’d _Clipperton_’s puting prisoners ashore there

in _Nov. 1719_, being the first time: whereas the prisoners he designd

to put ashore was in _Nov. 1720_, a twelve month afterwards; which

however he did not; but landed them at _Cape Helen_; as specifyd in the

journal the 2d. section of this voyage. He is very right to assert that

which no one can doubt of, when he says _Clipperton_ might have taken

_Payta_ as easily as he did; and so might any vessel, sending ashore

six armed men, for there’s no such thing as firearms, being a naked

village of defenceless _Indians_. But it is endless for me to set the

public right in every fact of _Shelvocke_’s history; for as the whole

is divided into voluntary falshood and plain ignorance, his book may

more justly be calld a romantic libel than a journal.

His next arrival is at the island of _Quibo_, p. 303; where he talks

of a terrible sort of hogs with their navels upon their backs; for my

part I don’t easily believe such out of the way things; but refer our

captain _Quibo_ to dispute it with the physicians and anatomists.

In their passage hither he says his men frequently got drunk and

quareld; and that he went in danger of his life, and used to have his

clothes tore from his back, if he endeavourd to part them. This too

may be a very important discovery to the rest of his readers; but I my

self know him so well that it is no news to me: for _Shelvocke_ used to

make freer with the wine and brandy than any one; and I believe his men

thought it no harm to follow his example and drink their skins full,

especially since their new establishment was more like a commonwealth

than an absolute monarchy.

During these useful discoveries of our author, I think ’tis pity any

thing should interrupt him; but as the devil would have it, _Jan.

1721_, he meets captain _Clipperton_ in the _Success_, which interview

he says was very astonishing: And truly I believe it was: _Clipperton_

might well be surprized at the history of _Shelvocke_’s management; and

_Shelvocke_ had as great reason to wonder the other did not confine

him for it: And I can tell him the gentlemen here at home wondered at

it, and took it ill that he did not. But what astonishes me most, is

that _Shelvocke_ has the hardiness to give us the history of captain

_Mitchel_, for the truth of which he appeals to a dead man, Mr.

_Davison_, who told him so; which _Davison_ was killd at _Guam_ before

_Shelvocke_ came to _China_. The tragical circumstances, as he calls

them, p. 309, of a jealousy between _Clipperton_ and _Mitchel_; of the

later’s being orderd with a rich cargo to a place no where to be found,

and yet orderd thither on purpose to be destroyd, are reflexions so

malicious, and yet so irrational, that _Shelvocke_ must be fuddled

when he writ them.

The journal tells us how he was fitted out, and whither bound; that his

cargo was ten thousand pound value: is it possible then, supposing a

real misunderstanding, that _Clipperton_ would pay so dear to get rid

of the gentleman? ’Tis certain he never imbarked his men in lighters or

in empty prizes with any design to make away with them, as _Shelvocke_

served us: captain _Mitchel_ was put aboard a clean ship, well mand,

and provided with stores and necessaries, and a valuable parcel of

goods to dispose of at _Brasil_ for the Owners advantage in order to

secure them something: and it is true that neither he nor the twenty

three men with him were ever yet heard of: But how is _Clipperton_

chargeable with that? or what excuse can _Shelvocke_ make for these

impious reflexions, but a sort of pleasure he has in being revenged

on the memory of the dead. Thus far _Mitchel_ may be accounted for:

The journal _March_ 16th. 1720. tells us that being obliged to wood

and water, he touched to the northward, at port _Velas_; where it’s

very probable he and his men became a prey to the enemy: for the said

article mentions that several of _Clipperton_’s men saw some shirts

and other things worn by the natives, which by the mark convinced

them _Mitchel_ had been there. _Shelvocke_ goes on in this childish

manner, p. 308. talking of submersions of islands, and that it was

conjectured _Mitchel_ and his men, the ship, the island and all were

sunk under water: This likewise he says was Mr. _Davison_’s opinion;

who I know had more sense than to say or think any such silly thing.

He says farther that _Clipperton_ never cleand his ship, whereas the

journal takes notice of his having done it two or three times; besides

several others omitted by me, as not for my design to transcribe every

such trifling remark. As for _Clipperton_’s behaviour at _Conception_,

_Coquimbo_, and afterwards at _Guam_ it was ill judged no doubt: and

tho’ it was so, I have impartially enterd it in my second section,

it being much more for my purpose to tell the truth, than to stifle

it: But let it be as it will; he certainly had the Owners interest in

view, and thought honesty the best policy; though captain _Shelvocke_

has taken leave to think otherwise. On the next leaf he says, that

upon meeting the _Success_ he expected to be treated by them as one

belonging to the same interest; but found himself mistaken. Truly

there’s nothing strange in that; for his was a private interest, and

theirs a public one. Besides, the journal says, that he would not come

into terms: which is answer enough to all his complaints of unkindness,

treachery, and so forth.

After meeting with the _Success_ several times in the _South Seas_,

I come now to the last time of their meeting, which was in _March

1721._ off of _Acapulco_; whereas the journal mentions, it was

thought most adviseable to joyn both companies, and attempt the great

_Manilla_ ship. As to the remarks that _Shelvocke_ has made upon this

transaction, and the pains he has taken to represent _Clipperton_

a monstrous creature, ’tis not to be minded. The journal says, the

proposal to _Shelvocke_ was this, That if he and his crew would refund

all the money shared among themselves contrary to the Owners articles,

and put it in a joint stock; then all faults should be forgot, both

companies would unite and procede to cruise for the _Acapulco_ ship:

The very next article in the journal is, that not hearing from captain

_Shelvocke_, and the time for the _Acapulco_ ship setting out for

_Manilla_, being several days past; Resolved in council to make our

best dispatch for _East India_. Here is the plain true account of the

affair, and how the treaty broke off: but _Shelvocke_ has labourd

hard to pervert the truth of this fact, as he has done all the rest,

thinking to gain pity from mankind, by telling what he sufferd through

the deceit of _Clipperton_, never expecting that these things would be

refuted and clear’d up. Besides, there may be other reasons assignd

for _Clipperton_’s sudden separation, tho’ not enterd in the journal:

for he knew, before he left _England_, that the _Spanish_ fleet was

all taken and destroyd by admiral _Byng_; and therefore a peace was

probably concluded, being two years past: and therefore Shelvocke, who

had not made his fortune while the war lasted, and had really ruind

the project, ought of the two to be the sufferer. ’Tis very likely,

_Clipperton_ for these reasons did not care to imbarrass his ship just

upon the point of his leaving the _South-Sea_; but on second thoughts,

concluded it was better to keep what he had got. These, I say, are

very fair conjectures: but the reason mentiond in the journal above is

sufficient of it self; for _Shelvocke_ thought the conditions proposed

by _Clipperton_ were too strict: He did not care to refund what he had

unlawfully shared, which doubtless he ought to have done; and for the

neglect of which, ’tis evident the whole affair ended.

P. 321, _Shelvocke_ talks of articles which he demanded of _Clipperton_

and _Godfrey_: That in case they took this rich prize, he and his

people should be intitled to their proper shares, according to their

first agreement with the Owners: This in my humble opinion is a great

weakness in _Shelvocke_ to publish, tho’ he passes for a cunning

fellow: for why should he insist upon a repetition or confirmation of

the first articles with the gentlemen Owners, if he was not conscious

of his having, some how or other, forfeited his right by a notorious

mismanagement and breach of trust?

P. 327. He concludes this long invective with a smart reflexion upon

_Clipperton_, that it was his fear to ingage the _Manilla_ ship, which

made him recede from the proposal. For my part, I really think he

had reason to fear it, having twice narrowly escaped the men of war

already: and since _Shelvocke_ refused to put his plunder money in the

common stock, why should _Clipperton_ risk all he had, to mend another

man’s fortune? _Shelvocke_ most certainly would have been glad of so

great an addition to his capture, as the _Acapulco_ ship must have

afforded; and I doubt not he would have run away with a very handsome

share of it, as he has done with all he took both before and after: and

now he is bitterly vext with _Clipperton_, because the bite did not

take.

_Shelvocke_’s next exploit is at _Sansonate_; where finding a ship

at anchor call’d the _Holy Family_ he attacks her, and after some

resistance takes her: She proved no great prize: but being a better

sailer, he thought fit to shift the cargo of the _Jesu Maria_, and

change ships with the _Spaniard_.

_Shelvocke_ says p. 331, that this ship was fitted out and commission’d

on purpose to take him; and would have us believe he has performed

wonders in the ingagement. I own I am at a loss to account for this

man’s extravagant assurance, when he and I, and every body knows the

viceroy never grants commissions to merchantmen. There were three men

of war out already; and had this been a commission ship, there would

have been officers and sailors aboard making a regular force of 150 men

at least; who would never have submitted, especially in the condition

they found _Shelvocke_. He owns himself it was a merchantman, and yet

stupidly says they were commission’d to take him.

Just as he was going to sea, he receives a letter from the governer

with notice that there was a truce between _England_ and _Spain_;

wherein he demanded restitution of the ship and cargo; on refusal

of which he should be declared a pyrate. Tho’ _Shelvocke_ did not

depend upon this for truth; yet being greatly reduced and wanting all

necessaries of life, he was willing in some measure to treat about it.

He sends ashore lieutenant _Brook_ his next officer with five men under

a flag of truce; who were immediately made prisoners.

Thus he gets rid of six more of his people, under the show of a treaty

with the governer, for they were never since heard of. I don’t expect

the world will judge of this affair as I do, because those who are

ignorant of the circumstances of these things, and unacquainted with

_Shelvocke_’s personal behaviour, cannot make a proper censure. When

a man dies in a course of physic, who knows whether ’tis chance, or

design in the doctor? the patient is gone by legal prescription. So

here a gentleman is fairly orderd ashore into an enemy’s hand: and if

he never returns, who can say it is a design or accident? Thus much

is certain, they went without a hostage, tho’ _Shelvocke_ always had

strong notions of the _Spaniards_ resentment, and their manner of

revenge; especially in _Mexico_, where the _Indians_ are the cruelest

people alive. And while he was speaking of _Mitchel_’s story, we find

him quick enough to leave it past doubt, that he and his men perishd in

some obscure manner: and yet he must now send a young gentleman ashore

into the clutches of this enemy, at a time when he knew the whole coast

was exasperated, and himself destitute of all common necessaries;

with a very indifferent force, and consequently not able to resent

any affront, much less to avenge himself on the governer, in case he

detaind _Brook_ and his men. _Shelvocke_ immediately before and after

this acted in a hostile manner on that coast; and even in their view

he took this ship called the _Holy Family_, where the countermaster

lost his life: so that if poor _Brook_ and his men were sacrific’d by

way of atonement, ’tis no severe supposition. For my own part, I know

he hated _Brook_, for adhering to the constitution of his country; and

because he could not digest the jacobite healths, that _Shelvocke_ usd

to drink: I have observed before, how he abused him for discovering

_Clipperton_’s name on the tree, when we first touchd at _Fernandes_;

and _Shelvocke_ himself explains the jealousy he had of him, when they

were there the second time: all which being considerd, I leave those to

make inferences, who have been long in the world, and studyd mankind.

There’s another gentleman this author has made free with, _Randal_ by

name, _Brook_’s brother in law, who having gone round the world with

_Shelvocke_ was arrested by the Owners at his landing, as were several

others, and secured in the King’s bench prison, where he died. This

lieutenant _Randal_ has not escaped the malice of his pen; but in many

places of the book, is very ill treated. And I cannot help observing

that a great part of captain _Shelvocke_’s voyage is libelling the

dead: such as _Clipperton_, _Davison_, _Randal_, and others. This way

of accusing is infamous, and abhorrd by all civilized nations; which I

hope is some excuse, for my appearing in their defense: and tho’ I can

but poorly perform the office, yet what I do offer, is founded upon

certain knowledge and truth.

Before I leave this prize calld the _Holy Family_, I must inform the

reader, that _Shelvocke_, far from having any merit in taking her,

ought to have lost the command of his own ship for deserting his post

upon the quarter deck. After two or three of his men were wounded,

_Shelvocke_ expecting warm work, sculkd with his son behind the boat

which lay upon the main deck; and left _David Griffith_ alone to ply

the gun upon quarter deck: for which desertion, _Griffith_ ought in

justice to have succeded as captain of the ship. Moreover, whenever

_Shelvocke_ ventured from the said barricade and judged a shot was

coming, he would skilfully plant himself behind the main mast, leaving

_David_ by himself to fight the _Philistines_. But to return.

_Shelvocke_ unable to get provision at _Sansonate_, retires with fresh

apprehensions that he must be forced to surrender whether peace or war;

and chose therefore to go to _Panama_, where he hoped for tolerable

usage, there being an _English_ factory: And what excuse can he invent

for not going there before the loss of these six men? Conscious of his

guilt, he frames a long protest against the governer’s procedings,

which doubtless is a thing all invented since, and no original.

Accordingly he steers away for the gulf of _Amapala_, where among the

islands he hoped for a recruit of water; but found none: and being now

indeed in a deplorable condition, forced to drink the sea water or

their own urine; they agree, weak as they are, to bear away again for

_Quibo_ to get water. In their way to this place, they providentially

met with a small supply at the isle of _Cano_, with the apparent hazard

of _Randal_’s life. For _Shelvocke_, tho’ he was so liberal with the

lives of other men, took care of his son, tall boy _George_, and his

minion _Stewart_, keeping them safe aboard; and never orderd either of

them ashore when there was any appearance of danger; nor is there one

instance of it in all his book. At last with miserable difficulties

they reach _Quibo_, where they wood and water at leisure; thinking

however still to surrender at _Panama_, if fortune did not throw some

agreeable prize in their way, which happend very soon: For a few days

after they left _Quibo_, a small bark laden with beef and pork fell

accidentally into their hands, taking them for _Spaniards_: Tho’ she

proved a lucky prize to _Shelvocke_, at a time when his people were

near starving, and had not provision enough to hold them to _China_,

yet he tells us p. 266, that they were all so tired of the sea, and

past hopes of making a considerable dividend of money, that they chose

rather to go ashore at any rate and surrender.

While things were in this doubtful state, and nothing material happend

for three days; but it was really expected a period must be put to

_Shelvocke_’s privatiering, a sail presented her self standing along

shore to _Panama_, which he immediately gave chase to, leaving the bark

which he had in tow, with four of his men and five _Nigros_ to take

care of her. He made all the sail he could ’till night, when fearing

the chafe would give him the slip, he advised, as he says, bringing

to, that the bark might come up again; but having otherwise resolved,

they continued their sail all night. Early the next morning, being the

20th of _May_, he came up with the chase, and after a small dispute

carryd her. I must not omit that when they returnd to the bark, they

found her quite deserted, and the decks coverd with blood: so that he

has now four more of his men destroyd, and leaves it past question that

they were murderd. After which he would patch the story up with an idle

supposition, that the _Spanish_ crew he left in the bark all jumpd into

the sea and drownd themselves: Is it not as easy to imagine they saw

a boat coming by before they acted the murder? or if not, ’tis common

for the natives of that part of the world to swim several leagues. All

people naturally secure their method of escape before they commit a

violence of this nature: and I am sure ’tis a more rational conjecture,

than to think they would destroy the _English_ first, and murder

themselves afterwards. _Shelvocke_ crys out it was a cruel return for

his civilities, having lent them these four men to assist them, p. 374.

Sure this cannot be captain _Shelvocke_ himself, but his son _Georgy_

who talks of sending men aboard a prize out of civility. This is such

a sort of complaisance, as when an officer takes the defendents goods

in execution, and out of pure good nature sends a man into the house

to keep possession. Such stuff as this is worth reading for the great

rarity of it; but who would ever expect to meet with it in a book calld

A voyage round the world. He goes on and says, “It seemd strange to

me, that our men should suffer themselves or run the least hazard of

exposing themselves to be thus butcherd.” Indeed, captain, I believe

they could not help it; otherwise it would have been somewhat strange:

and I am apt to fancy no man alive can help it when he is overpowerd.

But what sort of language is this, “to run the least hazard of

exposing themselves to be thus butcherd?” Did you ever hear of peoples

voluntary exposing themselves to have their throats cut? Did not he

hazard and expose the men who left them there without an officer?

_Shelvocke_’s reason why this seemd strange is as good as the rest; for

says he, they were four in number! a mighty number indeed against a

ship’s crew. He owns they were five _Spaniards_, and there might be ten

for any thing we know: it was certainly for his purpose to lessen the

number: and why might not the five _Nigros_ joyn in the massacre upon

certain views and promises? I have as much reason to suppose the one

as the other. But the whole story is such a piece of dull thinking and

poor language, that ’tis time I have done with it.

THIS being the great crisis of captain _Shelvocke_’s voyage, I shall

be more particular in relating the affair of this last prize, which

will open the most notorious scene of villany and deceit that has

appeard yet, p. 371. The ship was called the _Conception_, _Don Stephen

de Recova_ commander bound from _Callao_ to _Panama_ having on board

several persons of distinction, particularly the _Conde de la Rosa_

a _Spanish_ nobleman who had been sometime governer of _Pisco_ and

was now going home to _Spain_: “laden with flower, sugar, marmalade,

peaches, grapes, limes, _etcætera_.” Now, _Be it known to_ ALL MEN,

_That, that_ et cætera _was A hundred and eight thousand six hundred

and thirty six pieces of eight_: and _Shelvocke_ little thought when

he took this prize or compiled his book, that I of all men should have

this exact state of the affair. He often said, he would never give the

gentlemen Owners a fair account; and I have often promised in this

treatise to prove that he did say so; and now we have both made our

words good. I have not only an authentic account; but I’ll declare

also how I got it. When I was taken and carried prisoner to _Lima_,

I had leisure enough to reflect on my misfortunes: how likely I was

to be ruind, and the Owners to be cheated. So that to prepare them in

defense of their rights, I wrote over to one of them the substance of

what had occurrd to me: how _Shelvocke_ had mismanaged; how arbitrarily

he had acted in defiance of their articles, and what his private

intentions were in the future part of the voyage. As soon as I came

to _London_, which was in _October 1721_, I confirmd the purport of

my letter with several new circumstances. For all which performance

of my duty, I do suppose my name has met with so much accusation and

reproach in captain _Shelvocke_’s book. But beside my advices, the

gentlemen had many proofs from other prisoners and other people. Eleven

months after, being _August_, captain _Shelvocke_ himself arrived, and

waits immediately on the said gentleman to compound in the lump for

all his transactions; not owning any thing of this prize, which he

had unlawfully shared, and every thing else among three and thirty of

them. Instead of compromising the matter, the gentleman read him my

letter, secured him, and the same day had him confined in _Wood-street_

counter. A few days after his pupil _Stewart_ arrives at _Dover_, and

was seized by the honest warden of the castle according to directions;

who faithfully secured his book of accounts and brought it with

the prisoner to the Owners, from whom I had the book and copyd the

dividend, which is as follows.

+---------------------+-------------+----------+-----------+---------------+

+---------------------+-------------+----------+-----------+---------------+

|_George Shelvocke_ |Commander | 6 | 11325 2642 10 00 |

|_Samuel Randal_ |Lieutenant | 2½ | 4718 } |

|_John Rayner_ |Capt. Marines| 2½ | 4718 } 1100 17 4 |

|_Blowfield Coldsea_ |Master | 2½ | 4718 } each. |

|_Nicholas Adams_ |Surgeon | 2½ | 4718 } |

|_Matthew Stewart_ |First Mate | 2 | 3775 } |

|_Monsieur Laporte_ |2 Mate | 2 | 3775 } 880 16 8 |

|_George Henshal_ |Boatswain | 2 | 3775 } each. |

|_Robert Davenport_ |Carpenter | 2 | 3775 } |

|_William Clark_ |Gunner | 2 | 3775 } |

|_James Daniel_ |Midshipman | 1½ | 2830 } |

|_David Griffith_ |Ditto | 1½ | 2830 } |

|_Christop. Hawkins_ |Ditto | 1½ | 2830 } |

|_Oliver Lefevre_ |Sail Maker | 1½ | 2830 } |

|_John Doydge_ |Surgeons Mt. | 1½ | 2830 } 660 00 00 |

|_William Morgan_ |Ditto | 1½ | 2830 } each. |

|_John Popplestone_ |Armourer | 1½ | 2830 } |

|_James Moyet_ |Cooper | 1½ | 2830 } |

|_John Pearson_ |Carpent. Mt. | 1½ | 2830 } |

|_Geo. Shelvocke jun._|Nothing | 1½ | 2830 } |

|_William Clement_ |Able Seaman | 1 | 1887¼ } |

|_John Norris_ |Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ } |

|_James Moulville_ |Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ } |

|_George Gill_ |Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ } 440 7 2 |

|_Peter Fero_ |Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ } each. |

|_John Smith_ |Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ } |

|_Edward Atcocks_ |Ditto | 1 | 1887¼ } |

|_John Theobald_ |Barber | 1 | 1887¼ } |

|_William Burrows_ |Ord. Seaman | ¾ | 1415¾ } |

|_Daniel mac Donald_ |Ditto | ¾ | 1415¾ } 330 6 10 |

|_Richard Croft_ |Ditto | ¾ | 1415¾ } each. |

|_John Robins_ |Grommet | ½ | 943¾ } 220 04 02 |

|_Benedict Harry_ |Cook | ½ | 943¾ } each. |

+---------------------+-------------+----------+-----------+---------------+

| 33 | | 52¼ | 98604¾ | 23007 15 6 |

+---------------------+-------------+----------+---------------------------+

Here the reader perceives the sum total of this dividend to be short of

what I said the capture amounted to: but in order to set that matter

right, there is a secret article of 627 quadruples of gold, which

_Shelvocke_ graciously shared among private friends; each of which

quadruple or double doubloon is worth sixteen dollars or pieces of

eight,

_dollars_ _l._ _s._ _d._

And makes in } { which at 4 s. and }

the whole } 10032 { 8 d. each, makes } 2340 16 00

which being }

added to the } 98604¾ ---- or ---- 23007 15 06

---------- ----------------

makes 108636¾ ---- or ---- 25348 11 06

All which money _Shelvocke_ has the prodigious modesty to conceal;

and only says the prize was laden with flower, sugar, fruit, _&c._

_Stewart_’s book mentions the 627 doubloons, but not a word how they

were divided. So that we must imagine them to be sunk among both the

_Shelvockes_ and _Stewart_: perhaps _Adams_ came in for a little. For

as _Stewart_ was agent, cashier and paymaster, it was an easy matter to

hide a bag of gold from the public, and dispose of it afterwards in a

committee of two or three.

When _Shelvocke_ orderd me upon that expedition in the lighter, as I

gave my fortune over for lost, so I judged my person to be in a very

precarious condition: and thinking my money safer in the _Speedwel_,

I deliverd it to Mr. _Hendrie_ the former agent, being about 350

dollars: for I little dreamd of the scheme that _Shelvocke_ had formd,

to lose the ship and seize all for himself; but that if my money came

to _England_ I should have it some time or other. However, all these

effects were shared at _Fernandes_, as aforementioned. So among other

things I left a wig with _John Theobald_ the barber on the list, who

sold it afterwards to _Coldsea_ the master for ten dollars: but as soon

as _Theobald_ found me out in _London_, he honestly came and paid me

the money, and told me his share of this prize was as it stands in the

account: but he knew nothing of the second dividend.

By the above account it’s plain _Shelvocke_’s dividend of the silver

taken in the _Conception de Recova_ came to 2642 l. 10 s. of which he

afterwards made thirty _per cent._ in _China_, reckoning at a medium;

for sometimes it is there at forty, but never under twenty five. The

gold he doubtless brought home, being there less than value. He sold

the ship for about 650 pound; but says, p. 457. he paid twice that sum

for port charges: and therefore I don’t place it to account; tho’ I

know very well he had wit enough to make all his people contribute.

And, as there is no minding what he says, it was certainly for his

purpose when he writ the book, to lessen that money he sold his ship

for, and to swell the sum he paid for anchorage. For why should he

pay 2166 pound port charges, and _Clipperton_ but 396, as _Taylor_’s

journal mentions, when we all know _Shelvocke_’s was but a merchant

ship, and _Clipperton_’s a warlike ship, carrying forty guns and above

three times the number of hands! This great disparity, and the reason I

just now mentiond, makes my captain strongly suspected: but however, as

I am not certain, I shall reckon nothing for it. Add to this the amount

of the St. _Fermin_ and other prizes taken on the coast of _Chili_,

which was at least 2000 pound, all shared as before, tho’ not set down.

Then lastly, the ship’s cargo is unaccounted for, which he gently slips

over, and forgets he ownd, p. 313, it was a valuable one. This is

intirely his own perquisit and pocket-money; for as no soul but himself

can now tell what that value was, or what he made of it: I can only

remain an unhappy, ignorant, injured sufferer; and wonder that so much

baseness and treachery can appear, and yet live unpunisht.

From all which particulars it is evident captain _Shelvocke_ has

secured to himself and brought to _England_ a great sum of money, being

neither his merit, nor his due: and tho’ he is probably possest of much

more than we can make out, yet even _Stewart_ himself assured me, that

_Shelvocke_ could not be less than seven thousand pound gainer by the

voyage.

P. 371, he says this was the second of those warlike merchant ships

that was fitted out in an extraordinary manner and commissiond to take

him. This is another instance of his vain-glory and absurdity, and is

sufficiently answerd by referring to what I said about the other ship

calld _The Holy Family_, which he also said was commissiond to take

him. But how particularly silly it appears in this case, let any one

judge that reads it. Can it be believed or imagined that the _Conde de

la Rosa_, whose property this money chiefly was, would venture so great

a sum aboard a ship that was commissiond to take a privatier? I never

heard, nor the oldest man alive, that a ship fitted out for warlike

enterprize, was stored with money instead of ammunition. Suppose two

or three honest fellows were equipt to take a highwayman that had long

infested the roads and plagued the country; can any one believe they

would furnish their pockets with half crowns instead of a pair of

pistols? Sure _Shelvocke_ must take his reader for an _Ignoramus_; and

having lost all morals himself, thinks other people have lost their

senses.

After this, I think, I need not be very studious to prove captain

_Shelvocke_ a sad fellow. I have hitherto labourd diligently; but now

I believe his and my readers will come easily on my side. This fact is

too flagrant to be denyd: ’tis self-evident and known to every body.

All the anteceding circumstances of his voyage are mean dishonest

actions, tending to this one perfidious end: and whoever reads his

preface after seeing this account, must read it with indignation.

What pretense has he there to talk of reputation, truth and integrity?

P. 31, he councils all those who may hereafter subscribe for another

cruising expedition, to regulate well their articles; and look out for

a commander of strict _honour_ and _honesty_: which advice from captain

_Shelvocke_ can be of no other use, than that it certainly excludes him

for life. And how black soever he appears, he may thank himself: for

tho’ his transactions were never so foul and unjust, I should perhaps

have lived and died a private sufferer; and not given my self the

excessive trouble of being public defendent, had not _Shelvocke_ turnd

public author, and added folly to his villainy, by putting it in print.

But it’s high time to disabuse mankind, when an author not content with

doing private injuries, shall print and publish whatever his wicked

heart can invent, and thus indeavour to make his poison universal.

P. 378, he says, “he took out of the _Conception_ twelve months

provision of bread, flower, sugar and sweatmeats; with a like

proportion for the _Success_, which he expected to find at _Tres

Marias_, being then a stranger to _Clipperton_’s faithless desertion.”

Not to mention the falshood of his expecting to meet _Clipperton_, who

never promised to meet him, ’tis a piece of barefaced hypocrisy to say

he put up any provision for the _Success_. _Shelvocke_ knew better

what to do with his money and time, than to venture the loss of both

to look for a man whom he always shund and hated for having the chief

command: besides he speaks immediately of going to _Asia_; for being

well supplyd with money and necessaries, their thoughts of surrendering

were laid aside, and all their despair vanishd. He twice calls it a

hazardous experiment going over to _Asia_; and gives us some trifling

reasons, but the others he says he will keep a secret, being needless

there to mention, p. 380: one of which I have lately unfolded for him;

which was really a fear lest he and all his money should be seized at

_China_.

Any one acquainted with the story may discover all his thin disguises,

and easily perceive that every word he says from p. 381 to 385 makes

plainly against him. He talks of cakes of virgin silver found in the

prize, moulded into marmalade boxes to defraud the king of _Spain_ of

his fifths; while he, at the same time, appears much more guilty to

defraud the gentlemen Owners, and us prisoners, and imposing now this

notorious sham upon his disinterested readers. Does so much fruit,

marmalade and passengers aboard, prove that the ship was commissiond to

take him? or why does _Shelvocke_ talk so much of sweatmeats, except

the money run in his head. Twenty five thousand pounds and upwards,

besides rich plunder, is a fine box of marmalade truly.

P. 382. He fairly says every thing taken out of the _Conception_ was

divided according to the new articles made at _Fernandes_; which I

believe to be mighty true, because it is the genuine account which I

copyd from his own steward’s book; tho’ _Shelvocke_ then little thought

that _Betagh_ would have it here to produce against him. He complains

he had no more than six shares. I have proved already at the beginning

of this section, that six, according to his last arbitrary scheme, are

much better than sixty by the first articles with the Owners. But

how in the name of sense could _Shelvocke_ expect sixty out of two

and fifty? for it’s plain by the account there are no more. Thou art

a very unconscionable fellow indeed to have more than your due, and

yet complain you have not more than all. This is neither _Scotch_,

_English_, nor _Irish_: ’Tis the devil! and if _Shelvocke_ can make

sixty out of two and fifty, he must be more than a devil.

The next page or two he is very fearful of falling into the hands of

the _Spaniards_, tho’ he talkd of nothing but surrendering just before

this prize happend. This may look odd to a reader, who thinks he has

nothing to lose beside flower and fruit; but after this discovery of

the money it seems natural enough to be afraid to lose it. And why does

he by way of caution speak of a rich prize that was formerly retaken

from captain _Clipperton_ by venturing too near the shore, if the

circumstances were not similar and parallel to his own case?

But I need not trouble my self any longer to expose the wretched shifts

he makes to cover his guilt. ’Tis like a schoolboy who has been tardy

and robbd an orchard: he first tells a lye to hide the roguery, and

then invents twenty more to patch that up.

_Shelvocke_ having now done his business, steers away for _California_,

in order to wood and water and clean his ship, that he might hasten to

_China_ and make a good market of his silver: for the natives there are

so fond of it, that by changing any species of silver into gold, a man

may make 30 or 40 _per_ cent.

Accordingly in _August 1721_, he arrives at _California_; and gives his

readers a description of the natives in the comical stile, thinking to

make amends for the rest of his stupid incoherent romance. He would

fain give us great ideas of the good breeding and gentility of those

salvages, tho’ they have no intercourse with any other part of the

world: but as I don’t take _Shelvocke_ to be a judge of good manners, I

look upon what he says as a fable. He has the vanity to dwell upon that

idle story of the king of the _Indians_ delivering him his sceptre,

which he says was done in a very handsome manner; but he immediately

returnd it, and doubtless with much grace and majesty: and yet he says

he could not tell whether he was a king or no, only he had a black

stick in his hand; which as it was the best thing the poor creature

had, he gives it to _Shelvocke_, expecting no doubt a spoon or knife

for it, which they are always glad of. And _Shelvocke_ will have it

that this fellow was a king, and this black stick was a sceptre; which

as he deliverd, it is pity _Shelvocke_ did not keep it, and make

himself king of the country: for it’s plain the _Indian_ resignd his

sovereignty by parting with the stick.

There’s none can forbear laughing who reads his daily manner

of feasting these _Californian_ gentry with vast quantities of

hasty-pudding: or his grave way of telling how respectfully and

ceremoniously they returnd his civilities, keeping a constant equipage

for the captain and his men, whenever they came ashore. In short, after

all the country rung of _Shelvocke_’s fame and came in daily to view

him, he concludes this ridiculous farce by telling ye the manner of his

taking leave.

Page 398. When he loosed his topsails, having a mind to appear awful,

he saluted the king and court with five guns, which mightily frighted

them: but when they understood he was going away, the men were sadly

cast down, and the women all fell a crying; which was a sure proof of

their being in love, tho’ _Shelvocke_ is modest and don’t own it.

His saying he had a mind to appear very awful at parting, agrees well

with the adoration which he says they paid him at first reception, p.

389: if wild ranting and frolicking can be calld adoration.

His pretended natural history of _California_ is all dull and

tasteless, except just that which is taken from captain _Rogers_ who

was there in 1710. _Shelvocke_ p. 399. it begins with the same words

as he does p. 317. _Shelvocke_ says p. 390, “The rocks as you enter

the harbour are like the needles of the isle of _Wight_.” _Rogers_ the

same words, p. 317. The description of the men, p. 404, is verbally the

same as the other p. 314. Their grinding a black seed which they eat

for bread, is stolen from his journal. _Shelvocke_ says their language

is guttural and harsh, p. 409. _Rogers_ p. 314, word for word the same.

Their manner of living amicably and in common, is a transcript from

the same author. Their bows and arrows, and their wonderful manner of

diving is all the same.

_Shelvocke_ says, p. 408, A late navigator represents the

_Californians_ as idle, lazy and jealous of their women; and that he

never could have a sight of any but such as were old. Which _Shelvocke_

indeavours to be merry upon, by saying, “he could not tell how that

gentleman treated them; but that he himself succeded so well in his

addresses as to have them by hundreds every day young and old.” And

after the frumety kettle had been boyling for them all day, it’s no

wonder if some of them gave him their company all night: for he often

says they were very civil and complaisant, and used to be concernd at

the mens taking snuff for fear it should kill them.

The navigator here meant is the aforesaid author; whose accounts

being universally commended, there’s no room to admit _Shelvocke_’s

impertinence: but after a man has made himself so notorious a plagiary

as I have just now proved him, ’tis a very stupid blunder in him to

find fault with that only which signifies nothing. _Rogers_ his words

are p. 316. “They appear to be very idle, and seem to look after no

more than a present subsistence.”--This is confirmd of all _Indians_

who having no traffic, or knowledge but what is natural, must needs be

indolent and idle: therefore I see no occasion there was to contradict

this, when he had stole all the rest; except his ill breeding is so

natural to him, that he can’t forbear it.

As for his being freer with the women, I don’t dispute that; neither

is it for any man’s honour to confute him: only I can’t help remarking

_Shelvocke_’s words at the close of this page 408. “I may venture

to say, quoth he, that we ingaged them so far by trifling presents

and entertainments, that no body upon those terms need want their

assistance for the future.” The plain _English_ of which is, that any

man may lye with the women for a rusty knife, or a porringer of thick

milk.

Captain _Rogers_ has given us a handsome concise description of the

people and the coast: and if a mariner who comes after can make no

additional discoveries, he is a thief to print for his own another

man’s observations, and a blockhead to trouble the world with his own

schoolboy remarks; such as his conceited notions of a king and sceptre;

he and his dirty crew having adoration paid them, and his foolish tales

of ceremonious equipage and hasty pudding.

Captain _George Shelvocke_ having here finish’d his wise observations,

prepares to cross the western ocean from _Mexico_ to _China_; and

with a hypocritical sigh laments the absence of _Clipperton_, whom he

partly came hither to meet with: but says he had the inward comfort of

having added this instance of his indeavours to the advantage of the

expedition in general, p. 433.

Now I leave the reader to judge whether ’tis likely he came here to

seek _Clipperton_, or was sorry for the disappointment, after having

so long shund him, blinded the world with a false relation of his

acquisition, conceald all the money, and divided it among three and

thirty of them? and yet this man has the calm assurance to talk of his

indeavours for the advantage of the expedition!

In two or three days sail he says he discoverd land, which he takes

the liberty of naming _Shelvocke_’s island. Vain creature! dost thou

expect any one after reading this narrative of your actions shall

mention the word _Shelvocke_ without ridicule? much less shall an

island where you never set foot ashore be calld after your unworthy

name. Had you been there sacrificed for your avarice and tyranny, as

_Peter Baldivia_ was at the place which bears his name, you might ever

remain, like him, unrivald in your title; and your son _George_ might

have wrote your epitaph.

In _Shelvocke_’s passage over to _Guam_ nothing material happens but

the death of seven or eight more of his men; some of whose shares, I

have reason to believe, became his perquisit: for two of their widows

have assured me, that after much painful application they could get no

relief. On his arrival at _Guam_ he makes this cunning observation,

that he found it one hundred leagues short of captain _Rogers_ his

account: but I don’t wonder at that; because this later kept a public

regular journal, and has printed each day’s run; which book _Shelvocke_

would never let his people look into, or keep a true reckoning

themselves.

Page 438. Here he says he should have been very glad of refreshments;

but the ill state of his people was an objection against his staying,

lest the governer should take an advantage of their weakness and

surprize him. When they were upon the point of perishing, as he calls

it, one would think it was a very proper time to get refreshments.

But this is another instance of his falsehood; for the true reason is

conceald, namely, his fear of losing the hundred and twenty thousand

dollars, _&c._ which he had aboard.

In _November_ he gets to _China_, and meets with some of _Clipperton_’s

people at _Macao_; from whose intelligence he gives us that part only

of _Clipperton_’s conduct which is blameable. I own I can’t find out

the pleasure of triumphing over a dead man’s character, especially in

those private defects which can do the defamer no service or credit.

By my transcript of _Taylor_’s journal, _Shelvocke_ may see I have

not omitted those facts which related to _Clipperton_, and I am glad

to give him this proof of my impartiality: but where he has perverted

the story, I am obliged to oppose him: for _Shelvocke_ says that

_Clipperton_ was orderd into custody at _Macao_, for silly reasons

which he gives, and not worth my reciting, because there’s nothing in

them. If the reader please to return to the last page or two of the

journal, he will find that _Clipperton_ honestly withstood dividing his

capture as long as he could, till an order from the _Mandarin_, and

a guard came aboard the ship to oblige him: this _Shelvocke_ has the

malice to call taking into custody; tho’ he knew the story as well as

I can tell him. And whereas he says they fleeced _Clipperton_ and let

him go; ’tis quite wrong; for _Clipperton_ paid but 1700 dollars for

anchorage, as by the journal, which is not 400 pound: and _Shelvocke_

owns he paid above 2000 pound, p. 457: therefore ’tis manifest the

latter was fleeced, not the former.

Immediately after which he has these words, “I thought it proper to

make this digression for the information of such of the Gentlemen

owners who have thought _Clipperton_ blameless, that they might pass a

judgment on his conduct: since it is certain that he will never, either

privately or publicly, let them into the truth of his story.”--What

can be more offensive than this, first to invent a falsehood, and

then say ’tis for the gentlemens information? which he concludes

with a jesuitical turn, that _Clipperton_ never would _publicly_ or

_privately_ let them into the truth of his story; the only reason of

which is a mental reserve that honest Mr. _Shelvocke_ has, that truly

he knew captain _Clipperton_ was dead.

What remains of this author, relating the shifts he made to get himself

and his money transported to _England_, whether true or false, tis

immaterial to my design: and so I leave him aboard an _East India-man_

which brought him home the first of _August, 1722_. His 14th chapter,

as it contains nothing of our dispute, is no ways liable to my

exception. I believe his cautions and directions to be very just,

and may be useful to any who shall go upon that cruise: but his own

behaviour is a proof, that it’s easier to give good advice than to

follow it.

* * * * *

THUS have I taken fair pains gradually to trace and answer captain

_Shelvocke_: to expose his ignorance in some things, and detect his

many wilful forgeries in others. I have discoverd nothing of his

wickedness out of its proper place with design to prepossess mankind;

well knowing that where truth is to be found, art is needless.

Upon the whole the reader may perceive that he lays all the mischiefs

of his voyage to the obstinacy of his men, always taking care to shift

off the guilt from himself: And to prepare his readers the better,

has the groundless assurance to say in the fourth page, that they had

actually formd a design of returning with the ship to _England_.

2. At St. _Catherine_’s he says they forced him to sign the new

articles, or else they would have run away with the ship.

3. Going in to _Chiloe_ he says was the mens fault; where we so

narrowly escaped a shipwreck.

4. At going in to _Conception_ a little to leeward, he says the same.

5. At _Fernandes_, he says they forced him to divide the Owners money,

and enter upon the new _Jamaica_ discipline.

6. Upon meeting _Clipperton_, he says, ’twas his men demanded a

confirmation of the first articles with the Owners, after they had

twice made new ones for themselves.

7. When he left the four men aboard the bark where they were murderd,

he says his people would not let him bring to till she came up.

8. ’Twas his men also gave him an island, and obstinately calld it

after his name: the vanity and inconsistency of all which I have

sufficiently exposed. But I would fain know what forced him to conceal

that great sum of money taken aboard the _Conception_? Or who obliged

him to play the hypocrite and keep it a secret when he publishd his

book? I could ask him many more questions that would stagger him:

particularly, who forced him to dedicate his volume of scandal and

forgery to the lords of the admiralty? who flatterd him into a belief,

that their lordships would patronize the author of so much treachery

and cruelty? and whom he has had the unpardonable boldness to deceive

in the first line of his dedication; by telling them, that having

before had the honour to present them the original minutes of his

transactions, he now has laid before them a more perfect account of

his procedings: when at the same time he never kept a journal, tho’

he says he lost one at _Fernandes_, p. 417, which place I shall quote

for the _particularity_ of it.--“When I was shipwreckd on the island

of _John Fernandes_, I among many other things lost some _particular_

remarks and memorandums of the ship’s way _et cætera_: therefore in

_general_ have not been _particular_.” I can’t tell what he would have

the world understand by this; but I and every common sailor knows, that

if a man loses the particular memorandums of a ship’s way _et cætera_,

he has lost them in general _et cætera_.

If such language, such remarks and pitiful forgeries can pass for _A

voyage round the world_, a man may e’en stay at home and compose one.

’Tis nothing but a bundle of falshood and scandal: and _John Bunyan_’s

Pilgrim’s progress is a much better journal, and better writ.

For the entertainment of the curious I shall here subjoyn a few of

_Shelvocke_’s _blunderrata_; tho’ the captain is said to have had the

assistance of his son, and his son the assistance of the learned.

Page 196. Mightily disabled.

207. _Saved_ the ship _not_ coming to pieces.

257. To hear the silence of the night destroyd.

278. With a resolute despair.

418. In _general_ have not been _particular_.

307. Shall _now_ continue my narration of our _future_ procedings.

265. We had not an _hour’s_ hopes of living a _minute_ longer, _&c_,

_&c_, _&c._

Soon as captain _Shelvocke_ returnd to _London_, he waited on the

same gentleman I have often mentiond, who framed and directed this

expedition; where being self-convicted of his past wicked actions, he

hoped by a genteel donation to pacify the resentment he expected to

meet with: but the said gentleman to whom he thus applyd, was rather

shockt at the visit; and instead of hearkening to any terms, charged a

constable with him, and carryd him to the _Cockpit_. The secretary of

state being absent, he was there advised to take out an action against

him at _Doctors commons_, and another at _Common law_ at the Owners

suit; with several processes against some of his people, who came home

in the _India_ ships with their ill gotten wealth. So that captain

_Shelvocke_ was himself that day confined in _Wood-street Counter_;

and a few days after about a dozen of his crew, being all that yet

appeard, were arrested also and confined.

After this the said owner applyd to the court of _Admiralty_ for a

warrant to keep _Shelvocke_ in custody of the marshal, in order to

be tryd for a pyracy on the _Portuguese_; for robberies on the king

of _Spain_’s subjects since the cessation of arms; and lastly for

defrauding his owners and people, affidavits having been made of these

several facts by two of his own officers and others. But the court

refused him a warrant, because it was not sworn that the witnesses saw

the moydors taken out of the _Portuguese_ captain’s scritore; tho’

they swore they were taken out of his possession and brought from the

ship. This greatly disappointed the owners, and involved them in the

tedious law suit which followd: for they found it difficult to lay the

action at _Doctors commons_, being under the discouragement of the

judge of that court: and the proceding at _Common law_ was so intricate

and doubtful, that they were forced to seek relief in the court of

_Chancery_. Upon setting forth the case, the Lord chancellor granted a

writ of _Ne exeat regnum_ against the said _Shelvocke_, markt 8000_l_,

and some of his men in lesser sums: but _Shelvocke_ getting bail to the

action at common law, contrived so with the marshal of the king’s bench

prison, that he escaped on a _Sunday_, and prevented the said writ in

chancery being served upon him; and has ever since absconded. Mean time

the bill in chancery was carryd on, to which _Shelvocke_ refusing to

put in answer; a writ of rebellion was issued out: but a brother in law

of _Shelvocke_’s applyd to two of the owners, being complainants named

in the bill, and so prevailed with them, that they pretended they were

about a competition with the defendent: so that a sudden stop was made

to the prosecution; except other of the owners would exhibit a fresh

bill, and spend more money, having already laid out above 400 pound:

which however was designd more to punish his unparalleld wickedness,

than for any real prospect of advantage.

Now let mankind judge what a check this must be to all future aid and

assistance to the crown; when at any time a prince upon a declaration

of war, shall require his loving subjects to fit out private ships to

cruise upon and annoy the enemy! Is it not a temptation to the crew

of any other ship who carry only money aboard, to run away with the

vessel, come home in the face of their imployers, and go to law with

their own masters money? Is it not to give such men hopes of protection

from the laws of their own country, which surely are made to punish,

not defend the cruel and the wicked? Here’s an example, where a writ

granted by the highest officer in the kingdom has not been able to

secure an offender, who has found means by corrupt practices to prevent

the execution of it. But yet more astonishing is this man’s assurance

to impose a scandalous narrative upon the world for truth, to gloss

over his cruelties and robberies by the innocent name of _A voyage

round the world_; and after all, dedicate this libel to the lords of

the admiralty; wherein he courts them for favours, while there are

repeated letters from the king of _Spain_ to demand satisfaction for

depredations upon his subjects, committed by this very man; and he

still braving it with impunity.

’Tis proper therefore to insert here, that complaint was made to one

of the principal secretaries of state by the marquiss _de Pozzo Bueno_

ambassador from the king of _Spain_, while his _Britannic_ majesty was

at _Hanover_; “_That on the_ 11th _of_ April 1721, _in the road of_

Sansonate _on the coast of_ Mexico, George Shelvocke _commander of an_

English _privatier did then and there make prize a ship calld the_

Holy Family, _value one hundred thousand dollars, belonging to_ Don

Lewis Carillo _of_ Lima _in_ Peru; _altho’ the said_ Shelvocke _had

notice given him of a cessation of arms agreed upon in the year_ 1720,

_between the crowns of_ England _and_ Spain, _and publishd in those

seas before the said capture._”--I have seen a copy of this memorial,

being writ in _French_, and sent to one of our Owners; and here is now,

or was a _Spanish_ agent in _London_ to solicit the business. It is

hard to know how this affair will be determined, now _Great Britain_

and _Spain_ are at such variance; but if the court of _Madrid_ comes

quickly into terms, which looks not improbable, the government may

still lay hold on _Shelvocke_ for all his robberies in the _South-Sea_,

as well as his pyracy on the _Portuguese_; tho’ courts of justice

either want the inclination or power to punish him.

* * * * *

Here follows a distinct list of the number of men, lost and destroyd

according to the will and pleasure of captain _Shelvocke_; only 33

remaining out of 106 to divide the whole profits of the cruise: and it

is observable that of all his people only two died a natural death and

two by casualty.

Turnd ashore at St. _Jago_ and St. _Catharine_’s }

before we got into the _South-Seas_, }

nine, _Andrew Pedder_ chief mate, }

_Henry Chapman_ third mate, _Charles_ }

_Turner_ gunner, _Henry Hudson_ boatswain, } 9

_William Parsons_ and _William_ }

_Coon_ boatswain’s mates, _George Hint_ }

and _Charles Perry_ seamen. }

Commanded ashore near _Conception_ }

in _Chili_ where they were murderd, }

three, _John Eady_ midshipman, _John_ } 3

_Daley_ and _George Aboigne_ marines. }

Sent a cruising to be taken prisoners, }

fifteen, _Simon Hatley_ second captain }

of the _Speedwel_, _William Betagh_ captain }

of marines, _Gilbert Hamilton_ ensign, }

_John Sprake_ second mate, _Nicolas_ }

_Laming_ boatswain, _Christopher Pressick_ }

surgeon’s first mate, _Robert Cobs_ } 15

serjeant of marines, _Matthew Appleton_, }

_Martin Hayden_, _Richard Bond_, _Richard_ }

_Gloyns_, _John Panther_ seamen, }

_John Wilson_, _John Nicolson_, and _Tho._ }

_Barnet_, marines. }

Orderd on a cruise in a bark with }

one week’s provision, and obliged then }

to surrender on the coast, eleven, _James_ }

_Hopkins_ third mate, _Robert Rawlins_ }

midshipman, _William Dobson_, _Thomas_ } 11

_Wilkinson_, _Edward Oasting_, _John Bone_, }

_Charles Weatherly_, _William Kitchen_, }

_Richard Cross_, _John Guathar_ and _John_ }

_Gundy_ seamen. }

Left on _Fernandes_ eleven, besides }

thirteen _Indians_, _John Wisdom_, _Joseph_ }

_Monero_, _William Blew_, _John Riddleclay_, }

_Edmund Hyves_, _Daniel Harvey_, } 11

_William Giddy_, _John Robjohn_, _Thomas }

Hawkes_, _James Row_ and _Jacob_ }

_Bowden_ seamen. }

Left in a prize and murderd four, }

_John Giles_ serjeant of marines, _John_ } 4

_Emlin_ seaman, _John Williams_ marine, }

_George Chappel_ a lad. }

Sent ashore into the hands of the }

enemy without a hostage, and never since }

heard of, six, _Edward Brook_ first lieutenant, } 6

_William Tamly_ midshipman, _Fredric_ }

_Macenzie_, _Robert Bowman_, _Richard_ }

_Philips_ and _John Poulton_ seamen. }

Begd their passage with _Clipperton_, }

to be freed from _Shelvocke_’s tyranny, }

three, _James Hendrie_ agent for the } 3

Owners, _Thomas Dod_ lieutenant of }

marines, and _William Morphew_ midshipman. }

Died four, _Richard Arscot_ in the }

_Speedwel_, and _Edmond Philips_ in _Shelvocke_’s }

bark, _William Campbell_ drownd } 4

going round _Cape Horne_, and _Richard_ }

_Hannah_ drownd going to the wreck }

from _Fernandes_ island. }

Deserted at St. _Catharine_’s three, }

_Abraham Dutour_, _Anthony Wood_, and } 3

_William Leveret_. }

Stayd on board the _Ruby_ at St. _Catherine_’s }

two, _William Mariner_ sail } 2

maker, and _Lawrence Lancette_ of the }

carpenter’s crew. }

Left ashore at _Payta_, _Rich. Bavin_. 1

Deserted at _Chiloe_, _Robert Morris_. 1

---

In all 73

---

Stayd with _Shelvocke_ and divided } 33

all (his son being included.) }

---

Total ship’s company 106

---

’Tis fit I say something to the memory of captain _Clipperton_, who

being this time so extraordinary well fitted out, and having been twice

this cruise before, doubted not of easily making a good voyage for the

Owners and All of us: but after he was separated from the _Speedwel_,

and under the hardship of losing his stock of liquors; he was forced

to sail comfortless under a doubtful expectation, till he came to the

last scene of action: where being still disappointed of his consort,

’tis no wonder if he gave the voyage over for lost. When afterwards he

did meet with captain _Shelvocke_ on the coast of _Mexico_, all his

proposals proved ineffectual. Thus _Clipperton_ having in vain made

three foreign voyages, two of which were round the globe, he took it to

heart, grew dejected, and in his passage to _Asia_ minded nothing at

all. However, we see by the journal that he kept good order, and acted

by council during his whole cruise upon the enemy.

When he came to _China_ he sold the _Success_, laying by the Owners

moiety as aforesaid: then he arrived in _Holland_, aboard a _Dutch

East-India_ ship, and died two or three days after he came to his

family in _Ireland_; being heart-broke, as I am well informd, at his

long run of misfortune.

He was an _Englishman_, born at great _Yarmouth_ in the county of

_Norfolk_, and used to the water from his infancy. He was certainly

a complete seaman, as the northern _English_ generally are, and in

all the south navigation he was perfectly experienced. His humanity

and good nature are undeniable, having never arbitrarily exposed or

commanded away the lives of any of his people: and tho’ he had private

failings, they were common to mankind, and not such as _Shelvocke_ has

unfairly represented.

My readers in general, as well as the gentlemen adventurers, may here

see that the miscarriage of all this expedition is wholly imputable

to the captain of the _Speedwel_, who cruelly treated his own people;

deserted the other ship till the war was over; acted separately, and

managed every thing arbitrarily: tho’ our orders were strictly to copy

captain _Rogers_ his method, and in all attempts and difficulties to

act by a council of our own officers.

So that if _Shelvocke_ had early rejoynd the _Success_ and concurrd

with _Clipperton_, according to the said precedent, We who are extreme

sufferers had not only profited thereby, but the advantages might have

been national. The charge of our expedition was upwards of fourteen

thousand pound, and I believe the _Duke_ and _Duchess_ did not stand

the _Bristol_ gentlemen in so much. And tho’ _Rogers_ had aboard him

some troublesom spirits, who opposed his better views, yet it’s well

known he brought home a capture of a _hundred and seventy thousand

pound_ value. We were certainly as well fitted out as they: and thus

having precedents and examples, what might we not have done, if

conducted, as they were, with prudence, care and integrity!

[Illustration]

SECTION IV.

_Containing observations on the_ Spanish America _in general, and

the remarks I made while I was confined in_ Peru.

CHAP. I.

About the middle of _March 1720_, when _Shelvocke_ sent _Hatley_

and the rest of us to seek our fortunes in the lighter, calld the

_Mercury_, he himself in the _Speedwel_ went to plunder the village

of _Payta_, which was just under our lee, and where we might easily

have joind him, had he imparted his design to us: however we had not

cruised long in sight of _Cape Blanco_, when we took a small bark with

a good parcel of chocolate and flower. There was an elderly gentlewoman

aboard, and a thin old fryer, whom we kept two or three days; and

after taking out what we wanted, we discharged the bark and them

together.

Soon after this we took the pink which _Shelvocke_ calls the rich

prize; She had no jealousy of our being an enemy, but kept her way to

the southward, till seeing the _Mercury_ standing towards her she began

to suspect us. About noon she puts the helm hard a weather, and crowded

all the sail she could afore the wind: and being in her ballast this

was the best of her sailing, which also proved the greatest advantage

they could give us; for had she held her wind, we in our flat bottom

could have had no share in her. About ten at night, with rowing and

hard sailing, we got within shot of the chase and brought her to,

being pretty near the shore: they were about seventy persons aboard,

thirty of which were _Nigros_. _Hatley_, I remember, upon going aboard

left me and _Pressick_ with four more hands in the _Mercury_; where we

continued two or three days, till a heavy shower of rain (hardly ever

known upon that coast, and which _Shelvocke_ takes notice of p. 185)

spoild all our bread and other dry provision; it was then time for us

to get aboard the prize, which we did; sending three hands afterwards

to take care of the _Mercury_.

We stood off and on the said cape seven or eight days expecting to meet

with the _Speedwel_; and there we set ashore the _Spanish_ captain,

the _padre_, and some gentlemen passengers. At last we spyd a sail

about five leagues distance, plying to windward: not doubting it was

the _Speedwel_ or _Success_, we stood towards her, while she kept

edging towards us. About ten in the morning we were got near enough to

discover it was a warlike ship, as she proved; tho’ neither of those we

wishd for. The master of our prize had before informd us, that he met

the _Brilliant_ man of war cruising for our privatiers; which till now

we intirely disregarded.

Hereupon captain _Hatley_ advising with me what to do we concluded

that some advantage might be made of the information given us by the

_Spaniard_: that as the _Brilliant_ had spoke so lately with the

pink, probably there would not be many questions asked now. Upon

which _Hatley_ and I drest our selves like _Spaniards_, and hoisted

_Spanish_ colours: we confined our prisoners in the great cabin,

suffering none of them but the _Indians_ and _Nigros_ to appear upon

deck, that the pink might look as she did before; in which contrivance

we had succeded, but for the obstinacy of _John Sprake_, whom we could

not keep off the deck.

As the Admiral came up he fired a gun to leeward: hereupon we lowerd

our topsails, making easy sail till we got along side of him. Their

first question was, if we had heard any thing of the _English_

privatier? we answerd, No. The next was, how it happend we were got no

farther in our way to _Lima_? We answerd, by reason of the _currents_.

They askd us two or three more questions, which we still answerd in

_Spanish_. They seemd thoroughly satisfyd; and were just getting their

tacks aboard in order to leave us, when the said _Sprake_ and two

more of our men appeard on the main deck: a _Frenchman_ aboard the

admiral looking out at the mast-head spyd their long trowsers, by which

knowing them to be _English_ he cryd out, _par Dieu Monsieur, ils sont

Anglois_, they are _Englishmen_. Upon this they immediately fired

a broad side into us with round and partridge shot; by one of which

_Hatley_ was slightly wounded in the head.

After we had surrenderd they took all the _English_ aboard them, and

put a couple of their own officers into the prize. The admiral then

bore down to the _Mercury_ about two leagues to leeward, and tho’ they

fired at least twenty five guns into her, the three men escaped unhurt;

and the vessel tho’ full of water had not weight enough to carry her

to the bottom. After taking in the three men, our commander _Don Pedro

Midranda_ went in to _Payta_ carrying the pink with him, where he set

us ashore. He orderd me to _Piura_ about forty mile up the country; and

did me the favour to let _Pressick_ the surgeon and _Cobs_ a marine

serjeant go with me: but captain _Hatley_ and the rest he sent under a

guard, with mules to carry them to _Lima_, which is above four hundred

miles further on the coast; the reason of which I have partly given at

the close of my second section: for the cape _Frio_ story being blown,

and the moydors found upon _Hatley_, they had a mind the thing should

be sifted and the guilty punishd. The admiral having taken in water

and refreshments, quickly put to sea again in quest of the _British_

privatiers, designing to take us up to _Lima_ as he came back.

The weather in this latitude being too hot, the custom is to travel

from six in the evening till eight in the morning. My _Indian_

guide set me on the best mule he had, which not caring to follow

company, I led my fellow travellers the way till ten a clock. While

day-light lasted, I observed the country one open plain, with _Indian_

plantations regularly enough cantond out on each side of us. This

level is from 30 to 100 mile broad, and extends 300 mile along shore;

for I am now going to the southward, having the _Cordileer_ mountains

on the left hand, and the great ocean on the right. If this land was

well waterd, as the soil is pleasant and fertile, it might be as fine

a country as any: but travellers are here obliged to carry water for

their mules as well as themselves. At the approach of night we were

puzzled in the way: I often found my self stopt by great hills of sand,

and my mule as often indeavourd to pull the reins out of my hand,

which proving troublesome, the _Indian_ advised me to throw the reins

on the mule’s neck; and as soon as that was done the creature easily

hit the way. These sands are often shifted by from place to place,

which I take to be occasiond by the strong eddies of wind reverberated

from the mountains. At night we rested a little at an old empty house

in a coppice about half way, which the guide told us was built by the

inhabitants of _Piura_, for the accommodation of the prince St. _Bueno_

viceroy of _Peru_, where they met him in formality and regaled him.

At seven in the morning we arrived at _Piura_, being a regular handsom

town scituate on the banks of the river _Collan_. The _Indian_

conducted us to the house of a good _Spanish_ gentleman and his wife

who having received his charge, the guide returnd to _Payta_. In a

quarter of an, hour’s time the towns people flockd in to see the rary

show; and instead of being used like prisoners at discretion, we were

entertaind with respect and civility, which we were not sure to meet

with. Our landlord, I should say keeper’s name was _Don Jeronimo

Baldivieso_. He had five daughters, upon the sight of which and their

candid way of receiving us, we hoped our time would slide easily away,

and our captivity prove agreeable. I began now to be sensible of the

admiral’s favour in ordering us to this place; for he had such interest

in all the kingdom of _Peru_, that for his sake we found good genteel

treatment. Soon as we had refreshd ourselves, according to the custom

of the place, with chocolate, biskets and water; we were diverted with

the sound of a _Welch_ harp in some inner apartment: the artist had

good command of it; for I heard parts of several famous _Italian_, as

well as _English_ compositions; and upon inquiry, was informd that all

the _Spaniards_ daughters had learnd music, and sung or playd upon some

instrument or other. Tho’ at first this seemd a little unaccountable

to us, yet I afterwards found that music was common in _Peru_: for the

_Italian_ party having a few years before prevaild at the court of

_Madrid_, the said viceroy prince St. _Bueno_, who was an _Italian_,

had brought a great many musicians of that country along with him;

which has now, spread music every where, and is as good in _Peru_ as

in old _Spain_.

This I thought proper to mention, because by means of music and an

inoffensive carriage, we lived in good harmony with those who had a

right to treat us as enemies.

It was a practice here every day for the neighbours to come and view

us; at which I was well enough diverted: for _Cobs_ being my serjeant,

we had exercised the brown musket together; so that we turnd readily

about to shew our selves: but Mr. Pressick hung down his head, and grew

melancholy.

_Payta_ being the place, as I said afore, where the pedlars or walking

merchants are set ashore, they make _Piura_ their first stage to

_Lima_, disposing of their goods and lessening their burthens as they

go along: some take the road through _Caxamarca_; others through

_Truxillo_ along shore. From _Lima_ they take their passage back to

_Panama_ by sea; and perhaps carry a little purchase of brandy with

them. At _Panama_ they again stock themselves with _European_ goods,

returning by sea to _Payta_, where they are set down: there they hire

mules and load them; the _Indians_ going with them, in order to

bring them back: and so these traders keep in a continual round till

they have got enough to live on. Their traveling expenses are next to

nothing; for the _Indians_ are brought under such subjection, that

they find lodging for them, and provender for their mules. This every

white face may command, being a homage the poor _Indians_ are long

accustomd to pay; and some think they have an honour done them into the

bargain, except out of generosity they now and then meet with a small

recompense. In the _British_ and _French_ nation a pedlar is despised,

and his imployment lookd upon as a mean shift to get a living: but it

is otherwise here, where the quick return of money is a sufficient

excuse for the manner of getting it. And there are many gentlemen in

_Old Spain_, who, when their circumstances in life are declining, send

their sons to the _Indies_ to retrieve their fortune this very way.

Our lodging was in an outhouse purposely kept for these traveling

merchants. According to the _Spanish_ custom, we had our dinner sent

to table under cover, where _Don Jeronimo_ and we eat together; while

the good lady of the house and her daughters sat together in another

room: this is the practice at all meals, and if any strong liquors are

drank, it is then. In all our conduct I think the good _Spaniard_ was

never disobliged, except once when he saw me drinking a dram with the

doctor at a little victualing house. As nothing is more disagreeable

to the _Spaniards_ than drunkenness, I had much ado to make amends for

this step towards it, tho’ they easily admit of gallantry in the most

familiar degree: so that ’tis only changing one enormity for another.

Here are several churches endowd; one convent of _Franciscans_, and a

seminary for youth instructed by two _Jesuits_.

After we had past about six weeks at _Piura_, our _Indian_ guide came

again to wait on us to _Payta_, the man of war being returnd. When we

were upon the point of taking leave, our surgeon was missing, which

retarded us a day longer: they had conceald him in the town, and

designd to keep him there, being a very useful man: and if he could

have had a supply of medicines, he might soon have made a handsom

fortune. However the next day we mounted our mules and parted with

great reluctance, especially with _Don Jeronimo_ and his family.

We went aboard the _Brilliant_ at _Payta_, which having done nothing

at sea, made a sort of cruising voyage to _Callao_, the port of

_Lima_. The civility I received from the admiral or general of the

_South-Seas_, as he is there calld, is what I have touchd upon at the

end of my first section, both before we were set ashore at _Payta_,

and in our passage from thence to _Callao_. I shall only add one

particular to the honour of _Monsieur de Grange_, a captain under the

general. Soon as we were taken by the _Brilliant_, as aforesaid, this

gentleman seeing the soldiers had stript us, being the conquerers

usual perquisit in all these cases; he generously gave me a handsom

sute of clothes, two pair of silk stockins, a hat, wig, shirts, and

every thing according. We arrived at _Lima_ in about five weeks, and

were immediately committed to the same prison where the rest of our

companions were sent, except _Hatley_, who, having a particular mark

set on him, was confined by himself. And I can’t help remarking,

tho’ Mr. _Hatley_ was no friend to me, that it was a cruel thing

in _Shelvocke_ to send him of all men upon that enterprize in the

_Mercury_. For when captain _Rogers_ came into these seas upon a like

cruise 1709, _Hatley_ upon some occasion was separated from him, and

made a prisoner afterwards upon the continent: and now being catchd the

second time, with the aggravation of the _Portuguese_ money found upon

him, he had like to have been torn to pieces.

The court of judges went soon upon the examination of our story, and

drew up a charge against us as pyrates: since by the moidors found upon

_Hatley_, it appeard they were taken from the subjects of a prince in

perfect amity with the crown of _England_: but it was happy for us

that the viceroy _Don Diego Marsilia_, who was an archbishop and in

the decline of life, was pleased coolly to discriminate the affair,

and finding really but one of us guilty, would not sign any order for

shedding innocent blood. As for _Hatley_, some were for sending him to

the mines for life; others for hanging him: but the several accounts of

capt. _Shelvocke_’s vile procedings contributed to his deliverance,

the truth of which here were enough of our people at _Lima_ to witness.

For besides lieutenant _Serjeantson_ and his men who were brought

hither, here came the men whom _Shelvocke_ sent with _Hopkins_ to

shift for themselves in a poor empty bark, who for want of sustenance

were forced to surrender to the _Indians_: so that the court finding

_Shelvocke_ more a principal in the pyratical story than _Hatley_,

and believing we had been plagued enough before we came hither, they

thought fit to let us all go by degrees. _Hatley_ indeed was kept in

irons about a twelvemonth, and then got to _England_.

I was released out of prison in about ten days, by the interest of

captain _Fitzgerald_ a native of St. _Malo_, who was in favour with the

viceroy, and past his word for my limitation at _Lima_. Upon inquiry

for Mr. _Serjeantson_ and his men, I understood that most of them had

taken up the religion of the country, had been christend, and were

dispersed among the convents in the city. The first that I saw had

got his new catechise in one hand, and a pair of large beads dangling

in the other. I smiled, and askd the fellow how he liked it: he said

very well; for having his religion to chuse, he thought this better

than none, since it brought him good meat and drink, and a quiet life.

Many of _Shelvocke_’s men followd this example; and I may venture to

say this was as good a reason as most of our people could give for

their conformity. Tho’ ’tis reckond very meritorious to make a convert,

and many arguments were used for that end; yet was there no rigour

shewn to bring any of us over. Those who thought fit to be baptized,

had generally some of the merchants of _Lima_ for their _padrinos_ or

god-fathers, who never faild giving their children a sute of clothes,

and some money to drink their healths.

About this time four or five of _Clipperton_’s men, and as many of

_Shelvocke_’s got leave from their convents to meet together at a

public house kept by one _John Bell_, an _Englishman_, who had a

_Nigro_ wife that for some services or other had got her freedom. The

design of this meeting was to confirm their new baptism with a bowl of

punch: the consequence of which was, they all got drunk and quareld;

and forgeting they were true catholics, mistook an image of some good

saint that stood in a corner for one of their own company, knockd him

down, and demolishd him. I missing the fellows for a few days, inquired

at _John_’s house what was become of them. He told me the story, and

said they were all put in the _Inquisition_; for the thing having

took air, he was obliged to complain of it, or go there himself: but

promised that underhand he would indeavour to get them released; which

I found afterwards was done in five days: so that they had time enough

to say their catechise, repent and be sober. _Bell_ said, if the men

had still remaind heretics, this drunken-bout had not come within the

verge of the ecclesiastical power; but being novices, and just let into

the church, they were the easier pardond; since their outrage upon the

saint was no proof of their relapse into error, or an affront to the

catholic faith, because they were all disorderd with liquor.

At length about a dozen men of both our ships, being now pretty well

instructed, were discharged from the cloysters, and sent to _Callao_ to

help careen and fit out the _Flying Fish_, then designd for _Europe_.

Here they enterd into a project to run away with the _Margarita_, a

pretty sailing ship that lay in the harbour, and go upon the account

for themselves: but not knowing what to do for ammunition and a

compass, they applyd to Mr. _Serjeantson_, telling him they had a

design to steal away by land to _Panama_, where being an _English_

factory, they might have a chance to get home; that they had got half

a dozen firelocks with which they could kill wild hogs or get some

game as they went along, if he would be so kind to help them to a

little powder and shot, and a compass to steer their way through the

woods: the fellows, by begging and making catholic signs to the good

people at _Lima_, that they were poor _English_ newly baptized, had

got together some dollars which they desired _Serjeantson_ to lay out;

who not mistrusting the plot, took their money and bought them what

they wanted. Thus furnisht one of them came to me at _Lima_, and said

there was an opportunity offered to make my fortune, by running away

with the _Margarita_ at _Callao_, if I would imbrace it: whereupon

he told me the story, and that _Sprake_ was to have the command, as

being the only artist among them. I answerd that it was a bold design;

but as captain _Fitzgerald_ had ingaged for my honour, I was obliged

not to meddle with it. In a few days the plot was discoverd, their

lodgings were searchd, their arms taken away and they put in prison.

The government was greatly provoked, and had near determined their

execution, when an order came to release all but _Sprake_; who being

the projector was kept in irons two or three months and then set free.

I believe, in this affair their late conformity did them great service:

but both these stories are an argument, that neither the _church_

nor _state_ are so rigorous in _Peru_, as the _Romish_ dominions in

_Europe_.

[Illustration]

CHAP. II.

_Describing the City of_ Lima.

A Voyage Round the World Being an account of a remarkable enterprize, begun in the year 1719, chiefly to cruise on the Spaniards in the great South ocean. Relating the true historical facts of that whole affair: testifyd by many imployd therein; and confirmd by authorities from the owners. · 第 6 / 7 章

Possest with these things, the people were amaz’d, that their captain