a regular built city, the streets all strait and spacious: so that you
go thro’ it almost any way without turning a corner. It is composed
of little squares like _St. Jago_ the capital of _Chili_, which is
copyd from this. It stands in an open vale, having only a gentle stream
to water it; and which divides it as the _Thames_ dos _London_ from
_Southwark_, allowing for the great disproportion. The port of _Lima_
is at _Callao_ seven mile below it. The houses are only one story high,
of twelve or fourteen foot, because of the frequent earthquakes in that
country. There are about eight parishes, three colleges for students,
twenty eight monasteries of fryers, and thirteen monasteries of nuns:
so that the religious take up a fourth part of the city. However by the
easy flow of money, and the vast sums bequeathd, being the effects of
celibacy, they are all well endowd and supported. Besides which, there
are two hospitals for the sick, poor and disabled; and where several of
our men were kindly lookt after. The length of the city from north to
south is two mile: the breadth one and a half; the wall with the river
making a circumference of six mile. On the east side of the stream lies
the other part of the city; being joynd by a very handsom stone bridge
of five or seven arches.
I compute there are now sixty or seventy thousand persons in
_Lima_, all sorts and colours included: and I don’t wonder at any
multiplication in a city which is the centre of so much affluence and
pleasure. For besides the natural increase of the inhabitants, all
ships which trade that way, whether private or public, generally leave
some deserters who chuse to stay behind for the incouragement all white
faces meet with.
The Inhabitants are thus distinguisht.
_Spaniards_ Natives of _old Spain_.
_Creolians_ Born in _America_ of _white_ parents.
_Mulattas_ Issue of _white_ and _nigro_.
_Mestizos_ Issue of _white_ and _indian_.
_Quartron nigros_ Born of _white_ and _mulatta_.
_Quartron indians_ Born of _white_ and _mestizo_.
_Sambo de mulatta_ _Nigro_ and _mulatta_.
_Sambo de indian_ _Nigro_ and _indian_.
Issue of _sambo mulatta_, and _sambo indian_ are calld _giveros_. These
are lookt on as having the worst inclinations and principles; and if
the cast is known, they are banisht the kingdom.
* * * * *
Hence procede endless denominations according to the variety
of mixture: and some people make a science of it, to know the
multiplicity of casts and give them a name: but the forementiond are
the chief and most particular. It is counted creditable to mend the
breed by ascending or growing whiter; but a descent or cast the other
way is calld _saltatras_; from _saltare retrò_, to go backward; and is
lookd upon as base born and scandalous.
The difference of birth and parentage causes an observation pleasant
enough: for they are as great strangers to each other as _chevaliers_
are in _France_, or graduates and scholars in our universities. So that
a _quartron indian_ will hardly keep company with a _mulatta_: and a
_mestizo_ thinks himself a king to a _sambo_.
Of all parts of the world, the people here are most expensive in
their habit. The men dress as they do in _England_, their coats being
either of silk, or fine _English_ cloth, and hair camblets imbroiderd
or laced with gold and silver, and their waistcoats commonly the best
brocades. The women never wear hoops or stays, only a sticht holland
jacket next their shifts: they generally throw over their shoulders a
square piece of swanskin flannel intirely coverd with _Flanders_ lace,
besides the silver or gold lace round the peticoat: when they walk out,
the _Creolian_ women are veild, but not the _Mulatta_; and till the
age of thirty or forty they wear no headcloths: their hair being tyed
behind with fine ribands. But the pride of both sexes appears chiefly
in _Maclin_ and _Brussels_ lace, with which they trim their linen in a
most extravagant manner, not omitting their sheets and pillows. Beside
the outward covering of the mantle aforesaid, their linen is doubly
borderd with it top and bottom, with ruffles of four or five furbelows
hanging down to the knee. Then as to pearls and costly stones, which
they wear in rings and bracelets for the neck and arms, they are very
immoderate; though the value is hardly equal to the appearance.
Of all the convents in _Lima_, that of _St. Domingo_ is the richest,
and _Francisco_ the largest. The provincial or governer of the
_Dominicans_ is chosen triennially out of their own body, and his
income above seven thousand pound a year. I was present at one
election, which I mention because of the great splendor and cost which
attended it. A large triumphal arch was built cross the street: the
inside lined with scarlet cloth and velvet, and hung all over with
jewels and wrought plate. Thro’ this the principal people of _Lima_
past with the new provincial at their head; where he stopd to hear a
short oration pronounced by a girl upon that occasion, and then went to
his convent to finish the solemnity.
The processions in _Lima_ are made with more show and pageantry than
those in _Europe_, and are sometimes very extravagant. I was present
at that noted one when the image of _St. Dominic_ goes to church to
wait upon that of _St. Francis_, which is attended with a deal of
firework and equipage: and I doubt not the managers of our opera and
comedy would improve much by seeing the odd figures and machinery of
this grand visit, which is made yearly to keep up the singular esteem
the _Spaniards_ have for those two orders. Tho’ these expenses are
profuse, yet at _Lima_ they are common, where the begging fryers often
die possest of dollars, from the value of ten to twenty thousand pound.
One instance of the riches of this place, I was told by several who
rememberd it: that when the duke _de la Plata_ their viceroy made his
entry, the inhabitants paved the merchant street thro’ which he past
with bars of silver, each of which was 2500 dollars at least: which
piece of finery I can liken to nothing but the account we have of
_Jerusalem_ in the days of king _Solomon_.
The viceroy has a handsome palace in the great quadrangle of the city;
which I take to be near as large as _Lincolns-Inn-Fields_ at _London_.
His salary is ten thousand pound a year, and his perquisits double that
sum: and tho’ his government expires at three, four, or five years end
as the king pleases, yet ’tis supposed he makes a good fortune for
life; for he has all places in his gift, both in the government and
army throughout _Peru_, except particular persons are sent or nominated
by the king.
The judicial court consists of twelve judges, not to mention the
inferior officers, council and solicitors. Here all causes should
come to be decided; but they are too often determined aforehand in
favour of the party who gives most mony. And tho’ these vast dominions
abound in riches, yet there is not abundance of work for the lawyers;
because the statutes are few and plain: which is certainly happier
than a multitude of laws _explaining_ one another ’till they are so
_intricate_ that the issue of a cause depends more upon the craft of
the solicitor and advocate, than the truth of the case. Moreover, a
multiplication of laws begets an infinity of attorneys and council, who
live high and great upon the distresses of other people, and as often
argue a man _out_ of his right as _into_ it.
Yet in _Peru_ there are _corregidors_ or magistrates in districts
from _Lima_ who find ways and means to oppress the poor _Indians_,
notwithstanding they are perjured if they trade with them. These
natives live chiefly by husbandry and working the mines; and the
_Spanish_ court have found it necessary to forbid the _corregidors_
trading with them, in order to secure them a quiet possession of the
fruit of their labour. To evade this oath, another person under-hand
procures a parcel of _European_ goods and disperses them among the
_Indians_, who, tho’ they want none of them, must buy them at 3 or 400
_per cent._ more than prime cost; a time being positively fixt for the
money.
These hardships are past retrieving, because every magistrate knows his
reign to be but short, and if he don’t make a fortune he is laught at:
So that they wink at one another; and the great distance between _Peru_
and _Spain_ is a reason the king’s orders are seldom regarded, being
two years going backward and forward: whence arise many clandestine
doings. For according to law, the king should have a twentieth part
of all gold, and a fifth part of all silver; but there are vast
quantities that never pay duty carryd privately over the continent
the north way, as well as the south way by trading ships. And tho’
there are prodigious sums allowd for militia, garisons, and repairs of
fortifications: yet it is not one half applyd. From all which it is
easy to imagine what immense revenues would come to the treasury at
_Madrid_, if his _Catholic_ majesty was but faithfully served.
The country in _Peru_ is naturally subject to earthquakes: and I have
heard that the _English_ plantations in the north of _America_ have
felt them. At _Lima_ they had two great ones about fifty years ago,
which overturnd houses, churches and convents: and in the reign of
_Charles_ the late king of _Spain_, there was an earthquake near the
equinoctial line that lifted up whole fields, and carryd them several
miles off. Small shocks are often felt without doing any harm; and I
have been two or three times calld out of bed when such a thing has
happend, tho’ we have heard no more of it: but upon these occasions the
bells always toll to prayers.
Notwithstanding this country, especially nigh the coast, has sufferd
much by earthquakes; yet their churches are lofty enough, and neatly
built. That part of their architecture which requires most strength is
generally finisht with burnt bricks; but their houses are all built
with _bambo_ canes and bricks dryd only by the weather, which are
durable enough because it never rains. The covering is a matting with
ashes upon it to keep out the dews, which is all the wet they have.
The small river of _Lima_ is mostly snow water descending from the
neighbouring mountains, which are coverd all the year with snow; but
partly dissolved in the summer season, which is from _September_ to
_March_. One would expect it much hotter thereabouts than it is, there
being no proportion between the heat of this climate in _America_
and the same degree of latitude in _Africa_; for which there are
two reasons: one is the cool temper of the air proceding from the
congealed snow on the mountains, which diffuses it self every way:
the other is, the humidity of the vapours which hang over the plains,
and which are so frequent, that when I came first to _Lima_, I often
expected it would rain. These vapours are not so coarse, low and
humble as our fogs, nor separated above like our summer clouds; but an
exhalation between both, being spread all round, as when we say the
day is overcast. So that sometimes a fine dew is felt upon the outward
garments and discernd by the eye upon the nap of the cloth. This is a
happy convenience at _Lima_, the people being thus screend one half of
the day from the sun; and tho’ the afternoon be sunshine, ’tis very
tolerable being mixt with the sea breezes, and not near so hot as
at _Lisbon_, and some parts of _Spain_ in _Europe_ which are thirty
degrees further from the equator.
The want of rain in this part of the continent obliged the poor, I
should say happy _Indians_, before the conquest, to make dreins and
canals for bringing down water from among the distant mountains; which
they have done with such great labour and skill that the vallies are
kindly refresht, producing grass, corn, and variety of fruits: to which
the aforesaid dews may also a little contribute.
_Zarate_ the _Spanish_ historian has given us the natural cause of this
perpetual drought. He observes that the south-west winds blow upon the
_Peruvian_ coast all the year round; and the ocean is therefore calld
_pacific_, because the winds never disturb the waters. These easy gales
always bear away the vapours from the plains before they can rise and
form a body sufficient to descend in a shower: but when they are carryd
farther and higher, they grow more compact and at length fall by their
own weight into rain.
This is so fair and rational an account, that I wonder _Monsieur
Frezier_ has affected to contradict it. ’Tis convincing to a stranger;
and to most gentlemen there who are curious enough to think about it.
Any one who reads _Frezier_’s voyage may see he has not only mistaken
the _Spaniard_, but given us long conjectures of his own, very confused
and improbable.
They have plenty of cattle, fowl and fish; and all provision common to
us except butter; instead of which they always use lard. They have oyl,
wine and brandy enough, tho’ not so good as in _Europe_. They drink
much of the jesuits herb _camini_ brought from _Paraguay_ by land; for
all _East-India_ tea is forbid. They make a decoction of it, and suck
it through a pipe or quill. It is generally here calld _mattea_, being
the name of the bowl out of which they drink it. Chocolate is their
usual breakfast and a grace-cup after dinner: Sometimes they drink
a glass of brandy for digestion, but scarce any wine at all. In the
kingdom of _Chili_ they make a little butter, such as it is; and their
way of doing it is remarkable. The cream is put into a sheepskin stript
off whole, and kept on purpose: after tying the ends fast, two women
lay it on a table, and shake it and sowse it between them ’till it
comes.
Tho’ the _Spaniards_ are no friends to the bottle, yet gallantry and
intrigue are here brought to perfection, for they devote so much of
their time to the service of the fair sex, that _Venus_ seems here to
keep her court. It is unmannerly not to have a mistress, and scandalous
not to keep her well. As for the women they have many accomplishments
both natural and acquired; their conversation is free and sprightly,
their motion graceful, their looks winning, and their words ingaging:
they have all a delicate shape, not injured with stiff bodyd stays,
but left to the beauty of nature; so that there’s no such thing as
a crooked body among them. Their eyes and teeth are particularly
excellent, and their hair being generally of a dark polisht hue is
finely combd, and platted or tyd behind with ribands, but never
disguised with powder: for the brightness of their skin round the
temples appears very well shaded thro’ the hair like light thro’ a
landskip.
Tho’ these amours are universal at _Lima_, yet the men are careful
enough to hide them; for no indecent word or action is allowd in
public. They have two usual times for these entertainments: one is at
the _siesta_ or afternoons nap, which is commonly with the mistress;
the other is in the evening cross the water in calashes, or at the
great square in the town where the calashes meet in great numbers
towards the dusk: these are slung like our coaches, but smaller; and
many of them fit only for two sitting opposite. They are always drawn
by one mule with the _nigro_ driver upon his back: and it is usual
among these calashes to observe several of them with the windows close
up, standing still for half an hour together.
In these pastimes they have several customs peculiar to themselves.
After evening prayers the gentleman changes his dress, from a
cloak into a _montero_ or jocky coat, with a linen laced cap and a
hankerchief about his neck instead of a wig. If he wears his hair it
must be tuckt under a cap, and that flapt all down: so that it is a
universal fashion to be disguised some way or other; for those who have
no mistress are ashamed to be thought strictly virtuous, and must be
in some mask or other to countenance the way of the world. But as all
this is night work, they have an establisht rule to prevent quarels,
which is never to speak or take notice of one another; whether they
are going in quest of amorous game, or visiting their ladies: so that
in short the forepart of the night is a masquerade all the year round.
Among that rank of people who don’t keep calashes there are several
points to be observed. Particularly when they take the evening air,
one couple never walks close upon the heels of another; but to prevent
the publishing any secret whispers, each couple walks at the distance
of twelve yards at least: and if any lady drops a fan or any thing by
accident, a gentleman may civilly take it up; but he must not give it
to the lady, but the gentleman who is with her; for she may be the
sister or wife of him that takes it up: and as the women are all veild,
these wise laws are instituted to prevent any impertinent discoveries.
A freedom of that kind is lookt upon as the highest affront in all
gallantry, and merits a drawn sword thro’ the liver. They are so
careful in these rules, that if a man sees his intimate friend any
where with a girl, he must in no wise take notice of him, or speak of
it afterwards:
These things are all done with the greatest gravity imaginable; and
thus the practice of love becomes decent, safe and easy: so that a man
may possess his mistress without any visible inconvenience, and spend
all the money he has in the world without fear of brawls, duels, or
a roundhouse: not like the rude hectoring blades and prentices of a
certain _northern_ metropolis who are continually affronting the female
sex, with shocking words or scandalous actions.
Altho’ the commerce of love is here so regularly settled, yet there are
some jealousies now and then subsisting, which sometimes have ended
fatally. There was a story of this sort pretty fresh when I was at
_Lima_. A young lady had for some time, as she thought, been sovereign
mistress of her lover’s heart; but by cruel chance she found him in
company with another woman, and perhaps a handsome one. As _Shakespear_
says, _Trifles light as air are to the jealous confirmations strong_:
so she waited for no further proof of his infidelity, nor any excuse
for the wrong done her; but suddenly drew his dagger and dispatchd
him. She was soon confined and brought to tryal: and when every one
expected she would be cast for her life, her judges gave it this
turn, that it was not malice fore-thought, but excess of love that
prompted her to the rash deed. Whereupon she was acquitted: but the
nice casuists thought she should in honour have hangd her self. This
instance shews how sacred a thing love is there judged to be, tho’ in a
state of concubinage only. And the moral good or evil of some actions
are hard to be determined, while different governments have different
customs.
How agreeable soever these practices are to the _Creole Spaniards_,
yet they cause a great inconvenience to society: for the men are so
seriously taken up with their delicacies, that the women ingross most
of their time, and spoil all public conversation. For this reason there
are no taverns or coffee-houses, so that the men are only to be met
with at their offices or at church. They have a sort of playhouse where
the young gentlemen and students divert themselves after their fashion:
for what performances they have in the dramatical way are so mean, that
they are hardly worth mentioning, being scripture stories interwoven
with romance and obscenity.
It was at this theatre that two _English_ sailors of _monsieur
Martinet_’s squadron fought a prize a little before I came to _Lima_.
They first obtaind leave of the viceroy to exercise at the usual
weapons; and after the shew-day was fixt, most of the preceding time
was taken up with preparatory ceremonies to bring a good house. They
each traversed the town by beat of drum in their holland shirts and
ribands, saluting the spectators at their windows with a learned
flourish of the sword; so that by the extraordinary novelty and manner
of the thing, the whole city came to see the tryal of skill: some gave
gold, but few less than a dollar. When the company male and female was
close packt up together, the masters mounted the stage: and after the
usual compliment peculiar to the _English_ nation of shaking hands
before they quarel, they retired in great order and stood upon their
guard. Several bouts were playd without much wrath or damage: but the
design of this meeting being more to get money than cuts or credit, one
of the masters had the seasonable fortune to receive a small harm on
the breast, which having blooded his shirt began to make the combat
look terrible: whereupon the company fearing from such a dreadful
beginning that the zele of the champions might wax too intemperate; and
till they were reconciled, no man in the house was safe, unanimously
cryd out _basta, basta_, which signifys enough, enough; and so the
house broke up. The sailors finding this a better prize than any they
ever made at sea, humbly besought his excellency for another trial of
skill: but the viceroy and people were all against it, from a religious
objection which could never be got over; and that was, lest the fellows
should kill one another, die without absolution and be damnd.
While I was at _Lima_, I grew acquainted with one _monsieur Thaylet_,
a gentleman whose effects were seised by _Martinet_’s squadron, as an
interloper from St. _Malo_: after which he remaind in _Peru_, where
he was imployd by the government, he having been formerly commander
of several good ships. The first service he had, was to fetch the
bottle with instructions for _Shelvocke_, buryd by _Clipperton_
at _Fernandes_, p. 97 of this book. On his return with the said
instructions and the two men who deserted there, the viceroy willing
to incourage him, thought of another short expedition for him in the
same vessel; being an _English_ ketch of about sixty ton, and had
served captain _Martinet_ as a tender. The viceroy having lately
had certain notice by a _Spanish_ ship, that they accidentally made
an island in the _South-Seas_ till then unknown to them, tho’ markt
in several drafts by the name of _Solomon_’s island; it made his
excellency curious to persue the discovery. He thereupon orderd the
ketch to be fitted out for two months under _Thaylet_’s command; who
accordingly saild into ten degrees south, in which latitude the island
was said to lye. He cruised thereabout till his provision was nigh
expended; and returnd without success. However as the same account
came by two different ships who touchd there, the _Spaniards_ verily
believe there is such a place; for the men reported, that the natives,
as to their persons and behaviour, were much like the _Indians_ on
the continent; that they had many gold and silver things among them,
but that their language was new and unintelligible. The reason why
Mr. _Thaylet_ could not meet with _Solomon_’s island, might be from
the uncertainty of the latitude, and his inability of making further
search, being provided for only two months: for I have been informd
in _London_ that the said island or islands lye more southerly in the
_Pacific_ ocean than where they are laid down in the _Dutch_ maps. And
the two _Spaniards_ who had been there, were only small trading vessels
carryd thither by irregular currents; and could give no certain account
of the latitude, because they kept no reckoning.
To sum up this chapter, I shall only observe that the _Spanish
Peruvians_ are better seated for the happiness of this world, than any
people I know. If they are indolent, their great affluence makes them
so. If they are delicate, the kind serenity of the climate contributes
greatly to it. Much husbandry and labor is needless, where the whole
year is a fruitful spring. Indeed the _Nigros_ and _Indians_ do all the
work; for a white face is exemption enough from all labor and care. In
our unequal gloomy regions, many customs would be condemnd, which are
there the pure effect of nature: for the night and day make a happy
medium between cold and heat. Therefore, if the general bent of human
nature be for constant happiness and freedom from pain, the man of
pleasure must go to _Peru_, and make _Lima_ his temporal paradise.
[Illustration]
CHAP. III.
_Of the mines of_ Chili _and_ Peru; _and the method of working out
the_ gold _and_ silver _from the mass._
_Chili_ being the southermost division of the continent of _America_,
is therefore cooler than _Peru_; and perhaps would sute an _English_
constitution better. It is divided from _Peru_ at the tropic of
_Capricorn_; and is remarkable for that vast chain of mountains known
by the name of _Cordileer_, which coast along from _Magellan_ streights
up to the _istmus_ of _Darien_, being about 4000 mile. It is governd
by a lieutenant general, stiled _president_ of _Chili_, because he is
at the head of all civil affairs as well as military: nevertheless he
receives orders from the viceroy of _Peru_. The capital city is St.
_Jago_; it was founded in 1541, and is a copy of _Lima_.
I shall here entertain the reader chiefly with an extract from
_Frezier_’s voyage relating to the mines, and the manner of separating
the mineral from the earth. He undertook the _South-Sea_ voyage by
permission of king _Lewis_ the XIV^{th}, and was there about six years
before us, on purpose to make such discoveries, plans and observations
as he thought fit. His account, as it is good and intirely new, will
without doubt be agreeable to the curious reader:
In _Chili_, the mines which at present yield most gold, are about the
towns of _Conception_ and _Copiapo_; and the villages of _Tiltil_ and
_Lampanqui_ near _Valparaiso_; tho’ the whole mountains are more or
less impregnated with it. The silver mines of _Peru_ are at _Lipes_,
_Guaico_, _Iquic_ and St. _Anthony_: gold ones being very scarce in
that part of the continent. _Potosi_ has originally afforded such
surprising quantities of silver, that it has been proverbial for its
treasure: the town stands at the bottom of the famous mountain where
the mines lye, and is very populous. The country is obliged by the
king’s order to send a great number of _Indians_ yearly to work in
those mines; for all white faces are excused from servitude, and the
_Nigros_ are not able to work in them because the cold will kill them:
but they are imployd in all other business on the surface; so that the
native _Indians_ are only destined to this labour.
The _Corregidors_ or magistrates who overlook those _Indians_ appointed
to work in the mines, summon them to set out all together on a certain
day. They generally take their wives and children with them, who, with
tears in their eyes, leave their native homes, and travel unwillingly
on to the house of bondage. Many indeed forget their habitation, and
after the years end settle at _Potosi_, which is the chief reason that
town is so populous, and almost equals the city of _Lima_ as to its
number of inhabitants.
Tho’ the mines here are far diminisht in their produce, yet the
quantity of ore that has been already wrought, and lain many years upon
the surface, is thought capable to yield a second crop; and when I was
at _Lima_, they were actually turning it up, and new milling it with
great success: which is a proof that these minerals generate in the
earth like all other inanimate things. And it is likewise certain from
all accounts of the _Spaniards_, that gold and silver, as well as other
metals, are continually growing and forming themselves in the earth.
This opinion is verifyd by experience in the mountain of _Potosi_,
where several mines have fallen in and buryd the workmen with their
tools. After some years they have dug the same place, and discoverd
many bones and pieces of wood with veins of silver actually running
through them.
These mines belong to him who first discovers them. He immediately
presents a petition to the magistrates to have such a piece of earth
for his own; which is no sooner done than granted. They measure
eighty _Spanish_ yards in length and forty over, which is about two
hundred foot in length and one hundred in breadth, and yield it to
the discoverer; who chuses what space he thinks fit, and does what he
pleases with it. Then they measure just the same quantity for the king,
which is sold to the best bidders; there being many who are willing to
purchase a treasure which may prove inestimable. If any other person
has a mind to work part of the mine himself, he bargains with the
proprietor for a particular vein. All that such a one digs out is his
own, paying the king’s duty, which is for gold a 20th part, and for
silver a 5th: And some landlords are so well satisfyd with letting out
their ground and their mills, that they live upon the profit.
The mill for grinding and separating the gold from the ore is made
after the manner of our cyder mills. There is first a round stone
cistern about ten foot diameter, with a deep orbicular chanel at the
bottom. This stone cistern is bored in the middle to let thro’ the long
axil-tree of a horizontal wheel placed under it, and wider than the
cistern: the wheel is set round with half pitchers, that it may turn
as the water falls upon them. This wheel turning the axil, causes a
milstone to roll along edgeways by another spindle in the chanel of the
cistern above, which grinds the hard ore put in it.
When the stuff is a little broken, they put quick-silver to it, which
immediately clings to the gold, and leaves the dross: then they let
fall a stream of water, the force of which dissolves the earth, and
drives it out at a notch made for that purpose. The gold with the
mercury lyes at the bottom by its own weight; which, after they have
done work, they gather up and put into a linen bag to squeese out the
quick silver as well as they can: then they lay it to the fire, that
the remainder may evaporate. This is what they call _pinna_ gold, being
clung together like a pine apple; and when this is once melted, it
needs no more refining: so that a gold miner has a great advantage of a
silver one; for the mercury, adhering so naturally to the gold, leaves
all the dross immediately, and the workman knows every day what he
gets: whereas the silver miner can’t know till a month or two after.
The silver ore is ground as the gold aforementiond, or sometimes broke
with iron pounders of 200 weight to fall by a machine. But milling
being the usual way, they grind the ore with water, which makes first a
thin mud that runs out of the cistern into a receiver: whenas ’tis dry
pounded, it must be steept in water and moulded with the feet, which
occasions much more trouble.
The mud is disposed in square parcels of a hundred weight a piece, upon
a smooth floor made on purpose. On each of these they throw a great
quantity of salt, and mix it all together for two or three days; then
they sprinkle it equally with quicksilver, on each mass perhaps about
fifteen pound; for the richer it is, the more mercury it requires. An
_Indian_ moulds each of these squares seven or eight times a day, that
the mercury may incorporate. Sometimes the ore is greasy, and then they
put lime to it: wherein they are cautious; for it is very remarkable,
that sometimes it is so burnt with heat, that the mercury and silver
are both lost. Now and then they intermix a little lead to help the
operation of the quicksilver, which is but slow in cold weather. So
that at _Lipes_ and _Potosi_ they are a matter of six weeks kneading
the ore: and at _Puno_ particularly, they lay a brick pavement upon
arches, under which they make fires to help the works: but in other
countries they do it in eight or ten days.
When the workman thinks the mercury has attracted all the silver,
he takes out a little bit, and washes it in a basin. If the mercury
looks dark, the ore is too much heated; to remedy which, they add more
salt, which makes the quicksilver evaporate. If the mercury is white,
they squeeze a drop of it under the thumb: the silver sticks to the
skin, and the mercury slips away. This they find will do; so that
when all the silver is gatherd up by the mercury, they give the ore
three different washings: and when all the dross is gone, they put the
silver in a woollen bag, which they press between boards, to get the
quicksilver out. After ’tis hung up, draind and prest as much as they
can, they put it into a wooden mould, generally the form of a sugar
loaf, with thin copper plates at the bottom full of holes.
After taking off the moulds, these pieces are calld _pinnas_, which
are set upon a frame over an earthen vessel full of water coverd with
a cap, which they surround with lighted coals. When the mass grows
very hot, the quicksilver that still remains will come out in smoke,
which having no passage, circulates between the mass and the cap, till
descending to the water, it thickens and sinks to the bottom. Thus the
mercury loses but little, and will serve several times, tho’ there must
be a new supply because it grows weak with using.
According to _Acosta_, they use to spend 7000 hundred weight at
_Potosi_ in a year: by which one may judge what vast loads of silver
they got.
When the mercury is quite evaporated, the silver remains a spongey
hollow lump: and this is calld virgin silver; being pure and
unadulterated. All this according to law must be carryd to the mint,
and pay the fifth part to his majesty. There the silver is cast into
ingots or bars of different weight, about a foot long or more. These
bars which have paid the duty can have no fraud in them, but it may
be otherwise with the _pinnas_ uncast: for the maker often intermixes
iron or lead; therefore they should all be opend, and tryd by fire,
which would discover another cheat of wetting them, to make them heavy:
for their weight may be increased near a third part by dipping them
in water, when they are very hot. There are also different degrees
of fineness in the same piece, which might be found out: but the
_Spaniards_ not having convenient places to discover these frauds, and
not caring for it, they e’en let them go.
There are many sorts of silver ore, according to the different
consistence of the earth. Some is blackish mixt with iron, calld
_nigrillo_: another greenish of a copper mixture, calld _cobrisso_:
some white with real silver veins, calld _plata blanca_; and sometimes
the ore is black with lead particles, this is calld _plomo ronco_, and
is commonly the best: because instead of kneading it with quicksilver,
it may be melted in a fornace, and easily parted from the lead. The
old _Indians_ not having, or knowing the use of mercury, got all their
silver from these sort of mines; and having but little wood, used to
heat their fornaces with the leaves of plants, and the dung of their
sheep: they made their fornaces upon the mountains, that the wind might
pass thro’ and keep the fire strong. There is another brown ore like
this last mentiond, where the silver is not seen at all; but if wetted
and rubd against iron, it turns ruddy, calld _rosicler_, and yields
the finest of all silver. There is another sort calld _zaroche_ which
shines like isinglass; and the _paco_ soft and clayish, but neither of
them valuable. Lastly, there is a very choice ore found in one of the
mines of _Potosi_ containing many threads of pure silver, wound up like
lumps of burnt lace: this is calld _arana_, or spider, being something
like a cobweb.
At _Copiapo_ there are gold mines just behind the town, and all about
the country, which have brought many purchasers and workmen thither,
to the great damage of the _Indians_: for the _Spanish_ magistrates
take away not only their lands, but their horses, which they sell to
the new proprietors, under pretence of serving the king and improving
the settlement. Here is a great deal of _Magnet_ and _Lapis lazuli_
which the _Indians_ know not the value of: and some leagues in the
country there is plenty of saltpetre, which often lies an inch thick on
the ground. About 100 mile east upon the _Cordileer_ mountains, there
is a vein of sulphur two foot wide, so fine and pure that it needs
no cleaning. This part of the country is full of all sorts of mines;
but in other respects is so barren, that the natives fetch all their
subsistence from _Coquimbo_ and that way, being a mere desert for 300
mile together: and the earth abounds so much with salt and sulphur
that the mules often perish for want of grass and sweet water. There
is but one river in 200 mile, which the _Indians_ call _Ancalulac_,
or hypocrite, because it runs only from sun-rise to sun-set. This is
occasiond by the great quantity of snow melted from the _Cordileers_ in
the day time, which freezes again at night; where the cold is often so
great, that people’s features are quite distorted. Hence _Chili_ takes
its name, _Chile_ signifying cold in the _Indian_ language: and we
are certainly informd by the _Spanish_ historians, that some of their
countrymen and others, who first traded this way, died stiff with cold
upon their mules: for which reason the road is now always lower along
the coast.
The mine countries are all so cold and barren that the inhabitants get
most of their provision from the coast: this is caused by the salts
and sulphurs exhaled from the earth, which destroy the seed of all
vegetables. The _Spaniards_ who live thereabout find them so stifling,
that they drink often of the _mattea_ to moisten their mouths. The
mules that trip it nimbly over the mountains, are forced to walk gently
about the mines and stop often to fetch breath. If those vapours are so
strong without, what must they be within the mine it self, where if a
fresh man goes, he is suddenly benumbd with pain? and this is the case
of many a one; but the distemper seldom lasts above a day; and they
are not so affected the second time: But vapours have often burst out
so furiously, that workmen have been killd on the spot: so that one
way or other, multitudes of _Indians_ die in their calling. To fortify
themselves against the aforesaid steams, they are continually chewing
_coca_, a herb which is their common preservative.
An observation occurs here to my memory; that upon the road to _Piura_,
the night when we lay down to sleep, our mules went eagerly to search
for a certain root not unlike a parsnip, tho’ much bigger; which
affords a great deal of juice, and in such a sandy plain often serves
instead of water: but when the mules are very thirsty, and they can’t
easily rake up the root with their feet, they will stand over it and
bray till the _Indians_ come to their assistance.
Tho’ the gold mines are more peculiar to _Chili_, yet there are one
or two washing places for gold in the south of _Peru_ near _Chili_,
which I shall now speak of, being the next thing remarkable. About the
year 1709 there were two surprising large lumps of virgin gold found
in one of those places; one of which weighd thirty two pound complete,
and was purchased by the count _de Moncloa_ then viceroy of _Peru_ and
presented to the king of _Spain_. The other was shaped somewhat like an
oxe’s heart. It weighd twenty two pound and a half, and was bought by
the _corregidor_ of _Arica_.
To find these _lavaderos_ or washing places, they dig in the corners
of a little brook, where by certain tokens they judge the grains of
gold to lye. To help carry away the mud, they let a fresh stream into
it, and keep turning it up, that the current may send it along. When
they are come to the golden sand, they turn off the stream another
way, and dig with mattocks; and this earth they carry upon mules to
certain basins joynd together by small chanels. Into these they let a
smart stream of water to loosen the earth, and carry all the gross
part away, the _Indians_ standing in the basins and throwing out all
the stones. The gold at bottom is still mixt with a black sand, and
hardly to be seen till it is farther cleard and separated, which is
easily done. But these washing places differ, for in some there are
gold grains as big as bird shot: and in one belonging to the priests
near _Valparaiso_, some were found from two or three ounces to a pound
and half weight. This way of getting gold is much better than from the
mines: here is no need of iron crows, mills, or quicksilver; so that
both the trouble and expense are much less. The _Creolians_ are not
so curious in washing their gold as the people in _Europe_: but great
plenty makes them careless in that and many other articles.
There are abundance of iron mines in _Peru_ and _Chili_; besides lead,
tin and copper, which the _Spaniards_ intirely neglect, as not worth
their while to work them. Copper serves for a little kitchen furniture;
but most of their utensils are of silver, even those for vulgar uses.
About the town of _Coquimbo_ there is plenty of gold found in the
streams that come down from the mountains after the rain showers.
These showers are only at certain times of the year: but if they came
oftner, they would undoubtedly always have the same effect. And now I
speak of _Coquimbo_, it would be a fault not to mention the charms of
its scituation. It lies in the 30th degree south, a short mile from the
sea. It stands on a green rising ground about ten yards high, which
nature has regularly formd like a terras north and south in a direct
line of more than half a mile, turning at each end to the eastward.
The first street makes a delightful walk, having the prospect of the
country round it, and the bay before it. All this is sweetly placed in
a valley ever green, and waterd with a river, which having taken its
rise from among the mountains, flows through the vales and meadows in a
winding stream to the sea.
_Baldivia_, who built this town in the year 1544, to serve as a resting
place between _Chili_ and _Peru_, pleased with the beauty of the
scituation, and the happiness of the climate, calld it _la Serena_;
signifying tranquillity and mildness; which name it deserved more than
any place in the world. The whole country puts one in mind of the poets
golden age: there the sharp north winds never blow; and the heats are
fand with refreshing gales; so that the revolving year is only spring
and autumn joind together.
_Conception_ lies six degrees higher in a part of the country
abounding, like _Serena_, with all the comforts of life, as well as
inestimable mines of gold. At the king’s station a little to eastward
they have a washing-place, where they have got _pepitas_ or gold grains
of four pound weight: and these sort of washes are innumerable, but
remain as it were undiscovered thro’ negligence and incuriosity. The
_Cordileer_ mountains abound with hardly any thing else but minerals:
this is true of those which have been opend; and very likely all the
rest are so. About 300 miles inwards from _Conception_, there’s one
hill yields copper so remarkable, that _Melendes_ who discovered it,
found lumps weighing a hundred quintals a piece, each quintal being a
hundred weight. Mr. _Frezier_ says he saw one of forty quintals making
into six field pieces, six pounders each. Some are part copper and
part stone, which the inhabitants affirm do all in time breed and grow
intirely to copper. There is another hill adjoyning which is scarce any
thing but loadstone: and many of them afford sulphur and salt: About
the town it self there is pit-coal a few foot under ground. In the year
1510, many mines were found near the _Cordileer_ mountains, affording
at once gold, silver, copper, iron, lead and tin: which destroys the
notion, that different metals are never formd together in one mine.
About twenty mile to the eastward of _Serena_ are the washing places of
_Andacol_, whose gold is twenty three carats fine: and the inhabitants
all affirm that after seventy or eighty years they find them recruited
with gold as plentifully as at first. And the governer of _Coquimbo_ as
well as others have assured, that on the mountains the gold mines are
so numerous that, forty or fifty thousand men might easily be imployd:
but for want of hands, the king of _Spain_ must content himself without
the treasure.
Spain _in_ America _had two designs;
To plant the_ gospel _and to seise the_ mines:
_For where there is no real supply of wealth
Men’s souls are never worth the charge of health.
And had the kings of that new world been poor,
No_ Spaniard _twice had landed on their shore
’Twas gold the_ Pope’s _religion there that planted,
Which, if they had been poor, they still had wanted._
[Illustration]
CHAP. IV.
_Some account cf the origin of Metals, with various opinions
concerning their formation in the earth._
The old _Creolian Spaniards_, and some others imagine that this plenty
of gold in _Chili_ was occasiond by _Noah_’s flood, which threw down
the mountains, and broke up the mines, and washd away the gold into
the lower grounds where it now continues. But, besides the great
probability that that deluge was only upon the land of _Palestine_,
_Moses_’s history on which this fancy is founded, rather contradicts
it; and tells us that the deluge made very little alteration in
the surface of the earth. Besides, by all the late discoveries in
_America_, we are convinced that the mountains yield more gold than
the rivers. Common rains may send the gold to the lower parts: for in
_Chili_ the showers that fall from _May_ to _September_, are daily
making new gutters upon the hills, which bring down the golden grains
with them.
Without doubt earthquakes have made great alterations in this part
of the world; some of which, according to several historians, have
changd the scituation of mountains, and turnd rivers into lakes: and
some authors have supposed that these subversions have proceded from
an inward fermentation, which has burst open the hills, and forced the
minerals, before they were duly formd, into the water chanels where
they are so often found. Tho’ this does not at all answer how metals
are formd, yet great commotions have often happend in the bowels of the
earth, and put many things out of their natural position; particularly
shells, which in most countries have been found, sometimes in heaps,
and far enough from the sea where they were first formd.
The native _Indians_ believe that gold and silver breed in the earth
without any original vein; because after certain years the mines and
washing-places have afforded a perfect new supply; several instances
of which I have before mentiond. And it is undeniable, that in _Chili_
these _lavaderos_ are common in the low grounds, where infinite
treasure lies conceald for want of labourers: for the _Spaniards_ apply
chiefly where the profit is most obvious; and when any new mine is
sprung, they all flock thither.
I have been informd at _Lima_, that several _Frenchmen_, whose effects
were confiscated by his _Spanish_ majesty’s order for carrying on an
interloping trade between _France_ and _Chili_, have thought it better
to stay in the country at any rate than return home: and so made shift
to purchase a _Nigro_ or two, whom they imployd to fish for gold in
some of these washing places, which turnd to so good a profit that
they were inabled to settle in _Chili_. I spoke with two of them at
_Conception_. They told me they had but little trouble in doing of it;
that they us’d to watch for the showers, and then carry only a few
sieves to refine the earth. These places were chiefly at the small
cataracts and water-falls, where they told me they had often taken up
considerable grains of gold with their hands: but the _corregidors_
always take care they shall not grow too rich.
As for metals being formd by the sun; ’tis a weak notion and
sufficiently exploded. About forty years ago a violent lighting fell on
the _Illimanni_ mountain, which is between _Chili_ and _Peru_. Great
pieces and splinters thereof were found scatterd about the country, and
they were all plentifully veind with gold, tho’ the mountain is ever
known to be coverd with snow. Therefore that heat which is not strong
enough to thaw the snow, can never be able to generate and form gold in
the mountain under it.
But as those opinions are most rational, which are grounded on real
discoveries, one may find out a better way to account for this thing,
than any before mentiond: and from what has been said, fairly conclude,
that all metals are made and formd by subterraneous fires, which burn
as it were in a kiln, conveying their heat far and near through all
the passages of the earth, as well as the solid mass itself.
These fires are known to be in all the mine countries of _America_;
and may well be supposed to dwell in other parts yet unknown. This
intestine heat gives motion to the salts and sulphurs, being the chief
principles of metals. And tho’ their operation is incomprehensibly
different from all that we know or practise, yet may we form a notion,
that these spirituous vapours are forced by fire into the pores of
stone; where being condensed they insinuate themselves like veins,
extend and grow upwards to the surface.
* * * * *
I shall now collect some authorities to confirm the opinion that there
are a race of men in the world calld giants.
_Don Pedro Molina_ governer of _Chiloe_ and several other eye-witnesses
have affirmd that in the country behind the _Cordileer_ mountains,
there is a nation of Indians calld _Caucahues_, of an uncommon _size_,
being near four _varas_ or _Spanish_ yards high; which is ten foot
_English_. These are the people antient travelers speak of calld
_Patagonians_, who live on the eastern side, about 50 degrees south
latitude. I know this has been taken as a fable, because many ships
going down that way, have not chanced to see them; the men who appear
on the _Patagonian_ coast and in _Magellan_ straits being generally of
the common stature: and this is what deceived _Froger_ in his account
of _Degennes_ voyage; for some ships have seen both sorts at once.
In 1704, captain _Harrington_’s men belonging to a ship of St. _Malo_,
saw seven of these giants in _Gregory_’s bay. The crew of the St.
_Peter_, a ship of _Marseiles_ saw six of the same; among whom there
was one distinguisht from the rest by a net-work cap that he wore made
of birds entrails stuck round with feathers. Their garments were skins
with the hair inwards; and they all had bows with cases of arrows: they
helpd the sailors with their boat ashore, and gave them some of their
darts: the men offerd them bread, brandy and wine; but they refused
them all. The next day 200 of them appeard in a body. These men they
believed were more sensible of the cold, tho’ larger than others: for
the ordinary size people along that coast had only a single skin thrown
over their shoulders, whereas the others were cloathed.
* * * * *
_The following are Mr._ Frezier_’s words translated._
“What I here deliver on the testimony of creditable persons, is so
agreeable to what I read in many good voyages; that ’tis my opinion
there is much truth in it: and a man may believe there is a nation
of people in the southermost part of _America_, much exceding the
common proportion, without being thought fanciful: the time, place
and circumstances all agreeing, seem to carry a truth sufficient to
overcome the general opinion to the contrary. Perhaps the strangeness
of the sight may have caused their size to be somewhat magnifyd: but
if we consider the height of these men not actually measured, but only
ghest at, we shall find that travelers differ very little from each
other. To strengthen what I have advanced, the reader will excuse me if
I collect what I find in various authors upon this article.
“_Leonardo Argensola_ in the first chapter of his history of the
_Molucca_ islands, says that the same _Magellan_, in the straits that
bears his name, took some men who were fifteen spans, that is eleven
foot high: but they soon pined away and died. In the third chapter
he says that _Sarmiento_’s men fought with some of these people, who
were above three _Spanish_ yards high, that is above eight foot. They
repulsed the _Spaniards_ once: but being attackt the second time, they
took to their heels and run at so great a rate, that according to the
_Spanish_ saying, a bullet would not overtake them.
“There is something like this in _Sibald Dewert_’s voyage 1559, who
being at anchor in the _Green-Bay_ in _Magellan_ straits with five
ships, saw seven _Indian_ imbarkations full of giants; who they ghest
were ten or eleven foot high. The _Dutchmen_ fired at them and drove
them ashore, but they were so terrifyd at the fire arms, that they tore
up the trees to shelter themselves from the musket balls.
“_Oliver North_, who came there a few months after _Dewert_, tells us
that he saw giants ten or twelve foot high: tho’ he had seen other men
of the common size.
“_Spilbergen_, as he enterd _Magellan_ straits in 1615, saw on _Terra
del fogo_ a man of surprizing height got upon a rising ground to see
the ships go by.
“_Shouten_ in the same year being in _Port Desire_, his men went ashore
and found heaps of stones laid in such a form that they had a mind to
see what was under them: and they found bones of a human body between
ten and eleven foot long, that is nine or ten _English_ measure; to
which measure _North_’s account and _Dewert_’s must be reduced.
“Other authorities as well living as dead might be brought to justify
this relation: and tho’ some people have doubted it, yet the several
testimonies aforementiond, joind with the account of giants which we
have in holy scripture, should incline us to receive it for truth.”
* * * * *
_Frezier_ has a notion that the _Almighty_ framed at first three
different colors of men; _white_, _black_ and the dark _copper_,
which last is the hue of all the _Indians_ in _America_: and tho’
the holy scripture is silent as to the origin of these, yet he doubts
not that the _Nigros_ or _Blacks_ are children of _Cush Noah_’s
grandson, which is an _African_ word and signifies black. But however
piously affected he and others may be to that divine history, it is
impossible this way to account for the originals of people; or even
conjecture how this great extended continent was first planted: and
without admitting _Preadamites_ we shall meet with endless absurdities.
_Grotius_, who was hardly inferior to any man in wit and learning,
rather than disallow mankind’s beginning with _Adam_, would have it
that _America_ was peopled from _Norway_. The _Norwegians_ planted
_Iceland_; from thence came the _Greenlanders_, who overspread the
north-west islands; and so at last all _America_ came to be peopled.
But when one comes to consider, that the _Americans_ are no more like
the _Norwegians_ than the _Nigros_ are like the _Indians_; and that
in all respects the natives of this new world are quite different
from the other, that reasoning of _Grotius_ is weak and insufficient:
and had he lived to see the _Danish_ account of the _Greenlanders_
with other north discoveries, it would have confounded him; Moreover
’tis certain that the _Chilians_ never lived in a social manner like
other nations, but in single families only; nor have they any ideas of
God or religion in any kind, or the being of a soul, all which they
make a jest of. And tho’ it is said, that at the conquest of these
countries the _Spaniards_ found golden and other images in _Peru_,
which the _Indians_ used to worship; yet it’s probable they were made
only to represent some of their kings, whose memory they held in great
veneration. But as this subject requires a separate treatise rather
than a place in this book, I shall procede in my other design. And I
am persuaded that there must be some more divine influence than the
example and arguments of the priesthood, to produce among the _Indians_
so good as an effect a true belief of the _Gospel_.
CHAP. V.
_Observations on the_ Chili _trade._
The town of _St. Malo_ has always been noted for good privatiers. They
annoyd the _English_ and _Dutch_ very much in their trade during the
whole reign of king _William_, and part of queen _Anne_: and tho’ some
religious-headed people fancy that money got by privatiering won’t
prosper, yet I may venture to say the St. _Malo_ men are as rich and
florishing as any people in _France_. It has thrived so well with them,
that all their _South Sea_ trade is owing to their privatiering; and in
the late war they were so generous, that they made several free gifts
to _Lewis_ XIV. And tho’ our _English Admiralty_ always kept a stout
squadron cruising in the _Atlantic_ ocean, yet we never took one of
their _South-Seamen_; and my reason for it is this, they kept their
ships extremely clean, having ports to careen at which we did not think
of. For in the year 1709, when I belongd to his majesty’s ship the
_Loo_, being one of the convoys that year to _Newfoundland_, we saw
upon that coast a 50 gun ship, which we chased, and soon discoverd she
was _French_ built; but she crowded sail and left us in a very little
time. She had just been cleand at _Placentia_: and we might well wonder
to find such a ship in that part of the world, but were afterwards
informd by _French_ prisoners that she was a _South-Seaman_ bound to
St. _Malo_, with two or three million of dollars aboard; and was then
so trim, that she trusted to her heels and valued no body. By their
going so far to westward and northward withal, they had the advantage
of westerly winds, which seldom faild of sending them into soundings at
one spirt, if not quite home. But since _Placentia_ has been yielded
to _Great Britain_, they now make use of St. _Catharine_, the island
_Grande_ on the coast of _Brasil_, and _Martinico_ in the _West Indies_.
This trade succeded so well that they all fell into it, sending every
year a matter of twenty sail of ships: I my self saw eleven sail
together on the coast of _Chili_ in the year 21: among which were
several of 50 guns, and one that would mount 70 calld the _Flower de
Lis_, formerly a man of war. All this being contrary to the _Assiento_
treaty between _Spain_ and _Great Britain_, frequent memorials were
presented at _Madrid_: and the king of _Spain_ willing to keep up his
ingagements with _England_, resolved to gratify the _British_ court
by destroying the _French_ trade to the _South-Sea_. His _Catholic_
majesty knew there was no way to do this, but by a squadron of men of
war. He knew likewise that few of his own subjects were acquainted with
the navigation of _Cape Horne_, or could bear the extreme rigor of
the climate: therefore was obliged to make use of foreigners for this
expedition; and three of the four ships that he sent were mand with and
commanded by _Frenchmen_, according to the old saying, Set a thief to
catch a thief.
The first was the _Glocester_ of 50 guns and 400 men, formerly an
_English_ man of war: the second was the _Ruby_ 50 guns and 350 men
another _English_ ship: the third was a fregat of 40 guns and 200 men:
the fourth was the _Leon Franco_, a _Spanish_ man of war of 60 guns and
450 men all _Spaniards_. _Monsieur Martinet_ a _French_ gentleman was
commodore of this squadron, and commanded the _Glocester_: _Monsieur
La Jonquiere_ had the _Ruby_; the rest I forget. The _French_ performd
their navigation well enough, and got round the _Cape_ tho’ it was in
the middle of winter: but the last of the four being _Spaniards_, after
several attempts, could not weather _Cape Horne_, but was forced by
utter necessity to bear away back to the river of _Plate_, where at
last the ship was unfortunately cast away.
It looks here as if an experiment was made to see if the _Spaniards_
were hardy enough to go through that terrible navigation: but as they
have little or no trade into any cold climates, and unused to hard
work, ’tis no wonder they faild in that point. The _Biscayners_ indeed
are robust fellows enough, and if the _Leon Franco_ had been mand
with them, she had certainly doubled the cape with the other three
ships: but the _Spaniards_ in general, ever since their possessions in
_America_, are grown so delicate and indolent, that it would be hard to
find an intire ship’s company able to perform that navigation.
The great advantage of the trade of _Chili_ this way is so manifest,
that his _Catholic_ majesty is obliged by treaties to shut out all
nations from it as well as the _English_, tho’ he makes nothing of it
himself: and it’s very rare that a _Spanish_ ship has gone by _Cape
Horne_. From hence arises the extraordinary price all _European_ goods
fetch at _Chili_ and _Peru_: I have been told at _Lima_ that they often
are sold at 400 _per cent._ profit; and I may say the goods that are
carryd from _France_ by _Cape Horne_ are in themselves 50 _per cent._
better than those that go in the _Flota_ from _Cales_ to _Cartagena_,
or _La vera Cruz_: because the former are delivered fresh and undamaged
in six months; whereas the other are generally eighteen months before
they can come to _Chili_: so that the _French_, during the foresaid
interloping trade, made their markets, furnishd themselves with
provision, and got home again in twelve or fourteen months time.
When _Martinet_ arrived at _Chili_, in the year 17, with the king of
_Spain_’s commission to take or destroy all his countrymen that were
trading there clandestinly, he soon found imployment for his three
ships, the fourth being lost as aforesaid. And of fourteen sail of St.
_Malo_ men there was but one escaped him; she being landlockt in a
little creek, where she lay hid till he was got to leeward: after which
she weighd and came away with half her cargo unsold.
Tho’ all this was to execute the orders of his _Catholic_ majesty,
and doing a sensible pleasure to the _British South-Sea_ company: yet
the _Creole Spaniards_, especially the trading part of them, found
themselves almost ruind by it; because it hinderd the circulation of
money, and spoild business, so that they could not bear the sight of
the _French_ men of War, tho’ they liked the _French_ merchantmen well
enough. On the other hand, the _French_ imagining they had done the
_Spaniards_ effectual service, expected, no doubt, civil treatment
while they stayd among them. But as soon as _Martinet_ brought his
prizes into _Callao_, and the _Frenchmen_ had received their proper
shares, they forgetting the old antipathy of the _Spanish_ to the
_French_ nation, gave themselves extravagant airs ashore by frisking
and drinking that still incensed the _Creolians_ more against them,
who calld them _Gavachos_ and _Renegados_ for falling foul on their
own countrymen. From one thing or other their mutual quarels grew so
high that the _Frenchmen_ were forced to go in parties about _Lima_ and
_Callao_, the better to oppose public outrages and affronts. At last a
young gentleman, who was ensign aboard the _Ruby_ and nephew to captain
_Jonquiere_, was shot from a window in one of these frays; and the
malefactor took sanctuary in the great church at _Callao_. _Martinet_,
_Jonquiere_ and the other captain join in a petition to the viceroy,
that the murderer may be deliverd to justice: but the viceroy being an
archbishop would by no means violate mother church to humour any body.
Upon which they orderd all their men aboard by public beat of drum, and
brought their three ships with their broadsides to bear on the town of
_Callao_; threatning to demolish the houses and fortification, unless
the rogue was deliverd up or executed. All this blustering could not
prevail with the viceroy to give them any satisfaction, tho’ they
had several other men killd beside the gentleman. At last _Jonquiere_
unwilling to use extremities, and no longer able to bear the place
where his nephew was murderd; obtaind of his commodore _Martinet_, that
he might make the best of his way home.
About this time many fathers and other rich passengers were got
together at the town of _Conception_, intending when this squadron
came by, to take their passage to _Europe_: for they knew that all
ships bound by _Cape Horne_ must touch at _Conception_, or thereabouts,
for provision. Herein _Jonquiere_ got the whip hand of his commodore
having now the advantage of so many good passengers in his ship; for
as the king of _Spain_ has no officers at _Conception_ to register the
money shipt there, so it’s unknown what great sums these passengers
and missionaries put on board the _Ruby_. The reason why there are no
such officers, is because ’tis not worth while, all the money going the
north way to come home in the _Flota_.
By this opportunity the _padres_ and others gaind two great advantages;
first they were spared the trouble of a voyage to _Panama_ or
_Acapulco_; and thence traversing the continent to _Portobello_ or _La
vera cruz_, where they must expect to have had their coffers visited
to see if the _Indulto_ to his Majesty was fairly accounted for. And
then they saved every shilling of the said indulto or duty, because
the _Ruby_ touchd first in _France_, where no cognisance at all was to
be taken of the affair. So that as they saved one moiety of the duty
payable in _America_, they likewise got clear of the other payable in
_Spain_, because the ship arrived in _France_ where they put all their
money ashore.
There was on board the _Ruby_ beside these passengers money,
a considerable sum arising to his _Catholic_ majesty from the
confiscation of the thirteen interlopers taken by this squadron.
All which together I was well informd amounted to four million of
dollars aboard that ship. What a fine booty then have we missd, thro’
_Shelvocke_’s obstinate conduct? For when this same ship _Ruby_ found
us in the harbour of St. _Catherine_; _Jonquiere_’s company, as I said
in my first section, were so infirm, that he had not more than sixty
well men in 400 souls: so that he really was afraid of us; and would
not even send his boat ashore to the watering place, where we kept
guard, and our coopers and sailmakers were at work, till he had first
askd our captain leave. Nor is this at all strange, for understanding
we had a consort, he was really in pain all the time he was there,
lest the _Success_ should come in: and if _Shelvocke_ had not wilfully
lost company with _Clipperton_, and perversly determined never to
joyn him, which he might have done at _Canarie_, there is probability
enough that we should have met with _Jonquiere_ at sea, if not at _St.
Catherine_: then our business had been done for this time without going
any farther: and we were certainly able as it was, to carry the _Ruby_
our selves, had we known her condition.
After captain _Martinet_ had cleard the coasts of _Peru_ and _Chili_ of
his countrymen; he sent express with the news to _Madrid_ his brother
in law _monsieur de Grange_, who came by way of _Portobello_, _Jamaica_
and _London_. Upon delivering his message the king askd him, what he
should do for him. _De Grange_ humbly beggd, that his majesty would
please to give him the command of a ship to go round _cape Horne_
again. He accordingly had the _Zelerin_ of fifty guns. He came first
to _Cales_ where the ship was getting ready, but was surprizd to find
a very cold reception from the _French_ merchants and other gentlemen
of his acquaintance residing there, for as there were merchants of
several nations interested in the ships taken and confiscated as
aforesaid, they unanimously lookd upon him and all the _French_ aboard
that squadron to be false brethren for serving a foreign power to the
prejudice of their own countrymen: and while he expected a valuable
cargo consignd to himself, being what he aimd at, he found himself
quite disappointed; for no man would ship the value of a dollar with
him.
Captain _Fitzgerald_ who was then at _Cales_ seeing this, made him a
considerable proposal for the privilege of going his next officer,
and to take aboard what goods he could procure in his own name. _De
Grange_ being a little imbarrast accepted the offer, and obtaind from
court a commission for him as second captain. Accordingly they mand the
_Zelerin_ chiefly with _French_, and some _English_ seamen; and away
they went, getting very well round the _cape_. When our two privatiers
_Success_ and _Speedwel_ were known to be in the _South-Sea_, this
same ship _Zelerin_ was one of those commissiond by the viceroy of
_Peru_ to cruise for us. _Fitzgerald_ sold his goods at _Lima_ to great
advantage, where he continued, while _De Grange_ served as captain
under the admiral _Don Pedro Midranda_ who took me and the rest of us
prisoners.
The _St. Malo_ merchants, tho’ great sufferers by so many
confiscations, were not much discouraged; for in the year 20, we found
the _Solomon_ of _St. Malo_ carrying 40 guns and 150 men at _Hilo_ on
the coast of _Chili_ with several small _Spanish_ barks at her stern.
She sold her cargo in six weeks time, got a fresh supply of provision
and left the coast without interruption; for by this time _Martinet_’s
squadron was all come away. The _Solomon_’s good success gave them such
incouragement that they immediately fitted out fourteen sail together;
all which arrived in the _South-Sea_ beginning the year 1721: three of
whose commanders having the best acquaintance among the _Creolians_,
quickly sold their cargos and returnd home.
About this time the people of _Lima_ judged the _English_ privatiers
were gone off the coast, at least that no more hostilities would be
committed, because of the truce made between the two crowns. Whereupon
the three _Spanish_ men of war fitted out chiefly to cruise on us, were
orderd against these fresh interlopers. I was on board the _Advice_
boat calld the _Flying Fish_ in company with the said three men of war,
when they came up with the eleven sail of _St. Malo_ men altogether on
the coast of _Chili_; and instead of firing upon them, the _Spaniards_
joynd them like friends. The _French_ expecting to be attackt, kept all
together in a line and dared the men of war to begin. This to me seemd
new, that three such ships purposely fitted for this cruise, should on
their own coast decline doing their duty: for had they proved too weak
they had ports of their own under their lee. In short, the men of war
contented themselves to watch the others motion, keeping them always
in sight: and when any of the _French_ ships steerd to the shore, the
_Spaniards_ sent their pinnace or long boat with the _Spanish_ flag
hoisted; the sight of which effectually deterrd the _Creoles_ from
treating or trading with the _French_. Thus they made shift to hinder
all these ships disposing of their goods: except they were met by
chance at sea and sold some clandestinely. At length, being tired out,
the _Frenchmen_ got leave to take in provision, and went home with at
least half their goods unsold. Notwithstanding all this and the severe
edicts against it in _France_, I know they still continue the trade,
tho’ privately: nor is it probable they will ever leave off so sweet a
commerce, except some other power prevent it.
With these remarks I shall bring this book to a conclusion; having
indeavourd through the whole, to make all the subjects agreeable:
even the controversial part of it, as it was unavoidable, I hope is
inoffensive. After all my difficulties and sufferings, my personal pain
and anxiety of mind, I have one pleasure remaining; which is gratefully
to thank those gentlemen who used me and my ship-mates with great
kindness and generosity while it was our fate to be confined in so
remote a part of the world.
_Don Pedro Midranda_ the admiral who took us, used us with great
humanity, and permitted me to eat with him while aboard.
_Monsieur de Grange_ his second captain who gave me a whole sute of
apparel as soon as we were taken, having been stript by the soldiers
that first boarded us.
_Don Jeronimo Baldevieso_ and _Don Antonio Chierose_, who handsomly
entertaind three of us at _Piura_ at the admiral’s request, before we
were sent to _Lima_.
Captain _Nicholas Fitzgerald_ who passd his word for me at _Lima_;
entertaind me in his house; gave me money and all necessaries during
the eleven months I was there, and afterwards gave me and twenty more
our passage to _Cales_, and wages to those who workd.
_Don Juan Baptista Palacio_ a worthy _Spaniard_ of _Biscay_, knight of
the order of _St. James_, who came weekly to the prison at _Lima_, and
gave money to all our men as well as _Clipperton_’s, according to their
degree.
To captain _John Evers_ of the _Britannia_, who gave me his table and
my passage to _London_.
And to the following persons of honour and worth who presented me
ten guineas each upon my appearance in _London_, as a token of their
concern for my hardships.
The right honorable _Henry_ earl of _Lincoln_.
_Edward Hughes_ }
_William Sloper_ } Esquires.
_Alexander Strahan_ }
_Samuel Winder_ }
_Beake Winder_ }
_Henry Heal_ } Merchants.
_John Barnes_ }
_Humphry Thayer_ }
_Thomas Stratfield_ } Druggists.
Thus have I led my reader through the voyage.--When I first thought
of this work, I intended only to clear my self from the infamous
reflexions of captain _Shelvocke_; but being authorised by men of
worth and distinction, I determined not only to justify my self
and fellow-sufferers, but to give this full account of the whole
expedition: for _Shelvocke_’s is no account of the voyage at all, but
a libel invented to give a gloss to all his evil actions, and blind
those who knew nothing of the story. And tho’ the undertaking proved
abortive, ’tis fit mankind should know the true reason of it, and not
be deceived with base accounts to palliate base actions. Neither do I
think it should be any discouragement to a future subscription of this
kind; for the mistakes in this voyage may be of great use to others,
tho’ they have ruind some of us, and been injurious to all.
[Illustration]
[Illustration]
_An_ ACCOUNT _of the_ JESUITS settlement in the province of_
Paraguay _in south_ America.(_translated from the_ French.)
Tho’ many of the _European_ powers have planted colonies in _America_
since the _Spanish_ conquest, yet there never was in any country one
so remarkable, as the settlement of the jesuits in _Paraguay_: The
beginning of it was only about fifty families of _Indians_, which these
fathers collected together, and seated in the middle of the country:
since which it has multiplyd so fast, that there are now 300,000
families; which at the usual computation is two million of souls.
These possess some of the finest land on all the continent, lying
along the river _Paraguay_, between twenty and thirty degrees south
latitude; 600 mile north of _Buenos Ayres_; as much to the south of the
_Portuguese Paulists_, and 400 from the province of _Tucuman_: being
separated from _Chili_ by the _Cordileer_ mountains.
The jesuits have not been able yet to carry their mission farther among
the _Indians_ for want of more fathers: otherwise they could take in 5
or 600 mile of as good pasturage as the world affords. But the country
they now possess is as fruitful as any, and as well waterd; having
their meadows full of sheep and black cattle. They have also stock
enough of timber, corn, indigo, flax, cotton, sugar, pulse and fruit:
and what excels all this, they have mines of gold and silver tho’ the
good fathers won’t own it: however, there have been so many proofs of
it, that it is now indisputable.
The natives are good humourd, tractable and laborious; and by
management of the jesuits learn all useful trades. They are divided
into forty two parishes, which like towns lye five, ten and twenty mile
asunder. Every parish has a _Padre_ for their sovereign, who is obeyd
with exact fear and respect. He punishes every crime as he thinks fit:
so that he is both their absolute priest and king.
The common discipline is a certain number of stripes with a whip,
according to the nature of the transgression. The magistrates whom
they put in under them, are not excused from the same punishment:
but which is very particular, he that is soundly flogd comes humbly
and kisses the father’s sleeve, owns his fault and thanks him for
the chastisement. And this is the way one man governs seven or eight
thousand families: so that there never was a more complete dominion, or
a more passive, obedient people.
The same method is not only observed in all the parishes, but is also
attended with perfect satisfaction of mind. The _Indians_ are content
with food and rayment; and happy in their condition, tho’ the jesuits
intirely reap the fruit of all their labour. They are taught to expect
the felicities of another life, and stedfastly believe the reverend
fathers have the distribution of that happiness. There are warehouses
in each parish, where the people carry all their manufacture, goods and
provision: for they must not eat a chicken of their own, without it
comes in their daily allowance.
Next let it be considerd what vast profit these sovereign ecclesiastics
make of the work of such a multitude of hands. If it is only allowd
that each family brings them clear three pound a year: the total
produce of 300,000 families will be nine hundred thousand pound _per
annum_. Then consider the trade they have to all _Chili_, _Peru_ and
_Mexico_ for the herb _Camini_, or _Paraguay_ tea; where a prodigious
quantity is drank, and at a moderate computation brings them 200,000
pound a year, (all _East-India_ tea being there prohibited.) Their
other commodities must be likewise sold to good advantage; and the
gold dust which the _Indians_ gather up from the washes, when the
river waters have left them, is an unknown revenue. Nevertheless,
these fathers will tell ye, their gospel mission costs them a great
deal of money and pains, and that their income is inconsiderable: but
the jesuits gold and silver coind and uncoind, which comes every now
and then into _Europe_, the shining magnificence of their churches,
and their commerce, which is known to all the _Spaniards_ as well as
others, are demonstrations to the contrary.
’Tis not amiss here to describe the church and habitation of one of
those fathers, as it was related by two _Frenchmen_ belonging to a ship
of _Nants_ commanded by _monsieur d’Escaseau_.
When that ship set sail from the port of _Maldonad_ designing for
_France_, the said two _Frenchmen_ happend to be ashore; and at so
great a distance, that when they came down the boat was gone off
without them. One of these was captain of the small arms, and the other
a serjeant. Being at a loss what to do on a desert coast, they resolved
to advance up the country, and live upon what their muskets would bring
them. In three days they met _Indians_ with beads round their necks,
who kindly received them; and, understanding they were _French_, made
many signs of respect: for they are taught to love that nation and
distinguish them from all others.
They led them up to the _Mission_, several days journey from the
place where they met; and in their way lived upon wild cows, which
the _Indians_ catch when they please, by throwing a noose at ten or
fifteen yards distance so cleverly round their horns, that they easily
come to: which done, they hamstring them and cut their throats.
The _Frenchmen_ being arrived at the _Mission_, were handsomly
entertaind by the jesuit, lord of that parish; at whose apartment they
stayd four months without going once abroad. After this they returnd to
_Buenos Ayres_ under a guard of _Indians_.
The account they gave is as follows. That _Father_’s parish church
is long and spacious, enterd by a portico of several handsome steps;
and supported by eight columns of a good order and well wrought. Over
the door within is a gallery for the music in divine service, which
consists of sixty persons, voices and instruments. There are seats in
the church, where the men are placed according to their seniority and
office: the women sitting in a neat gallery by themselves. The great
altar is defended by a ballustrade of _India_ wood curiously turnd. The
military officers are placed on the right, and the _Caciques_ or civil
magistrates, on the left.
The back of the altar is very richly coverd. In the middle are three
large paintings, framed with solid gold and silver. Above these are
several gravings, and _base relieves_ in gold. The top is finisht with
wood-work richly wrought and gilt up to the roof. On either side the
altar is a wooden pedestal, plated at top with gold, upon which stand
two saints of solid silver. The tabernacle is gilt with gold; and
the _pyx_ wherein the host is kept is of solid gold, set round with
emeralds and other costly stones. The ends and foot of the altar are
hung with brocades fringed with gold. In short, the candlesticks and
other vessels of plate, with which the altar is drest in service time
amidst a great number of wax-lights, make a splendor beyond expression.
There are two small altars, on the right and left of the church, adornd
in proportion to the other: and in the middle towards the ballustrade,
is a large silver candlestick of thirty gilt branches, hanging from the
roof by a silver chain. By all which a man may form some idea of the
riches of that settlement, if the other parishes are like this, which
is very rational to believe.
The _presbytery_ or father’s dwelling consists of several rooms and
a hall furnisht with images and pictures, where the _Indians_ wait
the good father’s levee till he comes forth to give audience. These
lodgings are surrounded with green walks, gardens, and out-houses for
servants. The whole with the church making a large noble square and
walld in.
The forty two jesuits are independent of each other’s government; and
are answerable to no power on earth, but the principal of the convent
of _Cordova_ in _Tucuman_; who makes a general visitation once a year
through the _Mission_, attended by a numerous guard of horse. When he
arrives at the parish, the _Indians_ are to shew all respect and joy.
The magistrates approach him with fear, and a down cast head; while the
common people kneel, and cross their hands as he passes along. While he
stays in the _Mission_, every parish makes up the last year’s account
of their whole expense and income.
All their merchandizes are carryd by water to _Santa Fe_, which being
their great magazine, they keep there a general factor. from thence
they are carryd to _Buenos Ayres_ by land; where they appoint
another factor. From these chief towns they dispose of their goods to
the chapmen of _Peru_, _Chili_, and the three provinces of _Paraguay_,
_Buenos Ayres_ and _Tucuman_. And we may justly conclude, that this
_Mission_ of jesuits carries on more trade than the three provinces
together.
The business of the civil officers is to write down the number of
families, visit their houses, overlook their work, and deliver the
jesuits orders. And as kissing the father’s sleeve is counted an
earnest of their future immortal happiness, this welcome kiss is
promised them as a reward in this life for doing their duty and
minding their work. There are other task-masters for the country, to
whom they strictly declare the produce of every thing, even to an
egg; and are obliged, under certain penalties, to carry all into the
proper store-houses. Servants also are appointed to parcel out to each
family twice a week their allowance of provision: which is done with
surprizing order in the father’s presence. And tho’ these priests are
sufficiently paid for their care and vigilance; yet, to their praise it
must be ownd, they are indefatigable in their labor, to prevent the
people murmuring or misimploying their time. Formerly two jesuits were
in each parish; but since their great increase there is only one, till
they get more from _Europe_.
The _Indians_ are not sufferd to drink wine, or any spirituous liquor.
Herein the good priests copy the law of _Mahomet_, who likewise forbid
his disciples the use of wine; lest being spirited up, they should
rebel, shake off their yoke, and overturn the empire he had founded.
The jesuits marry their men and women young, to fulfil perhaps the
first commandment given to _Adam_, _Increase_ and _multiply_, or for
other wise ends. The first precepts the children learn, are to fear God
and the jesuit; to be humble and patient, and not in love with this
world.
As the civil government is well orderd, so is the military. Every
parish according to its power, is obliged to maintain some regiments
of horse and foot. Each regiment hath six companies of fifty men with
proper officers, and an adjutant who exercises them every sunday
evening. Those officers are traind up from father to son; so that the
military discipline becomes natural, and their forces march in great
order. For this reason the parishes have all an easy communication,
that their army may soon be formd under their proper commanders, of
whom one of the jesuits is generalissimo. Their small arms are swords,
muskets and slings; which last being natural to them, they can throw
heavy stones; and hit a mark at a great distance.
The whole _Mission_ can draw together 60,000 men in a week’s time.
Their pretense for keeping up so great a number is, because the
_Portuguese Paulists_ sometimes make excursions and take away their
people: but the _Spaniards_ laugh at this, well knowing that the
jesuits keep these standing forces to prevent any foreign power giving
disturbance to their colony.
Their omitting to teach the _Indians_ the _Spanish_ tongue, and
forbiding them to converse at all with that nation when they are
sometimes sent to work in the towns for the king of _Spain_’s service,
is plain they mean to keep their government to themselves. For when
any stranger, as these two _Frenchmen_, are driven there by accident,
they are shut up while they stay. And when the _Spaniards_ themselves
passing up the river _Paraguay_ have occasion to touch upon their
settlement, they dare not go beyond their church walls: and when they
beg leave to see the town, the jesuit is sure to walk with them, and
all the _Indians_ are taught to keep in, and shut their doors. They
have other precautions, one of which is, to send out good detachments
of troops to clear their frontiers from _St. Gabriel_’s isles to the
_Maldonad_ hills, and hinder all communication with their country, for
the sake of their gold and silver mines; of which we shall give two
instances. The _Falmouth_ of _St. Malo_ being lost in 1706 near the
_Flores_ islands, some of these troops plunderd part of her cargo;
which they afterwards restored by the interposition of the governer of
_Buenos Ayres_. Two years after this, the _Atlas_ was cast away at the
_Castiles_, and the crew having saved some of their best effects, were
marching over the country to the _Maldonades_, thinking to get home
again by sea; but were met by the _Indians_, who took all from them.
However, they had luckily buryd their silver upon the coast, to the
value of several thousand dollars, which they afterwards took along
with them.
At the foot of the _Maldonad_ mountains are good mines, which were
discoverd by _Pacheco_, who lived at _Buenos Ayres_ and was formerly
miner of _Potosi_ in _Peru_: they are about seventy mile from the
port, and forty from _Montevide_. The governer of _Buenos Ayres_ being
acquainted with it, sent workmen with _Pacheco_, who dug up the place
and returnd with a good quantity of gold ore. But _Valdes Inelau_
the governer being bribed by the father of the _Mission_, gave out
that he had made trial of the ore, and it would not answer the charge
and trouble. However _Pacheco_ kept what he had got, and saw it was
only a trick of the jesuits, to prevent any new settlement near their
dominions.
Some of the said ore was lately tryd in _France_, but yielded little,
being taken from neat the surface. But _Pacheco_, who is known to be as
good a miner as any, says, there is no richer earth in _America_ than
that place affords: and doubts not the rivers thereaway are fertile
of gold dust, as those near the _Paulists_. The young _Indians_ in the
parish of _St. Dominic_, have several times brought gold to _Buenos
Ayres_, which they got privately from the _Mission_; from whence we may
infer there is a good deal of it.
In the year 1706, the aforesaid _D’Escaseau_, being in _Maldonad_ port,
met with some of these _Indians_, who came in a small detachment to
drive some cattle up to the _Mission_. He talkd with them, and made
them a present. In return, they told him if he would go up the country
to a place they pointed at, he might get silver enough. The priests
have all along been jealous, lest the _Spaniards_ should find any of
these mines, because a settlement of that kind might be of dangerous
consequence: and they have taken care to clear the country on that side
of all cattle and provision whatsoever.
From the foregoing particulars, ’tis evident that the jesuits affect
sovereignty and arbitrary rule; and the three chief objects of their
desire are power, splendor and riches. Their method of educating and
governing their people, from whose industry arises all they enjoy,
allowing them the bare necessaries of life; their care to prevent any
communication with the _Spaniards_; their caution when any stranger
comes to their _Mission_ by accident; their standing forces, and
scowring their borders to prevent any new settlement near their limits;
are all manifest arguments that they design to continue independent:
and not only conceal what revenues they have, but many other advantages
they are not yet quite possest of.
Some casuists will say, that all these nations round _Paraguay_ belong
to his _Spanish_ majesty as king of the _Indies_; _Paraguay_ it self
being possest by the _Spaniards_ in 1540, and governd by the viceroy
of _Peru_. According to these gentlemen, the true divine right is the
right of conquest: so that all these _Indians_ are his natural born
subjects, and should obey him alone. They ought freely to parcel out
their land, and dispose of their own crop, and otherwise injoy the
fruit of their labor, whether in the mines or manufactures: this would
make it a regular colony, and cause a general circulation of trade and
money. Doubtless the poor _Indians_ would be glad of all this: but
the wise fathers argue a different way, That since they have got them
under subjection, and brought them into great rule and order, they have
at present a fair title to their allegiance: especially since all this
is done without cruelty or force of arms. ’Tis true, the _Indians_ can
call nothing their property, but give up all as the inheritance of two
and forty ecclesiastical kings ruling two million of good natured loyal
subjects.
We shall give one instance of the great authority of these fathers,
and the duty of their people. When the governer of _Buenos Ayres_
was orderd to besiege St. Gabriel belonging to the _Portuguese_, a
body of 4000 jesuit _Indians_ came to assist him. After lying a short
time before the town, the said governer orderd the attack at four in
the morning. The _Indians_ not receiving their orders from their own
commander, refused to obey; and threatend to revolt: whereupon the
right reverend general was acquainted with it, who not being yet come
from his tent, made haste to the army, and put himself at the head
of his forces: when the _Indians_ immediately formd themselves, and
executed his commands.
The jesuits ought to pay the king a yearly subsidy of so much a
head for every _Indian_ through their settlement, according to the
capitation tax. But this, if paid, is sufficiently returnd by the wages
the _Indians_ receive, when they work for the king, who at the year’s
end is often made debtor to the _Mission_. For, in the first place, the
jesuits dont give in the number of half their families to be taxt. Then
the governer of _Buenos Ayres_, who ought once in five years to visit
all their _Mission_, and take an exact list, is stopt in his journey,
and gratifyd for his trouble: so that he finds it better to take their
own list. And lastly, when 500 _Indians_ are imployd in the king’s
service, the good fathers charge him 1000.
Thus is his _Catholic_ majesty served, not only in the south _Indies_,
but in all other parts of _America_; where his revenues are half sunk
in feignd imployments and imaginary applications. As for the settlement
of the jesuits, I shall only make this observation upon it, That all
people are more naturally led than driven; and the same policy that
founded this government will probably maintain it, if the fathers keep
a succession out of their own society. If ever they make a present of
this colony to a foreign power, it must be that of _France_: for the
_Spaniards_ and _Portuguese_ are hated by all the _Americans_ for their
tyranny and pride: and no other _Romish_ power except _France_, would
be able to defend and support its title.
[Illustration]
_MEMORANDUM._
The circumstance of captain _Shelvocke_’s losing the _Speedwel_ at
_Fernandes_, and his building a bark out of the wreck, has been
received by some people as a most ingenious wonderful performance:
and has been the chief motive of such as never heard the like before,
to buy the book for the sake of that story. Therefore I thought it
proper here to mention, two particular facts of the same kind, tho’ far
superior to that of _Shelvocke_.
* * * * *
The one is of _John Oxenham_ of _Plymouth_, in queen _Elizabeth_’s
reign. When Sir _Francis Drake_ had made himself greatly famous for
his exploits against the _Spaniards_ in _America_, the affair at
that time being new, all people were speaking of _Drake_’s glory and
acquisitions. Mr. _Oxenham_ being a sprightly man, and emulous of doing
something very extraordinary, set on foot a subscription at _Plymouth_
to fit out a ship with seventy men to land at the istmus of _Darien_;
hide the ship and leave her there till he returnd; build another vessel
and cross the land by a river thereabouts, and so get at once into
the _South Sea_ and surprize the enemy: for he knew that to go by cape
_Horne_ was very hazardous, tedious and chargeable, especially in
those days. This, tho’ it might seem a strange project and like a wild
chimera, yet ’tis certain he performd it: he left the ship a ground at
_Darien_; coverd her with trees; went inland to a river which leads
into the south ocean; built a bark there 45 foot by the keel, and saild
into the _South Sea_, where he made several rich prizes. However he
afterwards lost them all with his life by the artifices of a lady whom
he took prisoner. If the reader is curious, he may find it at length in
_Hacluit_. Sir _Richard Hawkins_ also has it in his _South Sea_ journal.
* * * * *
The other is an example in the reign of king _Charles_ I. After several
experiments were made to find a northwest passage to the _East-indies_,
captain _James_ a very skilful navigator was sent also upon the same
errand: and discoverd more land which he called new _South Wales_. He
wanderd up and down those seas in vain; and then winterd at a place
called by him _Charleton_ island, in 52 degrees. His ship having all
this time received great damage, he there built a pinnace out of the
said ship; and he with his people returnd in it to _England_. See the
journal printed by the king’s command 1633.
If these facts are examined together, besides many that I could mention
done by the buccaniers, pyrates and others, captain _Shelvocke_ will
appear to have done nothing at all to boast of: neither can his
performance hardly bear a comparison.
_FINIS._
Transcriber’s Note:
Page iv, Errata incorporated into book.
Obvious printer errors corrected silently.
Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation are as in the original.
End of Project Gutenberg's A Voyage Round The World, by William Betagh