3. “For these twenty four hours strong gales of wind and cloudy

weather: this afternoon at one anchor’d in thirty one fathom; small

stones and shells. Point _Middleton_ W. by S. two leagues, and the

point of St. _Jerom_’s found N. W. by W. four mile: the tide run two

knots and a half. At five in the afternoon, being high water, sounded

in twenty seven fathom, at ten, forty five fathom, at twelve, forty

five fathom, the ship having tail’d out. At four in the morning we

found she drove: brought the cable to the capston and hove; but the

tide running strong to leeward, and a fresh gale, she drove very fast:

so that half past five we were forced to cut away the anchor with half

the cable: and before we could get our sails set we were just aboard

_Prince Rupert_’s island, having fifty fathom close to the side of it:

but our sails filling, we had the good fortune to run off; and were

forced quite back to _Point Gallant_ bay, where we anchor’d in fourteen

fathom.”

5. “These twenty four hours strong gusts of wind, with much snow and

rain. At night dy’d Mr. _John Crawford_: several more fall ill: captain

_Shelvocke_ has many curses: at six forenoon our pinnace was sent

ashore to get greens and other refreshments for the sick men. Winds at

W. and N. W.”

7. “These twenty four hours strong squalls of winds: lowered our fore

and main yards, at three this afternoon moor’d the ship. Mr. _William

Pridham_ our master gunner departed this life: buried one _Thomas

Oldfield_.”

8. “These twenty four hours pretty moderate weather: at four this

afternoon got up our lower yards: at eleven this morning we buried our

gunner ashore, under a triple discharge of our small arms: and had an

end of a strong plank drove down at the head of his grave, inscribed

with his name, the ship’s name, with the month and year.”

10. “Squally weather with snow. At two this morning lower’d our yards

again: at five _Francis Doyle_, one of our marines, died. The pinnace

kept constantly imploy’d in fetching muscles and other shellfish: and

the wild sellery, already mentioned, being the only eatable we can yet

discover.”

11. “Moderate gales and hazy weather, with snow. At three this

afternoon clear’d the hause: at seven this morning got up the yards

again; this day put our ships company to shorter allowance of six to

two, _i. e._ one piece of beef or pork for six men.”

17. “At eight in the forenoon weighed again, and at noon anchor’d in

_York Road_, which is the same place we were drove out from when we

lost our anchor; it is gravelly ground: _Point Middleton_ W. S. W.

three leagues, _Cape Quad_ W. by S. five leagues.”

18. “Hazey weather with rain and snow. At half an hour past nine this

evening the ship drove, it being loose sandy ground; hove up the anchor

and stood into the bay. At eleven anchor’d in eight fathom: our buoy

being staved, weighed the best bower to bend another, and so let it

drop again. Moor’d: winds at W. N. W.”

20. “This morning captain _Mitchel_ and lieutenant _Davison_ went in

the pinnace to _Terra del Fuego_ or the south shore, in order to make

a discovery of the passage that the _French Tartan_ is said to have

went thro’ into the _South-Sea, May 1713_, and to see if there was any

anchoring beyond _Cape Quad_; being furnish’d with all necessaries for

that purpose.”

29. “The pinnace return’d, having found the passage thro’ which the

_Tartan_ pass’d, but so narrow, that it was judged hazardous to go far

that way: but their provisions fell short, and that place affording no

manner of supply, they were forced to return before they could satisfy

themselves throughly: yet they found several good bays to the N. W. of

_Cape Quad_ to anchor in. The _Indians_ gave them a seal, which they

broyled and roasted, and said it eat as well as any venison.”

_August 1._ “Captain _Mitchel_, with three more of our officers took

the pinnace at six this forenoon, and resolve this time to inform

themselves of the truth concerning the passage already mentioned into

the _South-Sea_, and see if ’twere practicable for us to go through.

Our other boats go a wooding and watering. This morning died _Thomas

Parry_ corporal of marines.”

5. “Captain _Mitchel_ returns: but found no such passage to go thro’

into the _South-Sea_, as Monsieur _Frezier_ would make us believe. It’s

true they found a narrow streight which led them into a spacious bay

full of ice: but no passage through.”

I shall transcribe no more from _Taylor_’s journal of what happen’d to

them in these streights: what I have taken is for the information of my

seafaring reader, and to shew him the many fatigues that _Clipperton_’s

men were harrassed with in mooring and unmooring; their struggling

with contrary winds and currents; the loss of their anchor, and their

narrowly escaping a shipwreck against _Rupert_’s island: all which

will easily convince him that to go through _le Mair_ streights and

round _Cape Horne_, is the safest and shortest navigation: Besides,

the _French_, who have carried on a constant trade to those seas for

almost thirty years, have always chosen it: add to this that captain

_Clipperton_’s endeavours to find out the passage through _Terra del

Fuego_, talked of by _Frezier_, demonstrate that he would gladly have

been out of the streights as soon as he could: but _Mitchel_, who was a

good seaman and curious enough, having made two essays, which took him

up a fortnight, returned without finding any new passage: so that it’s

very doubtful whether any _Tartan_, or other imbarkation ever past that

way; tho’ _Frezier_ has fondly imagined it a new discovery, and has

marked it in his chart, which also is faulty in other respects.

_August 18._ Captain _Clipperton_ got out of the streights of

_Magellan_, proceding directly towards _Fernandes_, lat. 33 : 30 S.

being the third and last place of rendezvous, where he arrives on the

7th of _September 1719_. According to his instructions he stays here

a month for _Shelvocke_, and if he had stay’d four, he must then have

gone without him. Captain _Clipperton_ not being able to conjecture

what was become of the _Speedwel_, gives her up for lost: however,

before he weighed he sent captain _Mitchel_ ashore to set up a cross,

burying at the foot thereof a bottle, wherein was a letter for captain

_Shelvocke_, directing another place of rendezvous and some proper

signals to know each other at sea: but fearing that two of his men who

had there deserted and absconded in the woods, might mischievously take

down the said cross; he had his own name and _Magee_’s the surgeon,

carv’d in the bark of one of the largest trees first presenting it self

at landing.

_Taylor_’s Journal _Sept. 8. 1719_. “This being the last place of

rendezvous to meet with or hear of the _Speedwel_: we find no signal

nor footsteps of her; which gives us all no small uneasiness.”

---- 9. “At eight this morning sent sixteen men ashore: three of them

die soon after they land, cursing _Shelvocke_ with their dying breath,

for running away with our wine and brandy. The truth of it is, our case

is deplorable enough; for we have not a drop of either to chear the

languishing spirits of our sick men: and we that at present, through

the providence of the Almighty, injoy our health, cannot help being

dejected to think how soon it may come to our turns to be taken with

sickness.”

14. “Uncertain weather with rain. This day our boats bring eighteen

goats aboard: sent ashore for some salt; our men having found here a

good quantity ready made, which was left by some of the _French_ ships

who often touch here.”

28. “We continue to get our wood and water aboard, and our ship in a

posture for sailing.”

_Oct. 6._ “Moderate gales of wind and fine weather. Captain _Mitchel_

with some more of our officers go in the pinnace to the east part of

the island to look four of our men, who have absented a fortnight: two

of which men they found in the custody of our goat hunters, having

met with them when in persuit of their game, saying they had greater

difficulty in securing these fellows, than in killing double the number

of goats: for at first they were forced to fire several times at them

before they would surrender. They told our men that for the first five

days they were hard put to’t, being forced to subsist wholly on the

cabbage-trees, of which here is great plenty; but that having by good

fortune one night found some fire that was left by our hunters, it

served them in good stead, for they could then dress their fish and

fill their bellies. Our pinnace is sent ashore to launch the longboat.

Salted more fish, and brought off four cask more of seal.”

7. “Got all our people off the island into the launch, with most of

the things we had on shore; leaving the two men that run away to take

possession of _Alexander Selkirk_’s habitation, who was taken off this

desolate place by captain _Rogers_ in 1709; after having liv’d here

above four years alone. Captain _Mitchel_ goes ashore to set up a cross

with a bottle buried at the foot of it, wherein is a letter for captain

_Shelvocke_. At five this morning unmoord, and at eight weighed.”

The names carved as aforesaid on the bark of the tree stood thus, as I

saw them.

Captain _John ----_

_W. Magee._

1719.

The reason why _Clipperton_’s surname is omitted, was because he was

well known in the _South-Seas_: and if any _Spaniards_ or _French_ who

occasionally touch there had seen it, the discovery of the name might

probably have alarmd the coast of _Chili_ and _Peru_.

This done, captain _Clipperton_ holds his course to the norward, soon

arriving in the parallel of _Lima_: which being the chief scene of

action, he stands off and on at a convenient distance, to prevent being

descryed from the shore; where he had cruised but a small time, before

he made himself master of several prizes: but necessity obliging him to

send at least two officers, besides a sufficient number of his men on

board each prize, it weaken’d him very much, so that he soon grasped

more than he could hold. Add to this the low condition of his men,

both by sickness and a reduction of their allowance that they were not

overable to work the ship; besides the loss of thirty men, who dyed

between the equator and this place. The misfortune of all this will

best be seen in what follows: for in _November_ the _Success_ giving

chase to a fresh sail a head, the last taken prize was run away with by

the _Spaniards_, who by stratagem got the better of the few _English_

that were put aboard her in a hurry: while the enemy, with manifest

risque of their own lives, ran their ship ashore among the rocks, and

alarmd all the coast.

--Here follow _Taylor_’s own words.

_Success_, _November_ the 20th. “Fresh gales and fair weather.

Yesterday at three in the afternoon we were surprized to see that when

we made the signal to tack and stand off from the land, our last taken

prize instead of observing the same, made sail for the shore as fast as

she could, she being then the sternmost and nearest the shore, while we

stand off, having another sail in view.”

21. “Little winds and fair weather. At three this afternoon finding

the pink that yesterday stood in for the shore was run away with by

the _Spaniards_, we begin to think it now full time to send all the

_Spanish_ prisoners ashore, as well to save our provision, as to let

the _Spaniards_ ashore have early notice of our good treatment towards

those we had taken; that our men may be used after the same manner.”

From this period, therefore, I date the breaking of our scheme, and

the ruin of our voyage; of both which captain _Shelvocke_ was intirely

the author. This I need not labour to prove, because it’s manifest if

_Shelvocke_ had joyned _Clipperton_, and been here at his duty, the

loss of this prize had not happened; or which is infinitely worse, the

alarming of the _Spaniards_: upon whose security the greatest hope of

our enterprize was founded.

From this misfortune of _Clipperton_ on the coast of _Peru_, and

the wilful mismanagement of _Shelvocke_ in rousing all the coast of

_Chili_, a stop was put to the success of both our ships, and the

consequence was an imbargo laid by the Viceroy of _Peru_, which was

enough to check all our growing wishes and expectations. Here then

we must a while leave captain _Clipperton_, who could do nothing

effectually without the assistance of our ship, which he now thought

had quite deserted him, or was cast away: and if the _Speedwel_ had

joyned him, his prizes could not have grown so numerous: for ’twas

designed, that one of the ships should carry the captures to the desert

islands to leeward, where the prisoners might have subsisted on their

own provisions; we sinking the first taken ships, to leave them no

opportunity of alarming the coast, ’till the work were done, and our

fortunes made. According to _Clipperton_’s own scheme, who projected

and commanded this voyage, our greatest dependance was in this

parallel: _Lima_ being the grand mart of all trade and business carryed

on from _North_ to _South_ on this vastly extended rich continent.

Here I think it worth observing that captain _Clipperton_ can no

way deserve censure in his conduct, having hitherto, tho’ under a

hard lot, acted justly and prudently: but what can be the merits of

captain _Shelvocke_, who after providentially escaping the violent

tempest at first setting out, makes his own ill use of it, and would

never again endeavour to meet his consort; but shun’d it with all

the craft imaginable? What recompense can _Shelvocke_ make for the

indecent censures and cruel reflexions thrown upon the memory of the

dead? Certainly _Clipperton_ deserved better from a man to whose

wilful mismanagement all his misfortunes are justly imputed: and ’tis

no wonder, if he took to drinking, after having miscarryed in three

voyages to the _South-Seas_: the two first by circumvention of the

_Spaniards_, and this last by the treachery of one who should have been

his consort and friend: ’tis what we see daily in people undone by

the baseness of men and the frowns of fortune. As to the humanity of

our two commanders, there is certainly this difference between them;

_Shelvocke_ took care on all occasions, to risque the lives of his men

that few might remain witnesses of his falshood, and the dividends of

those who did survive might rise in greater proportion: for out of his

106 men carryed from _Plymouth_, he brought only 25 to _China_; whereas

_Clipperton_ brought most of his thither; and behaved with generosity

and good temper, witness his concern for his men, who were run away

with in the prize lately mentioned, and his good treatment of the

enemy; since he did not care how soon the _Spaniards_ went ashore to

give what account they thought fit of him.

The contrivance by which the _Spaniards_ got their ship again, was

thus. The _Spanish_ captain seeing by the number of prizes then in

the custody of captain _Clipperton_ that he could not spare many of

his hands to put aboard the pink, which already had above a dozen

passengers, besides the ship’s company: the master of the _Rosary_

privately bid the passengers hide themselves in the hold with the

countermaster or boatswain who was a _Frenchman_, ordering them

upon a signal agreed on, to seize as many of the _Englishmen_, as

should happen to go into the hold; and this plot they believed would

succede as the lieutenant drew nearer and nearer to board them; for

_Serjeantson_ had but seven or eight men with him. The lieutenant

upon his boarding the prize, ordered all that appeared to him, such

as _Indians_, _Nigros_ and seamen to go into the great cabin, except

the captain and pilot, and then placed a centinel at the door. When

he thought he had effectually secur’d his prisoners, he gave orders

to hoist the topsails and stand for the commodore: then apprehending

no danger, the men heedlesly went down to see what there was aboard.

The passengers who were secretly in the hold surprized the men,

knocking some of them down with billets of wood: the prisoners in

the cabin immediately rushed on the centinel and disarmed him. The

master or pilot, according to the sign, coming at the same time behind

_Serjeantson_ knocked him down likewise, and ordered them all to be

bound; tho’ none were killed as _Serjeantson_ informed me, whom I

afterwards found a prisoner at _Lima_.

The _Spaniard_ thus regain’d the possession of his ship; but did

not long injoy her; for eagerly running her ashore, he lost her on

the rocks, and narrowly escaped with his life: then setting the

_Englishmen_ free from their bonds, they all got ashore as well as they

could, the _Spaniards_ taking them prisoners the nearest way to _Lima_.

The viceroy of _Peru_ understanding what the _Spanish_ captain had

done, order’d a new ship to be built for him at _Guiaquil_, and a

general tax among the traders to pay the value of her, as a reward for

the service he had done the public. One of _Clipperton_’s men upon

examination declared all he knew of our designs in this voyage: and

upon these occasions, there is seldom one wanting who will tell any

thing to merit what favour he can. Among other discoveries, the viceroy

is informed of the cross and bottle at _Fernandes_, with the written

signals for captain _Shelvocke_, and that two of _Clipperton_’s men had

deserted there: upon which he immediately sends out a small vessel to

fetch the two men, and the bottle containing the signals.

We return now to _Shelvocke_ whom we left in the bay of _Conception_

treating with the governer about the ransom of the two ships: but our

captain finding he was only trifled with, thought fit to burn the two

ships there in the harbour: upon which I shall only observe, that it

was a very extravagant humour: for one of the ships, the St. _Fermin_,

he owns _p._ 153, was the best fitted out of any of the _Peruvian_

traders, and _p._ 104, he says the loss of his anchor at _Chiloe_ was

one of the greatest damages he could have sustained: therefore ’tis

much that a man of his pretended knowledge could not save an anchor

and cable to supply the former loss of his own: the neglect of which

appeared sufficiently afterwards.

After he had set fire to the ships, he took along with him the

fruit bark, upon which he orders a deck to be made, calling her the

_Mercury_: (an odd name for a vessel that could neither sail nor row)

and away we procede towards _John Fernandes_.

In our way thither, the prize and plunder money of the St. _Fermin_

was distributed; and here he says _p._ 157, that captain _Betagh_

indeavours to raise a mutiny but fails in the attempt. Particularly,

that I opposed the owners having part of any thing but what was upon

freight or mention’d in the bills of lading; and thus he runs off

two pages of mere scandal, as if I only was uneasy, whereas all our

officers had convincing proofs of his bad principles as well as I. I

might have said in common talk among our selves, that I always thought

wearing apparel found in chests between decks, should be deemed fair

plunder: and may be it is so. Is it just therefore, that what a man

delivers as private opinion only, shall afterwards be reap’d up and

call’d mutiny; especially by one who has made every thing plunder, and

ruin’d and destroy’d near a hundred men in the voyage? But this man is

perpetually blaming every body but himself to screen his own villanies.

_Jan. 17^{19}/_{20}._ We arrive at _Fernandes_, where Mr. _Brook_ being the

first officer that landed, immediately saw Captain _John_ ---- and _W.

Magee_ cut in the tree-bark as aforesaid: upon the news of which every

body seemed to rejoyce, but our worthy captain, who would have it an

invention of _Brook_’s, for which he used him scurvily before all the

company, telling him ’twas a lie. It’s very strange a man can’t believe

his own eyes, or would feign a thing of this nature, which any one

going ashore might be convinced of in a moment: but _Shelvocke_ hated

the mention of it, and feared the truth of it, lest his whole company

would be impatient, and persuade him without delay to go to leeward

and joyn his consort. _Brook_ had hitherto been a great favourite with

_Shelvocke_, but for this unwelcome discovery he is now put upon the

black list, as by the sequel will appear.

I shall quote our author’s own words, _p._ 160. “Some of my men

accidentally saw the word _Magee_, which was the name of _Clipperton_’s

surgeon, and captain _John_ cut out under it upon a tree, but no

directions left, as was agreed on by him in his instructions to me. His

actions being thus grosly repugnant to his instructions, it was evident

that he never meant I should keep him company, or ever joyn with him

again.”

Now this is so notorious a falsehood, that every step of captain

_Clipperton_ shews the contrary, and proves you the greatest impostor

that can be: your very wording of it, shews to what mean shifts you are

reduced. Why must it be, _accidentally_ saw the word _Magee_? Was it a

meteor that vanished after the first appearance? or if the men did see

it by chance, are you so simple to persuade us it was cut in the tree

by chance? And then to say _Magee_ was first, and the captains name

under it, is not the contrary more probable? Besides, we all saw the

captain’s name first: and this is only a stupid indeavour to degrade

him. As for the directions agreed upon, they were buryed in the ground,

and discovered to the viceroy who sent for them as I said before; and

tho’ _Shelvocke_ was ignorant of this at _Fernandes_; yet, at the

writing of his book, he well knew it: and therefore the coarse language

he gives _Clipperton_ as above, makes himself appear a worse wretch

than I expected.

After this, instead of going directly to leeward to meet with the

_Success_, he must needs have another touch with the shore; and

accordingly steers away to _Arica_, sending the _Mercury_ along shore

before him, which took a bark laden with cormorants dung (used there as

manure) the owner of which came on board us in the night, and informed

us that one of _Clipperton_’s prizes had alarmed the whole coast, and

that two _Spanish_ men of war were fitted out from _Lima_ in quest of

us: and this is what we believed _Shelvocke_ knew before, by letters

taken in the St. _Fermin_. Here he puts four quarter deck guns into

the _Mercury_, and hawling her pretty near the shore, gets into her,

with my self, Mr. _Stewart_, three more officers, and a few men: then

bringing the _Speedwel_ and _Mercury_’s broadside to bear on the town,

he begins _Quixot_ like to canonade it; which really had no other

effect than to scare away the women and children: for the men contrary

to our expectation assembled on the naked beach, and suddenly erected a

good breastwork of stones and what rubbish they could find, gallantly

standing our fire: but the swell giving us some motion, we could not

bring our guns to bear so as to dislodge any of them. _Shelvocke_

being tired with destroying his munition, sends an _Indian_ prisoner

under a flag of truce to demand of the town what they would please to

give to be rid of us; and tho’ he says nothing of this, _p._ 167, the

_Indian_ leap’d out of the boat, swiming through the terrible breakers,

which made landing there impossible; delivers his message, and returns

faithfully the same way to the boat with answer, That they car’d not

a fig for any such _borracho_; that is drunkard, the most contemptuous

name they make use of. Upon which our captain called for his pinnace,

and taking _Stewart_ with him, goes aboard in a pet; but left the rest

of us to unmoor the _Mercury_, and carry her out into the road. At his

getting into the boat, not as he says at his departure, the inhabitants

gave us a regular hedge fire, and three huzzas, or horse laughs. To

confirm what I said about the strict prohibition of ransoming; the

owner of the dung bark was forced to do it by stratagem, coming in the

night with his money, being 1300 dollars, and pray’d us to carry her

three or four mile out, and then turn her adrift, that the bargain

might be a secret, or look as if she was not worth our keeping.

_Shelvocke_’s aversion to journal-keeping was so great, that I cannot

help inserting the following memorandum to confirm it. One Mr.

_Hamilton_ our ensign, a gentleman of a good family in _Scotland_, had

a mind, tho’ he was no seaman, to keep a journal for his amusement; and

upon taking this bark he enters it thus in his book.

_Feb. 5th. 1720._ “This geud day we a taen a sma vashel lodded wi

turd.” This humour causing some laughter in the steerage, _Shelvocke_

lent his son _George_ to inquire the meaning of that uproar. Upon

_George_’s report, the captain came down and asked _Hamilton_ what

business he had to keep a journal? adding that he was a sawcy fellow,

and there should be no pen and ink work aboard his ship: so that he was

oblig’d ever after, like _Shelvocke_, to keep his account by dint of

memory.

From _Arica_ we sail down along shore, and now _Shelvocke_ enters

vigorously upon his own project; which was effectually to rid himself

of his officers, having been often heard to say, he hated so many

captains. He knew by _Rogers_ his journal, that all the merchantmen in

those seas are man’d with _Indians_ or _Nigros_; with which he could

easily supply any loss of his own men; and which, far from demanding

any share of prize money, would sell for money in another part of the

world. Whereupon he sends away fifteen of us in the _Mercury_, seven

of which were officers, just in the mouth of the enemy, in the very

track of their ships; and with a moral certainty of being taken, if

not destroyed, for cruising on their own coast, and in one of their

own bottoms. It is very remarkable that one of this ill fated company

should be the boatswain, who is always look’d on as the most necessary

officer to be left in a ship; the good order of the men depending as

much upon him, as the captain himself: and a boatswain was never sent a

cruising in this world before. His name was _Nicholas Laming_, a good

man, and a good officer. After we were taken prisoners, he died on the

road with the great fatigue of his journey.

To put this man’s wickedness yet in a dearer light, give me leave

thus fairly to describe the _Mercury_. She was really nothing but a

lighter; was built and always imploy’d as such; tho’ not quite so heavy

or strong as those in the _Thames_: for as the _Spaniards_ have no

wharves, cranes, or carts to load their vessels with in that country;

so she differ’d from our lighters, only by being a small matter

slighter and shallower, the better to run into shoal water; where the

_Nigros_ and _Indians_ do the office of cranes and horses, by wading

deep in the water to load her. He built a deck upon her as high as the

gunnel, fix’d a mast in her, and then put a gang of his ships oars into

her: one of which I measur’d, finding it thirty three foot in length,

and so heavy that no less than three men could row with one of them:

beckets having been fix’d to the looms for the easier managing of them.

Now I appeal to any impartial judge of a ship or bark, how it was

possible for the men, if standing, to row with such an oar in such a

vessel: for they must at each stroke indanger their knuckles against

the deck before the blade could be raised out of the water: and if

sitting, ’tis still worse, because there’s no foot-hold; moreover the

man at the handle could not extend his arms to fetch a stroke. Then

if we consider her as to her sailing, she would go well enough right

afore it, provided it blew strong enough: but upon a wind, the meanest

capacity may imagine what she could do, as having no gripp of the water.

In this notable imbarkation were we sent to seek our fortunes; and I

believe ours to be the first company that ever was order’d to cruise

in a lighter. This being the last time he was likely to have the

pleasure of using me ill, he resolved to do it in a manner peculiar to

himself: all the rest having the favour of knowing their orders an hour

or two before. Immediately upon my receiving the message, that I must

go in the _Mercury_, I went down to lash my hammack in the _Speedwel_:

then taking my money bag out of my chest, I seal’d and deliver’d it

to Mr. _Hendrie_ then our purser, telling him I expected no account

of it, till it pleased God we met in _England_. _Shelvocke_ who had

set a spy to watch my words and looks, now calls up all hands, and

ask’d them if they thought they were going for a sacrifice, using me

in a manner too scandalous to be recorded. After this, our commander

captain _Hatley_ and the rest of us got into the vessel and put off,

steering along shore to the _northward_. We cruised four or five days

and landed twice at the isle of _Lobos_, where _Shelvocke_ promis’d to

leave instructions, but we found none: and if he intended we should

joyn him again, he would have told us his design of going in to plunder

the little town of _Payta_, where we could easily have joyn’d him,

having the rich prize (as he calls her) twelve days in our hands before

we were all taken. During our cruise, we took one small bark tho’ he

says two, p. 177, and that of no value: after which we took an old

_English_ pink bound from _Panama_ to _Lima_, which _Shelvocke_ says

at random was worth 150000 dollars, tho’ he never saw the vessel, or

knew what was in her: and I am sure we found no money at all aboard

her; for she was bound in her ballast with a small parcel of pedlary

ware from _Panama_ to _Lima_: but were it from _Lima_ to _Panama_ there

probably had been money in her. We all got aboard the prize, except

a hand or two left to take care of the _Mercury_, and kept cruising

between _Lobos_ and cape _Blanco_; and while we hop’d to be taken up by

our faithful commander _Shelvocke_, we fell into the hands of one of

the _Spanish_ cruisers of 30 guns, called the _Brilliant_: which after

we struck, continu’d their fire into the _Mercury_ ’till they destroyed

her, tho’ the men very providentially escaped and were made prisoners

with us. As soon as the _Spaniards_ boarded the said pink to strip and

rifle us, about ninety six moidores taken from the _Portuguese_ off

cape _Frio_ were found upon _Hatley_, for which he indeed was us’d but

scurvily--And this is the fair light I promised, p. 30. when I was

treating of this story before.

After leaving us, the next thing remarkable is his long story of

escaping the _Peregrine_ a _Spanish_ man of war at _Payta_: which

account as it is a wild story full of abominable romance and vain

glory, I shall answer it particularly: for _Hatley_ and all of us were

sufficiently inform’d of the whole affair, as soon as we were set

ashore at _Payta_, which was in a day or two after this thing happen’d.

_Shelvocke_ to magnify his own exploits, does well to magnify the

force of his enemy. He says, the _Peregrine_ had upwards of 450 men,

and mounted 56 guns: I will allow him that she carry’d 40, but never

more; for I was aboard her afterwards at _Lima_; and I believe when

he met with her, she had 350 men aboard, but such a mixt crew of

ignorant creatures, that I am certain twenty expert seamen would do

more execution than all they together. As for the commander of her,

whom _Shelvocke_ calls an admiral, he was a _Creolian_, a mere fresh

waterman, who never saw any action before: and as for the people aboard

him, they were composed of _Nigros_, _Mestizos_ and _Indians_; besides

which there were not above a dozen white faces in all: for this ship

was purposely design’d to carry the late viceroy prince _Santo Bueno_,

his family and retinue to _Acapulco_; but in the mean time order’d a

short cruise on the coast. She sail’d so heavy that the _Spaniards_

never expected she would be of any use against the _English_

privatiers: and for that reason, put all their good able men aboard the

other three cruisers, the _Zelerin_, _Brilliant_ and _San Francisco_,

which were light ships and good sailers. The _Peregrine_ was so unable

and unwilling too, that if she had not found the _Speedwel_ in harbour,

she would never have follow’d her to sea; for we were told at _Payta_,

that the first fire from the _Speedwel_ terrify’d the enemy so very

much, that they could not tell whether they were really dead or alive.

They all immediately ran from their quarters, and the very steersman

who had the helm, quitted it: so that the ship which was then close

hawl’d standing in, came with her head sails in the wind, and muzzled

her self; that is, she lay bobbing up and down, with her sails flapping

against the mast: and how could it be otherwise, where there was only a

few good officers among a mere mob of black people fear’d out of their

wits. The commander and his officers did what they could to bring them

to their duty: they beat them, swore at them, and prick’d them in the

buttocks, but all would not do; for the poor devils were resolved to be

frighted: most of them run quite down in the hold, while others were

upon their knees praying the saints for deliverance. The _Speedwel_ did

not fire above eight or nine guns; and as they were found sufficient,

_Shelvocke_ had no reason to waste his powder: but ’tis plain the

_Peregrine_ might easily have run him aboard, if there had been but

a few good seamen to stand by the bowlines and braces. However, this

panic of theirs gave _Shelvocke_ a fair opportunity to get his men

aboard, cut his cable, and go away right afore the wind. This is the

plain truth of the matter, which every body was agreed in: for I heard

of it at several places; tho’ _Shelvocke_ has cook’d up a formal story

of a desperate ingagement to deceive those who knew him not, into a

wondrous opinion of his conduct. He talks of his ship being greatly

shatter’d in the fight, and several of the enemy kill’d; but ’tis all

bluster: there was not a drop of blood spilt: for if the _Peregrine_

did fire a few guns, their confusion prevented them doing any mischief.

And _Shelvocke_’s killing some of the enemy is very unlikely, when so

many of them run down and hid themselves.

’Tis impossible for words to express the baseness of captain

_Shelvocke_ in puting together so much reproachful language utterly

void of truth and reason, as there is from p. 176 to 180. All the

malice of his book is here sum’d up in a body. He says I mutinied about

going into the _Mercury_, and insinuates that I threaten’d his life.

This is a very poor charge of his, after contriving so plausible a

scheme to destroy us. But I remember I answer’d these words p. 53, when

we had just doubled cape _Horne_. As for his accusation of mutiny, ’tis

as weak as the other: for tho’ ’tis evident we were deliver’d up as a

prey, yet _Shelvocke_ had gone such lengths with us, that he would

call even a wry face mutiny: and my whole account of his transactions

is full of answer to this sort of calumny. Then he says I prevail’d

on _Hatley_ to run away with the prize, plying him with liquor for

that purpose: and runs on a long formal story of the wickedness of

this thing, when I have made it plain she had no money, or any thing

valuable aboard. Does not _Shelvocke_’s great ignorance in these facts

demonstrate that these false accounts in his book were all invented

here at home?

After this he accuses me with discovering to the enemy the secrets of

our expedition, for which I was us’d respectfully, and made an officer.

It must be great weakness in _Shelvocke_ to fancy he had any secrets

to discover, after he had alarm’d all the coast himself: besides the

_Spaniards_ knew well enough what we came there for; therefore ’tis

childish to talk of secrets: indeed _Shelvocke_ kept his own private

designs a secret from us, which I dare say was no intention of the

voyage; and I could not have known the places of rendezvous, without

the help of Mr. _Taylor_’s journal. The reason of my being us’d

respectfully is this.--_Don Pedro Midranda_, the admiral who took

us, had a personal esteem for Sir _Charles Wager_, and I have reason

to believe was formerly his prisoner. The _Spanish_ admiral had been

treated with great candour and generosity by Sir _Charles_: and upon

examination, finding that I gave a good account of Sir _Charles_, he

was pleas’d to shew us great favours for his sake. It was owing to

this, that I and all but captain _Hatley_ met with kind treatment:

for my own part, I had the honour to eat at his table all the time we

were aboard; where he seldom fail’d to toast Sir _Charles Wager_, at

every meal. Then it’s plain the aforesaid guilt of _Hatley_’s made that

difference between him and the rest.

He says I was made an officer, and that I desired of my new captain, if

we had the good luck to take _Shelvocke_, I might have the honour of

boarding him first.

After such vile procedings, by my troth I believe no body would think

it an honour to board captain _Shelvocke_: but I deny that I ever

said so, and whatever any of us said, he can only ghess at it. ’Tis

certain we had reason to think and speak ill enough of him; since it

was evident he got rid of us to serve a turn. However, as we were now

treated much civiler than it was in _Shelvocke_’s nature to allow of;

I frankly own there was not a man among us, but would gladly have seen

him fall into the same admiral’s hands: for in a very few days after

this, _Shelvocke_ rids himself of eleven more of his men, whom he sent

under _James Hopkins_, one of his mates, aboard an empty bark not worth

a groat, which he calls the St. _David_, p. 180, leaving them to shift

for themselves, with no more than a week’s provision: after which they

were compell’d to surrender among the _Indians_: and one of them, _John

Gundy_, born at _Plymouth_ dock, had his throat cut for not stripping

immediately: the rest I saw prisoners with us at _Lima_. _Shelvocke_

is modestly silent upon this article, saying only, p. 187, that he was

oblig’d to leave the St. _David_ to cruise off _Payta_: but not a word

of the mate and his ten men.

As to my being an officer in the king of _Spain_’s service, ’tis mere

scandal and nonsense; for if I had acted in that station in a time of

war between the two crowns, ’tis very improbable I would venture home

so soon, being the first of the prisoners who appear’d in _England_.

Indeed we all, except _Hatley_, had our passage to _Cales_ in a

_Spanish_ advice-boat, call’d the _Flying-fish_. Mr. _Pressick_ our

surgeon’s mate, acted as surgeon in her, receiving wages; and so did

all our men, being releas’d from prison to help navigate the vessel

home. For my part, as I was well treated, I would not eat the bread of

idleness, but kept my watch as other officers did; and pray where’s

the harm of all this; tho’ _Shelvocke_ and his blunderbuss of a son,

have had the stupidity to call it treason? And it must appear a very

malicious charge, as well as an ignorant one, that after a man has been

driven amongst the enemy, he must be call’d a traytor for being us’d

kindly and accepting his passage back again; that because I was not

murdered there, I ought to be executed at home. This is _Shelvocke_’s

great christianity and good conscience.

Lastly, he accuses me of being of a nation and religion which the

_Spaniards_ are fond of.

In the first place, captain _Shelvocke_ is very ill bred, to make any

national reflexions at all; and then very ignorant not to know, they

are never allow’d as argument. If he means I am an _Irishman_, I am

well enough pleased to own it: not forgeting that his Majesty has many

loyal subjects of that kingdom, in the state, church, navy and army.

If by the other reflexion he means my religion to be of the _Romish_

church; I shall make this answer to it. That it certainly is the

religion my parents design’d I should be of: but when I came to riper

years and better understanding, I made use of that liberty which God

has given all mankind, to make such confession of faith as is most

agreeable to holy scripture and right reason.

Thus determin’d, I took the oaths above twenty years ago; by which I

quitted the _Romish_ faith, and abjur’d all papal authority in these

kingdoms: I did all that is requir’d in those cases, and therefore

’tis needless to say more. Consequent to this I had the imployment

of a purser in the navy, which I held some years; having before that

served in several other inferiour capacities. I have continued ever

since a lawful member of the church of _England_; What pretense then

can _Shelvocke_ have to persecute me in this unjust public manner, and

charge me with the popish religion; especially after he has cruelly

forc’d me among the most rigid professors of it?

But if he means by this accusation to make me appear as a disaffected

person, I hope he will be mistaken: for I never drank the _Pretender_’s

health, tho’ _Shelvocke_ made a constant practice of it, and every

tenth of _June_ proposed it in an open manner; constraining some to

do it, and using others ill who had spirit enough to refuse it. In

what light then shall I place this _Shelvocke_, to make his infamy

truly appear? A man who hath solemnly taken the oaths of allegiance,

abjuration and supremacy, with king _George_’s commission in his

pocket, commander of above a hundred men, to whom he should appear

an example of goodness and loyalty, and in a public time of war to

drink the _Pretender_’s health, and command his men to do the same,

is an instance of such perjur’d villainy, as can never be exceded!

Considering I am a seafaring man, ’tis for my credit that _Shelvocke_

will allow me to be of any religion: and I am really sorry I cannot

return him the complement; but he has made such an abandon’d wretch of

himself, that I am persuaded mankind will say ’tis better to have some

religion than none at all. For after a man has broke thro’ oaths, which

I call sacred ingagements, and violated all moral virtues, by which

he was bound to promote the interest of us and our owners; what idea

can we have of him? when thus he stands guilty of treachery, cruelty,

perjury, ill-nature and ill-manners; you cannot call him a _christian_,

and he is far short of a _mahometan_ both in faith and practice.

Here I take leave of my noble captain _Shelvocke_, being quite

separated from him, as he intended; and now forced to submit to

the _Spaniard_, which however prov’d the fairer enemy of the two.

Henceforth therefore, I must trace him by the help of _Taylor_’s

journal, and the concurring evidence of those whose hard lot it was to

remain under his command: while I go back to captain _Clipperton_, whom

I shall, in as brief a manner as possible, bring to the end of his

voyage, which also ended his life. He staid his month for _Shelvocke_

at _Fernandes_, as I observed before: the account of his progress and

actions after that, I will impartially transcribe from _Taylor_’s

journal, as I find it.

[Illustration]

[Illustration]

SECTION II.

_Success Oct. 20, 1719._

“This day a paper was fixt upon the main-mast, declaring what should

and should not be deemed plunder.

“The man who first spys a sail, proving a prize, to have five dollars

for every hundred ton the prize measures.

“Every man aboard a prize found drunk, or in any indecent act with a

white or black woman, to be punished according to the nature of his

offense.

“Every man, of whatsoever degree, concealing any money, or other thing

above the value of half a dollar, shall forfeit his share of such

prize, and twenty dollars out of his share in the next that shall be

taken. The variation by an amplitude taken this day in latitude 15 39

S. is 9″ : 20 N. E.”

25. “We this day arrive in the latitude of _Lima_, our cruising

station; where we brought to, and lay under our topsails till four in

the morning: then made sail, and at seven chased a small vessel, which

we came up with at eleven, being a snow of about forty ton, laden with

sand and rubbish for manure. She was navigated by seven _Indians_ and

two _Nigros_: her master was left sick ashore. They would not give us

any intelligence. We found nothing aboard her worth the trouble of

carrying away, except two jarrs of eggs, two of molosses, and a couple

of dollars.”

28. “At one afternoon make a sail. At two are a long-side of her, being

a ship of about 150 ton, call’d the St. _Vincent_, with wood from

_Guiaquil_. There are two fryars, sixteen _Indians_ and four _Nigros_

aboard.”

30. “At four afternoon made a good sail, which we came not up with

till eleven at night: she is a pretty large ship, of at least 400 ton,

from _Panama_ for _Lima_, having a good many passengers aboard. She

is called the _Trinity_, and was taken by captain _Rogers_ when he

plunder’d _Guiaquil_, 1709.”

_Nov. 2._ “This afternoon at one saw a sail: at three came up with her,

being a vessel of about seventy ton, bound from _Lima_ to _Panama_; she

has on board the countess of _Laguna_, and several other passengers,

a good deal of ready money, and at least 400 jars of wine and brandy,

being two articles we much wanted. Our captain asks the lady whether

she will come aboard the _Success_, or remain in the prize. She chuses

the later. He sends a marine officer with a guard to take care she be

not molested by any of our men, and that none enter her cabin but her

own domestics, or such as she allows of. Mr. _Godfrey_, our agent,

went aboard the prizes, carrying to each a couple of jars of wine and

brandy, which was a very acceptable present.”

18. “At seven this morning we saw a sail: at eleven she became our

prize, proving to be a _London_ built pink of about 200 ton from

_Panama_ for _Lima_, with wood, of little value: but they tell us of

two rich ships from _Lima_ coming this way; and that there are two

_Spanish_ men of war of fifty and thirty guns, fitted out in quest of

us.”

This being the prize that was run away with by stratagem _Nov. 20_, I

need not repeat it. Turn back to p. 91 and 95.

24. “This afternoon we took a prize call’d the _Cayetan_, of about 200

tons, laden with wood from _Panama_ for _Lima_: she has aboard forty

_Nigros_ and thirty _Spaniards_, most of them passengers.”

27. “Anchor at the isle of _Plate_ with our three prizes. Our captain

being now under some apprehensions of the enemy’s men of war, which

we know are clean, and fitted out on purpose to destroy or bring us

in; begins to think that his cruising without a second, will turn but

to little account: resolves therefore to make the most of what he has

got; which consisteth chiefly of _European_ goods found in the prizes

already taken. And being well assured the _Spaniards_ dare not purchase

them by reason of a strict prohibition from the king of _Spain_, he

puts a handsome cargo of ten thousand pound or upwards, aboard the

lady’s bark now call’d the _Chichly_; and appoints captain _Mitchel_

commander of her, and to dispose of them to the best advantage on

the coast of _Brasil_. He mounts her with eight guns, puts aboard

thirteen _Englishmen_ and ten _Nigros_, with what provision and other

necessaries he can spare him. Captain _Mitchel_ at parting gave us

three cheers, which was answer’d by the _Success_. Here our captain

discharges the other two prizes after rummaging them of all we wanted,

and gave them to the _Spaniards_; reserving the _Nigros_, and the

captain of one of them for our pilot. We ply to windward again to come

into our station.”

_Decemb._ 12th. 1719. “We saw a sail about five in the evening, and

at seven took her. She is called the _Rose_, bound from _Cheripe_ for

_Panama_, laden with provisions. Our launch and pinnace were all day

imploy’d in bringing on board the flower, and other provisions in order

to discharge her. Having got as much flower out of her as we could well

stow away, we cut her mainmast by the board, lest she should overset,

and so let her go. These prisoners inform us, that our men who were

taken by the _Spaniards_ were sent to _Lima_ by land. Here we continue

to cruise, standing off all day, and towards the shore at night: but

nothing happens till

27th. “Anchor in _Guanchaco Bay_ in nine fathom clay ground, and find

two ships at anchor. We fire a shot at each: but they make no return:

send our boats aboard: but found them abandon’d, and could discover

that all the loading had just been taken out, and nothing left aboard,

except some bread, and a few jars of water. We hung out a flag of

truce, and fired two guns at half an hour’s interval, hoping they

would come aboard to ransom their ships. They answer’d us from shore;

but seeing no boat coming to us, we fired again, and remain here till

next day, when seeing it was in vain to wait any longer, and that they

would neither ransom nor beg their ships, we pull’d down the flag, and

set the ships a fire. At eight forenoon, the church of _Guanchaco_

bore E. 3 leagues, from whence I take my departure, latitude 8 : 10

S. designing for the _Gallipagos_. The currents here set much to the

northward.”

_January_ 9th. 1720. “Arrive at duke of York’s island being one of the

_Gallipagos_. Here we scrub and clean our ship, and refresh our selves

with tortoise: after visiting some more of these islands, we steer away

to the northward.”

21. Made a’sail: sent our pinnace a head to keep sight of the chase,

by making false fires: at eleven at night came up with her, and on

our firing a gun she brought to, being a ship from _Panama_, having

on board the marquiss _de Villa Roche_ president at _Panama_, and his

family bound for _Lima_, called the _Prince Eugene_. This is the same

ship in which captain _Clipperton_ was circumvented and taken in his

late voyage in these seas, when he received but indifferent treatment

from the said marquiss at _Panama_, before whom he was carry’d.”

22. “Mr. _Davison_ our first lieutenant was sent to command the prize;

and I was order’d his assistant. At eight in the morning the pinnace

came aboard to search for treasure: at eleven returned, carrying the

marquiss, and what else they found most valuable. Nothing remarkable

happens till,

_February_ 26th. “We are plying to windward in our cruising station

with the last mention’d prize. A _Spaniard_ who was accidentally

wounded at the taking of her, dying last night of his wound, his

countrymen desired he might he bury’d after their custom and

formalities; which was granted them. When they ended their prayers, the

corpse which lay ready on a gratin with a good bag of ballast ty’d at

the feet, was thrown over board: but to the admiration of every one,

the body floated, and continued so till we sailed quite from the sight

of it. The marquiss _de Villa Roche_ being present said, it was very

portentous, and that some surprizing accident must be the consequence.”

“Upon throwing the corpse into the water, the _Spanish_ custom is to

cry aloud _Bon Viaje_ three times, that is, a good voyage. This day

took an observation in latitude 11 : 50 N: the current here sets very

strong to windward.”

_March 8._ “We made the island of _Port Velas_ latitude 10 : 30 N:

the next day anchor’d in thirty fathom. We find here a good watering

place. The _padre_ and boatswain of the _Prince Eugene_ come aboard to

be examined, as likewise the marquiss to dine: the father and boatswain

being desirous to go ashore, they have leave, on condition they will

indeavour to persuade the people to drive some cattle to the shore, and

spare what provision they can in exchange for what we have aboard.”

_March_ 13th. “Our launch being near the shore, where runs a great

sea, she was hove along, soon fill’d and sunk. By this accident we

lost two men, _John Trumbal_ serjeant of marines, and _Roger Pengelly_

gunner’s mate. And here the wonderful perfection of the _Nigros_ is

most remarkable: all the rest of the men got ashore, when one of our

_Nigros_ stripping himself, takes a rope’s end, dived, and slung the

boat: after which we hawld her up and towd her aboard, very little

damaged.”

_March_ 16th. “The _padre_ and countermaster return with some natives,

bringing four head of black cattle, some fowl, and fruit, as a present

for the marquiss; but told our captain, that their _alcalde_ or

governer could not allow us to trade with him. They give us an account

of captain _Mitchel_, who put in here to water, and say that his

men shot some of their young bulls: but that 200 of the inhabitants

appearing under arms, he thought it best to go away. We doubt not

of his being here, because we have seen some shirts and wearables

of _Mitchel_’s men. The next day the marquiss writes letters ashore

privately, to stir up the people to surprize our men at the watering,

and secure the boats. These with other mischievous letters wrote to

_Lima_ were stopp’d by Mr. _Godfrey_ our owners agent, who finding

them in an _Indian_’s hand ashore, sent them to captain _Clipperton_,

who now debars the marquiss the use of pen and paper, and uses him

but roughly. The _Indians_ who were yesterday aboard, and to whom

our captain made a few presents for themselves, the church and the

governer, return this morning with some good fresh beef. After this,

captain _Clipperton_ treats with the marquiss about ransoming the

prize; but not agreeing, he orders the timber with which she was laden

to be thrown overboard, saving as much for firing as we could stow:

after which we rummage the cabin, taking away all the clothes and

equipage.”

_March_ 20th. “The marquiss and his lady dine aboard the _Success_:

after which they go ashore for recreation, leaving their only child

aboard as a pledge. They send off a good bull, and some fowl: there

being no oxen on this continent. On the 26th, the governer sends us two

bulls more; and on the 31st, the marquiss sends a present of fruit to

his child, to bring which there are seven _Indians_ a horseback: they

left two letters hanging on a stick in the sand. Nothing happens to

the 4th of _April_, but more presents from the marquiss, attended as

before.”

_April_ 4th. “This evening the marquiss and his lady, with the governer

and others came aboard. Nothing is said of the marquiss his plot; but

all chearful company. The bargain of ransoming goes on so far, that

all the _Spanish_ prisoners are orderd ashore, except those who had

rather stay in the prize: but no talk of money in the case: On the

8th and 9th, the marchioness and the child are carried ashore, and we

salute ’em with three guns; the marquiss remaining with us till the

performance of articles, which were signed. The governer has a quantity

of indigo delivered him, and he sends us a handsom present of beef,

which we are all very glad of. We weighd; leaving the prize to the

_Spanish_ captain, and are now plying to windward with moderate gales

till

_April_ 20th. “We anchor in the gulph of _Amapala_ in 17 fathom: send

the pinnace to find a watering: the _Spaniards_ oppose their landing,

but suffer them to put on shore a _Spaniard_ and _Indian_ belonging to

the marquiss, who are going to _Rio Lexos_ to fetch the ransom money:

but it is my opinion we are all bit. Not being able to get water at

_Amapala_, the pinnace is sent to the isle of _Tigris_; where they find

very good water, and the _Indian_ who guided them is rewarded with some

clothes. Our men meet with abundance of game on the island, killing a

good number of deer. Here is also a great plenty of boobys, which are

better eating than those catch’d at sea. Here we stay till the 10th

of _May_, much longer than we intended, in expectation of the ransom

money; but having little reason to believe the _Spaniards_ will be

punctual and faithful, we unbent our sheet anchor and stow’d it, taking

our departure from hence, latitude 12 : 36. N.

_May_ 20th. “This day, the books, instruments and clothes of lieutenant

_Serjeantson_ were sold at the mast: being run ashore in the _Rosary_

pink with his men as aforesaid. Here I find a strong current to the N.

About this time the cloathing, linen and other necessaries taken in our

prizes were distributed, being deem’d fair plunder.”

_June_ 4th. “We arrive next at _Gorgona_, latitude 2 : 35 N. The

current sets to the eastward. Here is wood and water, and great plenty

of fish; but they wont take the hook, and we have no seine. From hence

we ply to windward, and nothing happens till

_July_ 25th. “We spy a sail, and come up with her: she struck to us,

being the St. _Vincent_ which we took once before, now commanded by Don

_Clement de Andrado_, laden with timber and cocoa nuts from _Guiaquil_

for _Lima_. We keep to windward with our prize, and

_August_ 11th. “Anchor at _Lobos la mar_: the distance from this

island, and _Lobos la tierra_ is 10 leagues. Our chief imployment here

is to catch seal for the company. Our men have tents on shore, working

in their several stations. Here we scrub and clean our ship, taking out

of the prize what is most valuable. Our men, tho’ fatigued with work,

live well and look well, and are now ready for another cruise. Nothing

happens till

_Sept._ 6th. “A plot is discovered among the men, wherein the

conspirators had form’d a design to seize the captain and officers,

and run away with the ship: all who were secured, to be put ashore at

the small desolate isle of _Lobos_, but the opposers to be shot. After

discovery, the two principal actors, _Joseph Maynard_ boatswain’s mate,

and _James Roch_ the ship’s corporal were severely punish’d, besides

being put in irons: the rest were pardoned.”

“The cause of this uneasiness among the men, was their despair of

making a good voyage, having no hope of the _Speedwel_’s joyning them,

which had brought them into great straits and difficulties; so that

they did not much care what happen’d.”

_Sept._ 15th. “Our design of coming down again to the northward, was

to look into _Cheripe_, if we could see any ships there; but chance to

fall to the leeward of it, by reason the currents set us much to the

northward, tho’ we have already made allowance for the same: we soon

beat up again, finding the coast alarm’d, and seeing no ship.”

_Sept._ 17th. “This day sent our pinnace well arm’d to chase a small

vessel which she came up with, being a fishing boat that has used to

make up her fish on the isle of _Lobos_, where we found a good parcel

ready split and salted; besides a handsome quantity of fresh fish in

the boat. We anchor again at _Lobos_, in 38 fathom, and find the S.

_Vincent_, which we left here, was drove ashore and sunk. We clear

the fishing boat, and send her away with 38 _Spanish_ prisoners: after

which we weigh again and ply to windward, being in latitude 7 : 00 S.

Here the currents set pretty much to the southward: no prize, nor any

thing occurs, only the burying four or five of our hands; we hold our

course for the bay of _Conception_ where we arrive.”

_November_ 1st. “Going into the bay we spy three sail of ships at

anchor: the fort fired a signal gun: we hoisted _Spanish_ colours,

and kept plying up till ten at night: being moon light, we discover a

fourth ship standing in after us: we bore down upon her: she haled us

in _Spanish_; we answer’d her with our guns; but the wind failing, and

she being clean, gained a head of us. In the morning the pinnace and

launch were sent after her: but soon left chasing, she being got almost

out of sight. However, we really lost the substance for the shadow, our

captain now steering for _Coquimbo_.”

5. “We came up with another sail, which upon our firing a gun struck

her colours: she is call’d the _Solidad_: she hath a cargo of tobacco,

sugar, and cloth enough to purchase her loading of wheat at _Coquimbo_,

whither she is bound from _Lima_. They inform us that our last chase

had much such another cargo; and that the two _Spanish_ men of war

fitted out in quest of us and our consort, were returned to _Callao_ to

be victual’d afresh: and had orders from the viceroy to cruise on the

coast of _Chili_, not only upon us, but all the _French_ interloping

traders.”

6. “The greatest part these 24 hours fresh gales of wind and hazy

weather, with a great southern swell. At one this afternoon, coming

open with the harbour of _Coquimbo_, we saw three sail of men of war

at anchor, with their topsails loose in their tops; who, immediately

on seeing us, slipt or cut their cables and stood after us, we hawling

close upon a wind, our prize doing the same: but she being the

windward-most, and at much the greatest distance from the enemy, they

judged it necessary to send the best sailer among them after her: at

three the headmost ship came up with our prize, and fired at her: upon

which she struck: but after she had so done, the man of war fired

several guns more into her, the reason of which we could not ghess: the

other two ships crowded all the sail they could after us till four,

when the biggest carryed away her mizentop-mast: he then fired a gun,

tacked, and stood in for the shore again, which we were not very sorry

for: one of them carrying 50, one 40, and the other 26 guns, all clean

ships, _French_ built and sailed well. It pleased God the wind favour’d

us whilst they continued the chase; so that we weather’d _Isla de

pajeros_, i. e. the island of birds which lay just in our way: for if

we had been forced to tack, we must have been taken.

“We have on board us the captain of the prize, and eight seamen,

besides twelve _Nigros_. There were taken with her, twelve of our men,

besides Mr. _Milne_ our third lieutenant who commanded her. However,

we had the good luck to ease her of 97 pound weight of wrought silver,

when she first became our prize.”

Mr. _James Milne_, whom I have since had conversation with in _London_,

told me that the reason of the enemies continuing their fire after

he had struck to them, was owing to the rage of the captain to find

him a _Spanish_ prize instead of an _English_ privatier; and vexed at

this mistake, he could not immediately quit his passion, but struck

_Milne_ upon the head with his drawn sword. However, the captain soon

after sent for him up, and finding him almost stript by the soldiers,

generously asked his pardon, and order’d him a complete sute of apparel

from top to toe. The captain’s name was _Don Blas de Lesso_ and had

been a guard marine in the _French_ service where he lost one of his

legs. I mention this to the honour of the said gentleman, who kept Mr.

_Milne_ aboard him all the time the men of war were in quest of us

and the _French_ interlopers, using him very kindly: and tho’ he was

carried prisoner to _Lima_, the said captain soon got him his liberty,

procured him his passage gratis to _Panama_, and gave him a jar of

brandy, and a jar of wine for his sea store; beside 200 dollars for his

expenses to _England_. But I am sorry to hear he never acknowledged

it by letter from _Panama_ or elsewhere; the said _Don Blas_ having

spoke of it to a particular gentleman, then factor for the _British

South-Sea_ company at _Panama_.

_November_ 7th. “This day our agent Mr. _Godfrey_, and Mr. _Cook_

second lieutenant, had words about a pair of gold buckles, which

the later had got privately in his keeping. The lieutenant gave Mr.

_Godfrey_ very scurrilous language: but our agent insisted, that it

was his immediate province to inspect all such matters. Whether _Cook_

keeps the buckles I know not: but he went in a very unmannerly way to

captain _Clipperton_ and told him he would no longer take the charge

of the watch: whereupon Mr. _Chambers_ the master took that charge

in his room. The next day the clothes and other things belonging to

our people, taken by the man of war, were sold publicly at the mast.

Being thus worsted at _Coquimbo_, and forced to fly their men of

war; remembring our mistakes at _Conception_, and that we must now

abandon these coasts with short provisions, and no hopes of captain

_Shelvocke_, we begin to be much dejected. However we keep jogging on

the northward, and

14. “Make the isle of St. _Gallan_, whose latitude I find 13 : 42 S. On

the 15th. stood into the road of _Pisco_; but finding nothing, we stood

out again, holding to the northward.”

16. “See a sail and give chase. She hoisted _Spanish_ colours and fired

a gun; and finding that she could wrong us, she hawld up her courses,

and took in all her small sails: we let fly our topgallant sheets,

firing three guns to windward, that being the signal between our ship

and the _Speedwel_, in case we should meet. The chase holding her

wind, we could not come near her. The next day at two in the afternoon

she tacked, and stood for us, as if resolved to ingage us: we edgd on

towards her, ’till we got within a mile or thereabouts, when she fired

several guns at us, which we return’d with a broadside: upon which she

held her wind again, and stood to the westward; and being just cleaned,

and a prime sailor, went at least two foot for our one; so that we

soon found we had no share in her.”

Mr. _Taylor_ is very right; for I my self was in this sham fight. I

call it so, because I believe neither of the commanders had any great

stomach for a battle. In the first place, it was contrary to the orders

of captain _Fitzgerald_ who commanded this ship called the _Flying

Fish_: for being ready to sail for _Cales_, he was only now order’d

out by the viceroy in quest of _Shelvocke_; of whom news was brought

to _Lima_, that he had a day or two before taken the _Jesu Maria_ out

of _Pisco_, leaving the _Spaniards_ the bark he built at _Fernandes_.

_Pisco_ being but a little to windward of _Callao_, they were in hopes

of catching _Shelvocke_ as he went to leeward: and the _Flying Fish_

having a very considerable treasure aboard, the captain was strictly

order’d to forbear attacking, or speaking with any imbarkation, except

_Shelvocke_. On the other hand, _Clipperton_ may well be supposed

willing enough to decline ingaging with a ship just come out of harbour

with 200 fresh men aboard; at a time when his people were in a very

low condition and dispirited, as appears by the journal: neither had

he half the number of men. So that I am of opinion if the dollars had

been left ashore, the _Flying Fish_ would have been able to carry

_Clipperton_ into _Callao_. For _Fitzgerald_, who was a _St. Malo_ man,

had aboard him a hundred townsmen, stout fellows; and the rest were

the best hands he could pick out of all the ships at _Callao_ for this

occasion.

_November_ 18th. “_Maltesi_ one of the _Guara_ islands bore N. E. one

league; from whence I take my departure in latitude 11 : 10 S. Being

fine weather we heel’d and scrubb’d both sides of our ship. We stood in

for _Guanchaco_: but finding nothing there, bore away for _Cheripe_:

where seeing nothing, we stood away for _Payta_, designing to try our

fortune at every port to the northward; particularly to get a supply of

flower, which being now all expended, we have three pound of _Indian_

corn served to a mess of six men each.”

27. “Saw point _Helen_: shorten’d sail and stood from the land. Hoisted

out the pinnace and yawl to set the prisoners ashore belonging to the

last prize retaken by the enemy. After which we steer to the westward

for the _Gallipagos_ islands, in order to refresh our men, who are very

bad with the scurvy.”

30. “Had an observation, and find my self in latitude 00 : 09 N. Here

is a strong current to the northward, and I believe a little westerly.

I am 22 miles more northerly than the log gives, variation and leeway

having been allow’d. All our bread, flower, and _Indian_ corn is now

expended, and we have but one little meal in 24 hours; which is a small

piece of _English_ beef (being yet very good) and calivances. Six men

in a mess.”

_December_ 4th. “Mr. _Thomas Fairman_ our purser departed this life;

and we committed him to the deep. Measur’d our logline and find it

three fathom too short, which amounts to 52 mile one hour with another

since we left cape _Helen_. Having an observation, I rectify my account

and find the latitude 00 : 36 N. We keep plying to windward against a

strong S. W. current in sight of the _Gallipagos_.”

6th. “Sent the pinnace to discover an anchoring place at one of the

islands: returns without finding any; but saw abundance of tortoise

ashore. Send the pinnace and yawl to get some. They return with fish

enough to serve the company a day: But there running a prodigious surf,

they could not land, or look for turtle. We kept plying off and on, and

sounded in foul ground from 80 to 50 fath; the latitude of the island I

make 9 minutes N. ’tis a mere rock: so we left it, and steer’d away for

another S. W. being the same which the _Spaniards_ make to lye under

the equator. We run along shore but can find no anchoring: so that

being unwilling to lose more time, we make our best way to the isle of

_Cocos_, where we hope certainly to get fish, fowl, and coco-nuts; our

people being very sick and weak.”

7th and 8th. “We had several islands N. E. but on the 9th got clear

of them all. This day I took charge of the captain’s watch, and Mr.

_Chambers_ the larboard, Mr. _Davison_ being sick, and lieutenant

_Cook_ still refusing his duty. Little happens in this passage, but

burying two or three of our hand. Our people fall apace; therefore are

in pain lest we miss the island.”

17. “Going very slowly ahead, find there is a southern current. Lye so

till day light, believing we are near the island. At nine forenoon with

joy we beheld the island _Cocos_ about nine leagues N. W.”

18. “Anchor in 13 fathom white sand. Here all our people and the

marquiss _de Villa Roche_ got ashore, where we build a house for the

sick men. Here is abundance of good fish round the island which we take

pains to catch, the surf being sometimes very great. Our people find

here plenty of coco-nuts, crabs, boobies and their eggs, this being

their hatching time. Our captain broaches the last hogshead of brandy,

allowing every man a dram a day: and on new-years-day gave the people

a gallon of strong beer for six. This food, ease, and refreshment

pretty well recover’d all our company. We wood and water, tho’ with

much difficulty; for here is a great swell coming in from the northward

constantly at full moon and change: therefore are forced to wait ’till

the spring tides are abated before we can get any thing off.”

_January_ 17. 1721. “The marquiss came aboard as do most of our people,

being ready to sail. Eight nigros and three of our men desert here, and

abscond in the woods. The names of our men are _Higgins_, _Caulker_ and

_Shingle_. The anchorage here being rocky, we have sadly gaul’d both

our cables. After continuing here a month, we weigh and set sail, from

whence I take my departure, _January_ 20th. latitude 05 : 38 N. running

now to the northward on the coast of _Mexico_.”

23. “We spy a sail to which give chase, and send the pinnace to keep

sight of her: but at night she gives us the slip.”

25. “This morning I see the coast of _Mexico_. About seven we made

a sail: at 11 she struck to our pinnace: which returns and brings

account that she is the _Jesu Maria_ a _Spanish_ ship, but now in the

possession of captain _Shelvocke_, who commands her. That he has about

40 of his men aboard, the rest being all dead or dispersed. That he

lost the _Speedwel_ at _Fernandes_; where they stay’d five months, and

built a barque out of the _Speedwel_’s wreck, with which they put to

sea, and coasted along _Chili_ and _Peru_ meeting several ships, but

could do nothing with them; ’till they came to _Pisco_ near _Lima_,

where they took this prize, being the ship we went in there to look

for. They differ much in their account: but have no regular command

among them, being all alike as the _West-India_ privatiers. They have

chose a quartermaster, carrying every thing by a majority of votes: so

that we find, they have quite broke their articles with the owners, and

have shared all among themselves.”

27. “Perceived captain _Shelvocke_ to hoist St. _George_’s colours

at main-top-masthead, firing three guns at intervals, being signals

to speak with us. We lye to for his boat, which came aboard with a

letter for captain _Clipperton_; who immediately sent back the boat

for their purser to be examined concerning their actions on the coast

of _Brasil_, and in the rest of their absence from us. Sent away the

boat: but the purser Mr. _Hendrie_ stays; who gives but a dark story of

their procedings; and that he was not allow’d to take any account of

the treasure for the owners. At eight captain _Shelvocke_ came aboard

being sent for by our captain and agent to give an account of his

transactions. The boat brought Mr. _Dod_ their lieutenant of marines to

continue with us; he having been used very ill for standing up for the

owners interest.”

28. “Came aboard from captain _Shelvocke_, six chests of pitch and

dammer, and two barrels of tar, with six slabs of copper. Captain

_Clipperton_ spares him two of our quarterdeck guns, some great and

small shot, a compass, and a few other necessaries. His people have

laid out a great deal of money with us for clothes, shoes, hats, _&c._

Captain _Shelvocke_ goes aboard and parts company. Here remain with

us two of the _Speedwel_’s officers, Mr. _Hendrie_ the purser and Mr.

_Dod_ lieutenant of marines, designing with us for China. We keep to

the northward on the coast of _Mexico_, meeting with strong west and

north-west currents ’till latitude 15 : 00 where they set S. E. In this

passage we have met captain _Shelvocke_ three times without speaking,

whom we knew by his making the signals. Our men have caught some

tortoise, which has been very acceptable, but nothing material happens

in all these traverses till _March_ 7th. “Our officers consult, and

resolve to joyn captain _Shelvocke_ the next time we meet, in order to

attempt the _Acapulco_ ship homeward bound.”

13th. “Made a sail, which by the signals proving to be captain

_Shelvocke_, we brought to. He comes aboard with his lieutenants.

Our captain and they agree in general, that if we meet the _Manilla_

ship, _Shelvocke_’s company to joyn us, and run her aboard at once.

Accordingly we cruise for her: and on the 15th captain _Clipperton_

holds another consultation; wherein proposals being agreed on, are

sign’d and sent to captain _Shelvocke_; _That if he and his crew would

refund all the money shared among themselves contrary to their articles

with the owners, and agree to put it in a joynt stock, then all faults

should be forgot; both companies would unite, and procede to cruise for

the_ Acapulco _ship_.”

17. “Not hearing from captain _Shelvocke_, and the time for the

_Manilla_ ship setting out being several days past: Resolved in a

council to make our best dispatch for _East India_. We have an infirm

ship’s company, and but five months provision, which must serve us to

_China_ unless we get a supply at _Guam_.”

“At six in the evening, the westmost land in sight, which I take to

be _port Marquiss_ bore N. N. W. eight leagues; from whence I take my

departure, it lying in 16 : 50 north latitude.”

_May_ 10th. “This day at noon we make _Serpana_ one of the _Ladron_

islands, _Guam_ being a few leagues farther ahead. The latitude of

_Serpana_ I find to be 13 : 42 N. and the difference of longitude from

_port Marquiss_ 121 : 08 W. Nothing worth notice has happen’d in this

tedious passage, only burying six of our hands. All our people are very

weak, and take the scurvy apace: so that land is now a very welcome

sight.”

13. “Anchor at the island of _Guam_. Send the pinnace ashore with a

flag of truce. They tell our lieutenant, they cannot trade with us

without leave from the Governer.”

16. “A prow came from the governer with Mr. _Godfrey_ our agent,

acquainting us, that we may be supply’d with provisions. Accordingly

our launch brought aboard some cattle, bread, sugar, brandy and fruit.

The next day his honour sent us a handsome present of palm wine, sugar

and chocolate; for which we drink his health with a complement of seven

guns.”

_May_ 18th. “The marquiss _de Villa Roche_ our prisoner, went ashore in

company with our agent, the first lieutenant and doctor, having agreed

with the governer about his ransom. We give him five guns at landing.

Our launch is imploy’d these six days in bringing wood, and water, and

provision aboard: during which time the governer desired he might have

some arms and ammunition in exchange. Accordingly captain _Clipperton_

sends him twelve fuzees, three jars of powder, sixty round shot, four

pair of pistols; beside cutlases, long swords and daggers.”

25. “Receive a letter, wherein the governer demands the marquiss’s

jewels, some consecrated plate, and two _Nigros_ being christians

and subjects to the king of _Spain_: as also a certificate under the

captain and officers hands that peace was proclaimed; detaining Mr.

_Godfrey_ and Mr. _Pritty_ ’till all this is performd. Hereupon our

captain sends a letter with a certificate that the _Solidad_, the

last prize we took on the coast of _Chili_, told us there was a peace

between _England_ and _Spain_; but withal assured the governer that if

he did not in 24 hours send the ransom with the two gentlemen, he would

demolish the houses upon the shore, burn the ship in the harbour, and

do all the mischief he could at the _Philippine_ islands. In the mean

time we receive a letter that the governer will pay for the consecrated

plate, and desires more powder and shot. To which our captain sends

answer that he will not spare any more ammunition or the _Nigros_.”

28. “Our yawl went ashore for more provision: but the officer of the

village told us we should have no more, unless we sent more powder

and shot: upon which we immediately weighd, staying for no answer

by Mr. _Godfrey_ or Mr. _Pritty_. Sent the pinnace ahead to sound,

and made the best of our way to the ship in the harbour. The people

ashore had raised a battery during this sham treaty, from whence

they began to fire at our pinnace; which being returned gave account

that what channel they found, was within pistol shot of the shore.

At six afternoon, in making up to the ship, we run aground, they

having carry’d her into shoal water: so that now we sustain two fires

together, one from the battery over our heads, and another from the

ship. At nine we got foul of the rocks where we cut away two of our

anchors indeavouring to get the ship off; during which time the enemy

fired so warmly with stones and shot from a new battery erected on

a hill, that we suffer’d extremely in our hull and rigging. We have

three men wounded, beside the misfortune of losing Mr. _Davison_ our

first lieutenant who was an honest fellow and a good officer. Thus the

_Success_ is forced to lye in a miserable condition exposed to the

continual fire of the enemy, who in the night have still this advantage

of us; that the surface of the water being smooth as a millpond easily

shows them our position, whereas we have no other direction for our aim

than the flashes of their guns.”

29. “In this emergence our captain being overcome with liquor, and

quite unable to command the ship; we officers came to a resolution

of running out clear of the enemy as soon as we could get the ship

afloat, and signed a paper to indemnify Mr. _Cook_ if he would take

upon him the command. At four afternoon we set her floating and cut

away the small bower anchor; but in ten minutes we run aground again:

at seven carry out the kedge anchor; but in heaving, the hawser broke.

We immediately carry out another hawser with a lower deck gun to it,

having now lost all our anchors and still aground. At two forenoon,

the enemy hale us several times to surrender or except no quarter. At

five, carry out the maintopmast-shroud hawser on the starboard bow

with another gun; still plying the enemy with our great guns below,

and small arms on the poop. We do them little mischief; tho’ they

never miss us, especially our boats as soon as they see them stir. At

eleven forenoon, carry out the rest of the small bower, with two lower

deck guns right ahead into five fathom: we clear away the hold ready

to start our water to make the ship lighter: got our upper and lower

deck guns forward to bring her by the head, the ship hanging abaft on

a rock: we keep two guns out of the stern ports, continually firing at

the enemies new battery; but can’t bring them to bear. These twenty

four hours we have happily only one wounded: but the ship is wretchedly

paid off between wind and water.”

30. “At six afternoon the ship floating, we cut away the yawl being

sunk with the shot: the other boats are much damaged: hove to our

small bower; then cut away it, and the other two hawsers, and sent the

pinnace ahead to tow the ship off. Just as we got afloat, the enemy

fired so smartly from the new battery that their shot raked us through

between wind and water, killing one of our people, and wounding two

others. Thus have we lost both our bower anchors and cables, the stream

and kedge anchors, four hawsers, four of our lower deck guns, nineteen

barrels of powder, two men kill’d and six wounded: having stood these

fifty hours, a fair mark for the enemy to fire at: and if we had not

got clear, I do believe they would have sunk us before morning. We are

all very sorry for Mr. _Godfrey_ and Mr. _Pritty_, not knowing how the

governer may use them ashore. At ten afternoon we brought to, and begin

to splice our rigging, not a rope of which has escaped a shot: As for

the masts and yards, they have all been severely pepper’d, and the

carpenters have been all night stopping the holes in the ship’s bottom.

At seven forenoon stow our guns in the hold, bar in the ports, hoist in

the launch and pinnace, and at noon steer away west with an easy sail,

hoping to save our passage before the _Monsoons_ come on. Wind at S. S.

E.”

31. “Our carpenters are imployed in fishing the masts and yards, and

the rest of our people in fixing the rigging. At six afternoon, the

body of the island _Guam_ bore E. seven leagues, from whence I take

my departure, north latitude 13 : 20. allowing half a point N. E.

variation, designing now for _China_. Nothing remarkable till

_June 23._ “Find our ship to be in a very weak condition, scarce a

whole timber in her upper works: discover one of our fashion pieces to

be shot through, which being the chief support of the after part of

the ship, we are obliged to frap her, to keep her together: it blowing

pretty fresh, we dare not carry sail; having been forced for a week

past to feud under bare poles through variable winds and bad weather.

We impatiently look out for land, being afraid the currents have

forcibly set us much to the eastward.”

24. “At day break, find our selves among several islands, one of which

is _Barbuon_ at the north point of the island _Luconia_. I saw also

seven rocks, mark’d in some draughts; and likewise other islands,

mark’d in some manuscripts with a figure of 5, and by captain _Dampier_

called the _Bashee_ islands. _Dampier_’s account and mine agree: but

by Dr. _Halley_’s chart to _Luconia_, my reckoning is out by above

three degrees; except he means the south cape of _Luconia_ which may

reconcile the difference. From _June_ 14th to 19th. I found the current

set to the southward; but whether W. or E. I know not: and from thence

chiefly northward.”

30. “Make the isle and shoals of _Prata_ latitude 20 : 46 N. The

longitude from _Barbuon_ to it is 4 : 46 W.”

_July_ 1st. “Saw a sail to the eastward which we take to be a _China_

junk. At six forenoon see other islands, and several boats a fishing.

At nine forenoon bent the sheet cable: sounded in 30 fathom clay

ground. At noon had the islands from N. N. E. to W. by S.: these lands

were never mark’d in any chart. Longitude from _Prata_ 2 west.”

2. “Anchor in 13 fathom: send away the pinnace for intelligence how

_Macao_ bore. Return’d with a boat and three _Chinese_, of whom we

could only understand, that _Canton_ was to S. W. of us; so we parted,

and had the land from N. E. to W. of us: soundings from 22 to 13

fathom.”

3. “We gain nothing to windward: but are further to leeward of _Macao_

than we expected. We can get no pilot, and so bear away for _Amoy_: at

six afternoon made the white rock lying near the main land: at seven

forenoon saw several boats a fishing: had 21 fathom clay ground.”

4. “At six afternoon saw the land N. E, and several islands laid down

in the charts. Have had soundings from 30 to 15 fathom, latitude _per_

observation 23 : 40.”

5. “Not knowing the way into _Amoy_, and not being the length as yet,

hold upon a wind designing to ply off and on ’till daylight. At six

afternoon saw the range of islands that run to _Amoy_: the eastermost

bore S. S. W; the southmost N. N. W. At four forenoon made a sail; have

had several boats aboard to sell us fish, but can’t understand them.

Soundings from 22 to 14 fathom good ground. At ten forenoon saw the

_Piscadore_ islands from S. S. E. to E. S. E. 8 leagues.”

6. “At five afternoon came to with our sheet anchor in the gulf of

_Amoy_. Longitude from _Barbuon_ W. 4 : 48. Blessed be God in our

passage hither, from the 24 of _June_ we have had pleasant gales and

serene weather, the winds between west and S. W. At ten the _Hoppo_’s

men come aboard to know what we do here. Told them we was a king’s

ship. They wrote down particularly our force and number of men,

desiring us to be faithful in our account. The very next morning our

men, in a mutinous manner, demand of captain _Clipperton_ their prize

money, alledging that the _Success_ could never put to sea again. The

first man that attacked the captain was _John Dennison_. I interposed

thinking it my duty; whereupon _Edward Boreman_ bid me desist, or

expect a brace of balls thro’ my head: Mr. _Cook_ with a sneer said,

let the poor man rest and take breath a little, meaning the captain:

upon this our captain went ashore to the _Hoppo_ or commissioner of the

customs. During these four days we receive aboard a great quantity

of rice, some cattle, fowl, wood and water. On the 12th, the officers

go ashore and are handsomly received by the _Hoppo_, with whom we

make an agreement to anchor in the harbour and lye the monsoons out.

Two _Hoppo_ men or customhouse-officers are sent aboard to hinder

private dealing with the natives. Several _Mandarins_ or noblemen visit

the ship with the _Hoppo_. Some of the men go ashore without leave,

for which our captain going to correct them, the whole crew unite

and resist. We get more provision aboard; after which the _Hoppo_’s

agent receives the port charges, being 1700 dollars, about 400 pound

sterling. Our captain receives a present of wine and fruit from one of

the _Mandarins_. Nothing material till

_August_ 25th. “We officers sign a paper for the captain to allow all

the ships company money to buy necessaries. Captain _Mitchel_ being

gone, and _Davison_ we succeded him being kill’d, _Cook_ violently

insists upon having thirty shares as second captain: which by his own

management with the men, we were forced to yield him: but when the

question was put to make provision for the gentlemen who were kill’d

or taken from us, and the two officers from the _Speedwel_, _Hendrie_

and _Dod_ who are passengers with us, _Cook_ was first man to oppose

and reject it: so that we settle the shares as well as we can. Our

captain and most of the officers are willing to allow something to the

two passengers aforesaid; captain _Shelvocke_ having used them ill for

favouring the owners interest, particularly Mr. _Hendrie_ the agent

whom he would not suffer to act, but made him swab the deck: however

the company murmur at making them an allowance, and I doubt they will

receive nothing. After this we fall into great disorders and confusion,

and the men are strangely set against the captain, refusing to work

without their whole prize money, and complain to the chief _Mandarin_

call’d _Hyhung_: upon which captain _Clipperton_ is sent for, who

represented, that according to our articles, the capture ought to be

shared at _London_. However _Cook_ goes secretly to the _Mandarin_ and

underhand favours the men, insinuating that they would be cheated;

and threaten’d, if _Clipperton_ did not easily comply, to tell the

_Mandarin_ of his fine doings at _Guam_, and the great loss of captain

_Mitchel_ sent in the _Chichley_ prize with a good cargo never since

heard of: So that in short there came a guard of soldiers aboard of us,

and an order to captain _Clipperton_ to divide all the shares and pay

them.”

_Sept._ 16th. “Which was done this day without reserving anything for

_Shelvocke_’s two officers, our dead men, or thole who were taken

prisoners.”

dollars.

The share of money and plate. 280

The share of gold. 100

The share of jewels. 39

---

The total of a foremastman’s dividend. 419

---

Which at 4 _s._ 8 _d._ a dollar, makes _English_ money, 97 _l_, 15

_s_, 4 _d._

According to this distribution,

_l._ _s._ _d._

The captain’s share was 1466 10 00

The second captain 733 05 00

The captain of marines, }

lieutenants of the ship } 488 16 08

and surgeon; _&c._ }

_Taylor_ not having here, or at leaving _China_, mention’d any thing of

what became of _Clipperton_, or the gentlemens money, I think proper

to insert that account as I had it from one of our owners and several

of the _Success_’s people. The owners moiety consisting of dollars,

wrought silver, gold and jewels amounted to upwards of 6000_l._

sterling, and was put aboard a _Portuguese East-India_ man, called

the _Queen_ of _Angels_, _Don Francisco la Vero_ commander, which was

unfortunately burnt at _Rio Janeiro_ on the coast of _Brasil_, _June_

6th 1722; of which effects no more came to hand than 1800_l._ As for

captain _Clipperton_, he having sold the _Success_ in _China_, took his

passage in her to _Batavia_; and from thence in a _Dutch India_ man

he came to _Holland_. He stay’d there a few weeks upon his own affairs,

and went directly to his family at _Galway_ in _Ireland_, where he died

two days after his arrival, in the year 22: being an _Englishman_ born

at great _Yarmouth_, in the county of _Norfolk_. But more of this in

another place. I procede to the journal.

_Sept._ 25th. “Weighed out of _Amoy_ harbour. Our arms, ammunition, and

sails came aboard: it being a practice, with the _Chinese_, for their

security, to take these ashore from all strangers.”

30. “Weighed and run out of the gulf, from whence I take my departure,

latitude 24 N: designing now for _Macao_ an island belonging to his

_Portuguese_ majesty.”

_October_ 4th. “Anchor in the road of _Macao_: salute the fort: captain

goes ashore and returns with the commander of a _Portuguese_ man of

war. Here we are informed of peace in _Europe_. _Cook_ and _Veitch_

go to _Canton_ to consult with Mr. _Winder_ supercargo of an _India_

man and son to one of our owners, what our captain is to do with the

_Success_. Upon their return the ship is condemned, being uncapable

to procede for _England_; and is sold for about 4000 dollars, much too

cheap.

“Here I settle my account of time, and find I have lost a day coming

westward round the world; therefore I allow but six days for this week

and go on.”

30. “Twenty of us agreed here, at six dollars each, to go to _Canton_

in a boat with chests and bedding, and get a passage from thence to

_England_: but it was my good hap to miss going in her, losing only

my money; for she was taken by the pyrates: and some of our people

now at _Canton_ have lost their things: So that seven of us agree for

a _Mandarin_’s boat at twenty dollars each, finding it unsafe to go

otherwise: we anchored at a town half way to _Canton_, being obliged

to get into a private boat, while the _Mandarin_ convoyed us in sight

of _Canton_. In our passage we saw a pyrate take a boat; and I find

it is a common practice. I think it very scandalous: but probably the

_Chinese_ government wink at it.”

_November_ 4th. “We arrive at the _English_ factory at _Canton_: are

very kindly received. They meet, and agree to carry us to _Great

Britain_ at five pound a man, being a very great favour: Accordingly we

all pay our money. I and two or three more went aboard the _Maurice_,

captain _Peacock_ at _Wampo_, being the place where the _European_

ships lye about three leagues down _Canton_ river. The rest of our

company divide in several ships.”

9. “We made sail in company of the _Macclesfield_ an _English East

India_ man, and an _Ostender_ call’d the _House_ of _Austria_.”

13. “The grand _Ladron_ island bore N. E. four leagues; from whence I

take my departure. Latitude 22. N.”

The run from _China_ to _Great Britain_ being generally well known, it

is foreign to my purpose to extract any more of this journal. I here

give Mr. _Taylor_ my hearty thanks for the use of it: and am pleas’d

I can do it in this public manner. Without it, I could not have been

able in some particulars to confute the false and treacherous relation

given by captain _Shelvocke_; who never kept any journal himself, or

suffer’d any one to use pen and ink, but his own creatures. If Mr.

_Taylor_ had designd to publish his account, he doubtless might have

enterd remarks and occurrences of another nature than those which

concern navigation and geography. And altho’ the expedition of these

two ships faild in all its best particulars, yet a good journal of

their procedings round the whole ocean might have been entertaining:

for men love to read of enterprizes, tho’ they prove unfortunate.

Lastly, I must observe to Mr. _Taylor_’s credit, that he has kept his

account truly and carefully like an honest man and a good artist;

having judiciously markd the currents and rectifyd the latitudes of

many places. He arrivd at _Batavia_ in _December_; at the cape of _Good

Hope_ in _February_; at St. _Helena_ and _Ascension_ in _March_; and in

_May_ 1722, at _London_: having thus made a complete tour of the globe.

[Illustration]

[Illustration]

SECTION III.

Here I resume the history of my captain, whom I left cruising off

_Payta_; while _Hatley_, I, and the rest of us were taken by admiral

_Midranda_, otherwise call’d general of the _South-Sea_.

_Shelvocke_ having hitherto failed of making his fortune, begins

now to think it too late, at least for this season. The scheme of

our voyage is at an end; the enemy is alarm’d; their ships all laid

up, except the two _Spanish_ men of war which are in quest of the

_English_ privatiers: and _Shelvocke_ probably would now be glad of

his commodore _Clipperton_’s company. But finding as he says p. 199,

his circumstances to be in an extreme melancholy posture; he sails

back to windward, and resolves upon a new experiment, which was to get

rid of the owners ship, and cruise upon a new bottom: thereby thinking

to intitle himself to all he should get, exclusive of us prisoners

and the gentlemen at home. And this is captain _Shelvocke_’s law and,

conscience, and the real shift he now makes to dispute it with the

gentlemen who fitted him out.

Accordingly he sails to _Fernandes_, where he arriv’d the beginning

of _May_, being winter in that hemisphere. He was too good a seaman

to believe he could ride it out the remaining part of the winter, in

a wild road, destitute of any kind of shelter, and exposed to strong

gusts of northerly winds which frequently blow there in that season:

he well knew there was no meddling with the coast for the enemies men

of war: therefore he makes half the tour of the island, seemingly to

push her into some creek; after which, he comes to in the usual place,

with only one anchor to trust to; for he had taken care to have no

more. Here the ship rode several days safe enough: and during his

stay, seventeen of his men are sent ashore, while others were imploy’d

in getting off water to favour a false design of going to sea again:

and under this pretence of watering, both now and after, many things

of value were secretly carry’d ashore, which the people in general

wonder’d to see there, and could not imagine who brought them. However,

the more effectually to put his project in execution, he weighs from

this place, and comes to anchor close in shore: upon which his people

unanimously fear some very odd mischievous design, and suddenly

recollect how they had often heard him say, That it was not difficult

living at _Fernandes_, if a man should accidentally be thrown there,

since Mr. _Selkirk_ had continu’d upon it four years by himself.