Hatley _and others sent a cruising in the_ Mercury:
_they fall in with the_ Brilliant _man
of war._ 242
_---- would have escaped by a trick; but
through the obstinacy of_ John Sprake _are
taken._ 243
Betagh _and two more sent to_ Piura _forty
mile up the coast:_ Hatley _and the rest
sent prisoners to_ Lima _four hundred Mile
further._ 244
_The manner of travelling to_ Piura; _with_
Betagh_’s friendly reception and entertainment
there._ 245-248
_Description of_ Payta, _and the pedlers in_
Peru. 248-250
_The civility of the admiral and capt._ De
Grange. 251
Betagh _carried to_ Lima, where _he, capt._
Hatley, _and his men are likely to suffer
as pyrates._ 252
_But through the viceroy’s goodness they all
get off, the fact being_ Shelvocke_’s._ ib.
_Sailors of both ships new christend._ 253
_---- drink punch and quarel, and are put in
the inquisition._ 255
_---- they are pardond: a good story of ’em
after that._ 256
Lima _city described._ 257
_Different mixtures of people distinguisht._ 259
_Their habit, convents and riches._ 260
_Good remark upon the law._ 264
_Climate, earthquakes,_ &c. 266
_Why it never rains thereabouts._ 268
_How they make butter in_ Chili. 269
_Women and pastimes at_ Lima _described._ 270
_Story of a lady who killd her lover._ 273
_Story of two_ Englishmen _who fought a
prize there._ 275
_An attempt to find_ Solomon_’s island._ 276
_Full account of the mines of_ Chili _and_ Peru. 279
_None but_ Indians _work in them._ 281
_The discoverer has one half, the king the other._ 282
_Grinding-mills described._ 283
_Gold purifyd sooner than silver._ 284
_Vast quantities of mercury used._ 287
_Silver ore; the different names thereof._ 288
_Mine countries very cold and dry._ 290
_An observation thereon._ 291
Lavaderos _or washing places very remarkable._ 292-296
_Fine scituation of_ Coquimbo, _or_ Serena. 294
_Good account of the creation of metals._ 297-301
Frezier_’s notion about giants._ 301-305
_An opinion about the_ Mosaic _history, and
religion of the_ Indians. 307
Chap. 5. _Being a new account of Capt._ Martinet_’s
expedition; with remarks on the
trade to_ Chili. 308
_French interlopers destroyd: they and the_
Spaniards _disagree._ 313
_The_ Ruby _which met_ Shelvocke _at St._ Catherine,
_a very rich ship but then unknown._ 316 _and_ 50
_Some observations conclude the voyage._ 317-324
_The Jesuits settlement in_ Paraguay, _curious
and entertaining, translated from the_ French. 325
_Two remarks omitted._ 340
[Illustration]
A
VOYAGE
ROUND THE
WORLD,
By Way of the GREAT
_SOUTH SEA_.
Voyages have been always well receiv’d, and especially by _Englishmen_.
They seem to sute the genius of the _British_ nation, whose people
are particularly distinguish’d for the curiosity of their temper, and
the many great exploits of their shipping in all parts of the world.
’Tis true, this sort of history is often writ by unskilful hands; and
a fact sometimes loses credit for want of method in telling it: but
if the reader meets with something new and authentic, he is generally
satisfied: the greatest pleasure of the mind being an addition to our
knowledge.
The following book is a united journal of two ships, written chiefly to
undeceive mankind in the spurious account of a voyage round the world,
publish’d by captain _George Shelvocke_: which account is not only
injurious to me, but is intirely the most absurd and false narrative
that was ever deliver’d to the publick. And surely a man may be excus’d
for setting the world right in any public affair; much more in an
enterprise, where the credit and dignity of his country are concern’d.
And if our resentments are allow’d to be equal to injuries receiv’d,
what must mine be, when stript of property and good name? Both which
the said _Shelvocke_ has done his utmost to accomplish: And though some
of this treatise is to obviate his many abuses and forgeries, yet I
have endeavoured to make even that part entertaining; to avoid giving
the reader a mere dry story of his wickedness.
Beside our sea journal, I have collected the observations I made
while in the kingdoms of _Chili_ and _Peru_, concerning the _Spanish_
dominions in _America_. The trade, customs, luxury, and gallantry of
the _Creolians_. To which I have added an account of their gold and
silver mines, their manner of separating the mineral from the ore, and
many other things; all which together, I need not doubt, will prove an
agreeable history of this voyage.
In the proceding of our two ships I have the pleasure to be well
assisted; having procured the original journal of Mr. _George Taylor_,
chief mate to captain _Clipperton_, who commanded this expedition,
which I shall make use of to invalidate captain _Shelvocke_’s false
accounts: which journal will at once let the reader into the most
material transactions of _Clipperton_, and convince mankind of his
faithful intentions, tho’ _Shelvocke_ has taken such mighty pains to
vilify him.
Besides which, I have the concurring evidence of many who were aboard
the _Speedwell_; some of which are now in _London_ ready to speak the
truth: and tho I am thorowly satisfyd our story will speak it self,
yet some of the chief facts are already sworn to; the affidavits being
filed in Chancery, and to be seen at the office in _Chancery-lane_.
In the year 1718, during the war between their _Imperial_ and
_Catholic_ Majesties, and while a rupture was daily expected between
_Great Britain_ and _Spain_; some persons of distinction, and
merchants of the city of _London_ agreed upon a subscription, to fit
out two private ships of war, under the Emperor’s commission, to
cruise upon the _Spaniards_ in the _South Seas_. The chief motives
for such an expedition were the desire of being better acquainted
with the navigation of that part of the world, to put their seafaring
friends into a promising imployment, and the many views they had of
a prosperous return from so well concerted an undertaking. But tho
the said breach between _Great Britain_ and _Spain_ was known to be
unavoidable, yet, upon the delay of actual hostilities, the aforesaid
gentlemen were desirous to take the advantage of the war between
the _Emperor_ and the king of _Spain_: and in order to have their
ships in the _South Sea_ before the season was far advanced, they
obtained his _Imperial_ Majesty’s commission, and mand their ships
with a good number of his subjects. They named their first ship the
_Prince Eugene_, and the other the _Starenberg_. Of this armament
_George Shelvocke_ was appointed to be commander in chief, who had
sometime serv’d as a lieutenant in the _British_ navy. Whereupon he was
forthwith order’d to _Ostend_, there to receive the _Flemish_ officers,
the seamen and commission aboard the _Starenberg_: and among other
things, receiv’d orders not to fire any guns, or hoist any colours,
while in that port; and to take aboard no more than sixty _Flemings_,
with three officers; and when he had got his men, wine, and brandy, to
proceed directly to the _Downs_.
In the mean time the _Prince Eugene_ arrived in the _Downs_, having
been fitted and man’d in the river. Three of the owners went to _Deal_,
expecting to meet with both the ships; but were uneasy to find captain
_Shelvocke_ was not yet come. However upon his arrival, they inquir’d
into the cause of his delay, and were surprised to find he had idly
neglected joining his consort as early as he ought; had broke thro’
his orders, made entertainments, hoisted Imperial colours, brought
over ninety _Flemings_ and six officers, fir’d away five barrels of
powder, began upon his wine and brandy which the owners had put aboard
him, and was design’d as the whole stock for both ships, to comfort
them in their long and hazardous voyage. And in short so ill did he
behave, as to bring his owners to change the command, and in his room
appoint _John Clipperton_ captain of the larger ship, and commander in
chief, who had made two voyages to the _South Sea_ before. Besides,
the _Flemings_ were so many in number, and so ill chosen, that the
_British_ seamen grew uneasy. The former having their own officers,
seem’d to over-value themselves upon their sovereign’s commission,
which was not relished by the _Englishmen_. It occasion’d a mix’d
command, and produc’d frequent animosities; so that it was judged
impracticable for them to go the voyage together. At length the war
being begun between _Great Britain_ and _Spain_ in the _Mediterranean_,
the owners agreed to get his Majesty King _George_’s commission, and
to send over the foreign commission, men and officers to _Flanders_,
paying their charges, and allowing two months wages to the men.
After which the owners order’d their ships, being now called the
_Success_ and _Speedwel_, to _Plymouth_, to be there recruited in their
provision, and get their complement of men.
_Clipperton_ being thus appointed commander in chief, had also
the biggest ship, the _Success_, of thirty six guns and 180 men.
_Shelvocke_ had the _Speedwel_, twenty four guns, and one hundred
and six men, under whose command I was appointed captain of marines.
The ships lay near three months at _Plymouth_ for a wind; in which
time _Shelvocke_ continually shewed his resentment at the change of
command, in such a manner that there was a faction fermented from the
captains to the cabin boys.[1] And tho’ he did endeavour to curb his
restless spirit, yet was it so publickly apparent, that one of the
owners, who was chief director of this affair, wrote to him to mind
him of his conduct, and warn him of his duty: to which very man this
_Shelvocke_ owes his having the _Speedwel_, being the second command in
this undertaking. The same gentleman has also assur’d me, that, when
_Shelvocke_ apply’d by letter to him for employment, his circumstances
were so low, that he did not scruple to declare he had no bread to
eat; nor a friend in the world except him, to expect any favour from.
Whereupon the said gentleman having served with him in the navy aboard
the same ship, generously invited _Shelvocke_ to his country house,
where he made him a present of a twenty pound note on his goldsmith,
till he could effectually provide for him, having then this enterprise
in view. When he first told him he should command one of these ships,
_Shelvocke_ was so throughly pleas’d with the news, that he vow’d it
was greatly beyond his expectation; and rather than not go the voyage
at all, he would content himself to be boatswain’s mate.
[1] See pag. 28. of his preface, where he says he stifled his
resentment, not suffering it to break out into an open flame.
The purport of the aforesaid letter sent to _Plymouth_, was to
advise _Shelvocke_ of his mutinous behaviour and rudeness to captain
_Clipperton_; and that by return of the mail, if the owners did not
receive assurances of his intire contentment with the post he had,
a commission would be sent down for another person to command the
_Speedwel_ in his room. Upon which captain _Shelvocke_ wrote at
several times as followeth.
* * * * *
SIR,
“I Am favour’d with yours; but surpris’d very much at so sudden a
change: but the many favours I have received from your hands, has
easily brought me to a resolution of submitting.----_Dec. 13. 1718._
I am easy, perfectly easy, and very heartily thankful for all your
favours. I am far from thinking it a disrepute to serve you in any
capacity. For God’s sake, Sir, pardon small falts: I starve without
your friendship. I know the world so well, that I have no other
friend----_Dec. 19._ I assure you I shall always act like a faithful
servant: and no spirit shall proceed from me, but such as honour
and gratitude directs. I shall with the greatest cheerfulness shew
captain _Clipperton_ all the respect in the world.----_Jan. 27. 1719._
All resentments are laid aside by me long since, and don’t doubt of
brotherhood with captain _Clipperton_. Our ships are much better man’d
than ever, both bearing more than their complement; and I am very glad
of the addition you have been pleased to make of so many gentlemen to
the service.”
All these particulars I had from the said gentleman since my return
from the voyage; and captain _Shelvocke_’s letters are here inserted to
shew how forward he was to promise, and how little he meant to perform.
By the sequel of his behaviour throughout this book, all mankind will
see what conceal’d revenge he had in his heart: Being determin’d
henceforth pyratically to act, arbitrarily to manage and destroy
so well concerted a scheme for the interest of all parties, and to
disappoint the hopes of many other people, who were desirous to shew
the _Spanish_ nation how small a force from _England_ could annoy and
plunder them in their most powerful, distant settlements.
Here it must be observ’d with what care _Shelvocke_ has avoided giving
the true reasons why the command was changed; and has labour’d to throw
the miscarriage of the expedition on _Clipperton_’s incapacity, the
change of officers, and the frequent mutinies of his own men: whereas I
shall fully prove that the ruin of our voyage was the consequence of
his own pride, avarice and treachery.
’Tis to be noted that captain _Clipperton_ died before _Shelvocke_
had any thoughts of writing a book: And it’s highly probable that
if _Clipperton_ were alive to answer for himself, _Shelvocke_ had
never been bold enough to print such a scandalous history. And as to
_Shelvocke_’s officers, they were so far from being accessary to any
miscarriage, that he never consulted us on any occasion whatever; tho’
he, as well as _Clipperton_, had strict orders in all enterprizes to
follow that excellent scheme framed and practised by captain _Woodes
Rogers_ in his memorable voyage round the globe; which is certainly the
safest method for all navigators, who mean to execute any project of
this kind; and for which end _Rogers_’s printed journal was put aboard
each ship. It was his rule never to undertake any thing of moment,
without first calling a council of his chief officers, who in writing
testify’d their approbation of, and concurrence in the execution of the
design: But our captain was above confining himself to any precedents
or orders, his will being the only reason for all he did, so that he
never kept any journal or diary at all; which is perfectly agreeable to
his resolution, and the design he first had in view, never to join the
_Success_ after he lost company with her in the storm mention’d in the
third page of his book: And tho’ he seems sorry at the separation, yet
the _Success_ had most reason to be so, for _Shelvocke_ had the whole
store of wine and brandy aboard the _Speedwell_; so that _Clipperton_
was forc’d to go a tedious comfortless voyage without any. _Shelvocke_,
indeed, says he offer’d him his liquors when at sea, and the other
neglected to take them in; which, if true, is not a material objection,
because _Clipperton_ expecting no treachery, but a punctual meeting
to the windward of grand _Canary_, the first place of rendezvous,
doubtless thought it might be then time enough; but I question the
fact, because _Taylor_’s journal takes no notice of their speaking with
each other that day, which runs thus.
“_Success Feb. 15._ these 24 hours fresh gales and squally with rain.
This evening unbent our best and small bowers, stow’d our anchors, and
have been oblig’d to shorten sail several times for the _Speedwell_.”
But, however, to shew that _Shelvocke_ was well enough pleas’d to
part with his consort, he steer’d a course quite different from the
_Success_, and contrary to his duty; as appears by _Taylor_’s journal.
“_Feb. 20._ These 24 hours fresh gales and cloudy with small rain.
At two this afternoon, the storm being somewhat abated, we wore and
made sail, steering away south and by east.” And continuing his course
to the Southward, arrived off the _Canaries_ the sixth of _March_
following, which run he made in fourteen days: Whereas _Shelvocke_
p. 4. has it thus. “_Feb. 20._ We had no sight of the _Success_ or
any other vessel. At noon we set the mainsail double reefed, and at
midnight the topsails, and stood to the north-west,” when it’s plain,
he might have steer’d the same course to the southward, but for views
of his own went to the northward; and accordingly did not arrive at the
_Canaries_, till he might well judge his consort was gone: For page
9. he owns his arrival there on the seventeenth of _March_, which is
eleven days difference, and with this aggravation, that instead of
going to the windward, I well remember we hawl’d close in under the
lee of the said island, being the north-east side thereof; because the
winds govern there most part of the year in the south-west board.
The next day after losing company, _Shelvocke_ seeing a piece of a
wreck float along the _Speedwell_’s side, endeavour’d to persuade us,
that _Clipperton_ was lost in the storm, alledging, for his reasons,
that the _Success_ was built very slight, greater regard being had to
her sailing than burdening well, and that her weight of metal had torn
her sides out, and so was gone to the bottom. But finding this did
not pass with us, he then insisted that she bore away for _France_ or
_Ireland_, to purchase wine or brandy, without which, according to him,
nothing at all was to be done: And I own it was very hard to be forc’d
on a long voyage to the southward, when the sun was in his northern
course, without either of those chearful supports of nature. But to
prove that _Clipperton_ could do his duty without wine and brandy, he
like a good officer sail’d to the _Canaries_, being the first place
of rendezvous; and cruising there his limited time, proceded to St.
_Vincent_, one of the _Cape de Verd_ islands; at one of which places he
doubted not of meeting us.
_Taylor_’s journal has it thus,
“_Success, March 15, 1719._ Having cruised ten days off the _Canaries_,
without meeting our consort or taking any prize, and in little hopes
of either, we steer away to the _Cape de Verd_ islands: And at six
this forenoon the island _Gomera_ bore north half west, distant nine
leagues, latitude 28 : 00 north, longitude 00 : 00 west, whence I take
my departure.”
But _Shelvocke_, who never design’d to give the owners any true account
of his captures or procedings, from this time stood resolved to act
independently on _Clipperton_, and never meet him again, except by
chance: for as soon as we had lost the _Success_, _Hendrie_ and _Dod_,
as well as my self, who were at his table, often heard him declare,
he never would join her again, or words to that effect: wherein he
fulfill’d his promise by knocking his ship on the head at _Fernandes_,
the circumstances of which, as I shall hereafter relate them, will make
it plainly appear to be done on purpose. And further, he assur’d us
all at several times, that on his return to _Europe_, he would avoid
_England_, and go to _Hamburgh_, or some other free port, and there
remain till he should bring his owners to a composition; adding with
an oath, that if they went to law, he would hold them to it with their
own money. And herein also he has kept his word; for though he has been
in _London_ these five years, he still refuses giving the owners any
satisfaction: taking care however by absconding, to avoid being served
with a writ in _Chancery_; which I believe would soon put an end to the
suit so long carrying on by the gentlemen adventurers, on the evidence
of many who serv’d on board the _Speedwell_, as well as my own.
And such was this man’s particular affection for strong liquors, that
we have often heard him say, there was but one honest fellow among all
the gentlemen adventurers; for he spoke well when he desired we might
have brandy and wine enough; tho’ all the time we were fitting out, he
was pleas’d to call them men of worth and honour, and never failed at
every fresh bottle to drink their healths: But now ’tis damn them; and
for his part he would take care of number one. This new way of treating
our Patrons, whose property we were then making very free with,
somewhat startled us: and I fearing these frequent declarations of his
would rather tend to disunite the ship’s company, and ruin our scheme,
look’d often towards _Hatley_ our second captain, as expecting he
would speak first; but finding him silent, I address’d my self to our
commander in these words: Sir, if I may have leave to offer my thoughts
upon these frank declarations of your designs, it is my humble opinion,
that to act separately from captain _Clipperton_, will terminate in
the ruin of this expedition. To which he answered, no, no, we have
a good ship, well man’d, and found with all necessaries; we shall
do well enough: I reply’d, that surely our owners would have hardly
put themselves to the expense of two ships, could they have had any
reasonable prospect of making a good voyage with one in these remote
parts. This threw _Shelvocke_ into a great rage: He us’d me ill; said
I was insolent, and ask’d me if I meant to usurp the command of the
ship? The next day at dinner I drank, as usual, the gentlemens health
to whom we were all indebted for this favourable prospect of making our
fortunes. At this he flung his cann at my Head, while I was drinking,
and took it for an insult of his authority. Nor did he spare any of
his other officers; but at one time or other struck us all, except Mr.
_Dod_, whose greater advance in years perhaps protected him.
This scandalous treatment I was forc’d to undergo for the honour I did
the gentlemen owners, and respectfully mentioning the necessity of our
rejoining the _Success_. And from this time a universal discontent
appear’d in the ship’s company, not only among the officers, but was
visible in the faces of the meanest of the crew. For _Shelvocke_, to
improve his own design, went so far as to insinuate, that at our return
the gentlemen would be cunning enough to defraud us of our proper
dividends; tho’ I dare say there was none among us, who did not think
it more dishonourable to mistrust a set of worthy gentlemen, than to
find our selves deceiv’d by them at last.
Thus may the impartial reader see that all the uneasiness of
_Shelvocke_’s men was occasioned by his own inhumanity and
perfidiousness: And tho’ none of his officers, except my self, ever
offer’d to controvert his base conduct, or absurd sentiments, yet he
has the assurance _p_. 4. to say his people mutinied, and pretended the
ship was incapable to go through the voyage.
I will allow the men that the ship was very full and much pester’d, but
can’t allow _Shelvocke_ that she was so crank or tender as not to carry
sail. The wind was then at S. W. or S. W. by W. and he owns he carried
his topsails the next day after the storm, which was the 20^{th} of
_Feb._ Could she not then make as good way to the southward with her
starboard tacks aboard, as she could to the northward with her larboard?
Page 7. _Shelvocke_ gravely tells his readers that _Hatley_, second
captain, disputed the command with him. The Story in short is thus:
Some questions arising about seamanship, and both of them fuddled,
_Hatley_ seem’d too tenacious of his opinion; at which _Shelvocke_
in a fury bolted up, “See, gentlemen, do you mind how the villain
disputes the command with me?” These were his very words, using him but
in a scurvy manner before all the company, and upon the quarter-deck:
after which he order’d the men to call him no otherwise than Mr.
_Hatley_. This we’ll suppose they submitted to, and indulg’d the mighty
_Shelvocke_ in his mean vanity.
His son _George_ too contributed much to the company’s uneasiness, tho’
he had no real business to go with us; for his name is not among those
who subscrib’d the articles: and he knew nothing of sea affairs, or
indeed of any thing else that was commendable or manly. His imployment
at _London_ was to dangle after the women, and gossip at the tea-table;
and aboard us, his whole business was to thrust himself into all
society, overhear every thing that was said, then go and tell his
father: so that he was more fit for aboarding school than a ship of
war. Yet had this insignificant fellow a dividend of 660 pound out of
one prize, in prejudice to many honest brave men, destroy’d, lost and
begger’d at the captain’s pleasure.
We are now to the leeward of _Grand Canary_, where our captain takes a
little fisherman’s bark, I’m positive not above eight or ten ton, and
which we all pray’d might be turn’d adrift for the poor owner’s use,
but in vain; for tho’ of no import at all to us, yet to him she serv’d
as a good pretext for santering away ten or twelve days, fitting her
out in a warlike manner to peep into every creek of the lee of that and
the neighbouring islands, till _Clipperton_ may be well supposed gone
far enough ahead.
The next place of rendezvous he conceals from his officers. By his own
account, which follows, one would suspect him to be guilty; but by the
help of _Taylor_’s journal I shall convict him throughly.
_Shelvocke_ p. 9. “Having finish’d my cruise without meeting or hearing
of the _Success_, I found my self in a very melancholy state, when I
came to consider that the next appointed rendezvous was at the island
_John Fernandes_ in the great _South Seas_.” And yet p. 11. he says,
“We took our departure from _Faro_, one of the _Canaries_, in hopes
of meeting captain _Clipperton_ among the _Cape de Verd_ islands,
and took our prize along with us.”----which I am sure was not worth a
commission ship to be troubled with 300 leagues.
He well knew this was the next place agreed to meet at, tho’ carefully
concealed from us; however _Taylor_’s journal confirms it.
“_Success, March 21._ Fresh gales, _&c._ At six this afternoon we saw
St. _Vincent_, at ten next morning we anchor’d in the bay and found
a _French_ merchant ship and the _Diamond_ of _Bristol_, captain
_Cleader_, taking in an odd sort of cargo for _Jamaica_, _viz._ asses.
This being appointed the next place of rendezvous, we were in hopes to
find the _Speedwell_, but are convinced of the contrary, to our great
surprise, and greater concern for the want of our liquors, without the
moderate use of which, it’s dull living either ashore or at sea; so
that I cannot help saying we all look like the cargo aforemention’d,
for suffering _Shelvocke_ to keep our wine and brandy.”
Now let any indifferent person judge whether ’tis probable that
_Fernandes_ could be the next appointed rendezvous from the _Canaries_,
being a run of no less than 120 degrees.
We arrive next at the isle of _May_, and are taken for pyrates;
_Shelvocke_ gives it the softer name of freebooters. Here I remember we
had six silver goblets for our common drinking, and he, like a careful
officer, lest they should be lost, calls up the armourer to melt and
hammer five of them into circles to adorn the outside of a fine pail,
made by the cooper, for the more glorious drinking of _Hipsy_, a liquor
compounded of wine, water and brandy, which by the admirers of it, is
also call’d mear, drink and cloth. And now I took leave of a glass of
pure wine; for _Shelvocke_ labouring a little with the gout, imagined
this compound to be its best antidote, and so we all lived upon it in
a wanton manner, till our wine and brandy was exhausted; which, tho’
designed for the use of both ships, hardly served us a twelve month.
This also proved a means of dividing us; for those, whom hard drinking
did not agree with, he distinguish’d with a sour morose behaviour, and
look’d on them as malecontents; so that the quantity of _Hipsy_ was the
only title to a proportion of merit in our captain’s favour.
_Taylor_’s journal gives the following account of the island of St.
_Vincent_, which I thought not improper to insert. “That it affords but
little provision or refreshments of any kind, except goats and young
asses, which he says are good food, their men having eat very freely
thereof. That it’s also but a poor place to wood and water at, there
being but one small drein: and that your boats are always in danger,
from the greatness of the surf.” From hence they took their departure
on the 2d of _April 1719_.
But _Shelvocke_, who was not in so much haste, got no farther than the
island of St. _Jago_, on the 18th of the same month, where he sold his
small prize to the governer for but 80 dollars, tho’ he says 150. Then
he sends away his kinsman _Adams_, our Surgeon, to the chief town of
this island, to inform himself privately all that he could learn of the
_Success_; and to purchase sugar, without which there was no making
_Hipsy_. He return’d with the agreeable news of _Clipperton_’s being
gone from St. _Vincent_’s, which, however, was concel’d from us. And
now _Shelvocke_ being past all fears of meeting _Clipperton_, resolves
to put it out of the power of chance to fall in with him any more, by
forming a design of wintering at St. _Catharine_’s, on the coast of
_Brasil_: and accordingly, on the 20th of _April_, weighs anchor and
sails towards the continent of _America_.
On the 5th of _June_, 1719, we met a _Portuguese_ merchantman near
_Cape Frio_. Our captain order’d the Emperor’s colours to be hoisted,
which, without any reflection, look the most thief-like of any worn
by honest men: those of his Imperial Majesty are a black spread eagle
in a yellow field, and those of the pyrates a yellow field and black
human skeleton; which at a small distance are not easily distinguished,
especially in light gales of wind. So he brings her to, by firing a
musket thwart her forefoot; sends aboard her the best busker (as he
himself call’d _Hatley_) with a boat’s crew; each man arm’d with a
cutlass and a case of pistols.
The _Portuguese_ not only imagines his ship made prize, but thinks also
how he shall undergo that piece of discipline used by the merry blades
in the _West-Indies_, call’d blooding and sweating; which is done by
making the captain, on the ill report of his men, or his declining to
discover where his money is hid, to run the gantlet naked thro’ the
pyrate’s crew; each of them furnish’d with a sail-needle, pricking him
in the buttocks, back and shoulders; thus bleeding they put him into a
sugar cask swarming with cock-roaches, cover him with a blanket, and
there leave him to glut the vermin with his blood.
_Don Pedro_, to save his bacon, took care however to be very officious
or yare handed (as we say) with his present: For no sooner was _Hatley_
on his quarter-deck, but the _Portuguese_ seamen began to hand into
the boat the fruits and refreshments they had aboard, as plantins,
bananas, lemons, oranges, pomgranates, _&c._ three or four dozen boxes
of marmalade and other sweatmeats; some _Dutch_ cheeses, and a large
quantity of sugars.----If they had stopp’d here, it was well enough,
and might pass as a present; but after this there came above a dozen
pieces of silk, several of which were flower’d with gold and silver,
worth, at least, three pound a yard, by retale; several dozen of
_China_ plates and basins, a small _Japan_ cabinet; not to mention what
the men took, who on seeing the _Portuguese_ so brisk at handing their
things into the boat, concluded immediately they had as good a right to
a present, as any body else. So on board they go, laying hold on what
came next to hand: In short, as ’twas all a present, I can’t see who
could pretend to restrain them. Among other things, _Hatley_ brought
the last and handsomest present of all, a purse of 300 moydors.
This convinc’d _Shelvocke_ he was not deceiv’d in calling _Hatley_ the
best busker, that is, an impudent sharp fellow, (from the _Spanish_
word _buscar_, to look out sharp,) who, perhaps, to reingratiate
himself, did the devil’s work; by whose laudable example our boat’s
crew robb’d the man of more than I can pretend to say: but I remember
the boat was pretty well laden with one trade or other; and none of the
officers dared so much as peep into her, till all was out. While these
things were handing into the ship, a sham kind of quarel ensues between
our chieftains.
* * * * *
Shel. _Zounds! what do you mean by all this, Sir?_
Hat. _By what, Sir?_
Shel. _Bringing me these baubles?_
Hat. _Sir they are very cheap._
Shel. _But I shall want my money for other uses._
Hat. _They’ll fetch double the cost at our next port._
Shel. _You always act contrary to my orders._
Hat. _Sir, I laid out my own money in the same things as I did yours._
Shel. _It’s a hard case I have no officer worth trusting; I can have
nothing well done, except I go out of the ship my self upon every
occasion._
Hat. _I thought I had done for the better._--
Shel. _I’ll have you know, Sir, I’ll be obey’d._
Hat. _Your commands shall always be to me as a law._
Shel. _Where’s the account or bill of parcels?_
Hat. _Sir, not easily understanding one another, we lump’d it; but I
can draw one out._
Shel. _Pray see you do._
Hat. _Yes Sir._
Shel. _Whither is he bound?_
Hat. _To_ Pernambucco.
Shel. _Where belonging to?_
Hat. _To_ Rio Janeiro, _whence he brought these fruits and
refreshments, which he presents you with; desiring me to give you his
humble service, and that any thing in his ship is at your disposal._
Shel. _Well, I believe he’s a very honest fellow. Take the trumpet;
tell him I thank him, and that he may persue his voyage._
Hatley with the speaking trumpet. _O senior capitan, O ho?_
Capt. _Ho la senior._
Hat. _Amigo, Prosiga v, m, su camino con dios_; that is, go on friend,
and God bless you.
Capt. muttering. _Y, v, m, el voestro con mille demonios, perro
ladron_; that is, go you on, you thieving dog, and a thousand devils
along with you.
The _Portuguese_ captain thus fleeced, hoisted his topsails and away
he goes, glad enough ’twas no worse. _Shelvocke_ will have it, p. 16.
that there were but four or five pieces of silk, but I have as good
a memory as himself: And supposing, tho’ not allowing there was no
more, and as the 80 dollars, prize money, was laid out in sugar and
some refreshments at St. _Jago_, whence must the cost of those silks,
china and cabinet come? since I am positive we could not muster up
five pounds amongst us all when we left _Plymouth_; answering in that
respect the character of right privatiers men; but in no other instance.
He likewise says, p. 22. that _Hatley_’s moydors were but 80 or 100,
whereof ten were given the cockswain, and six to each of the boat’s
crew, which shall, in the sequel, be set in a fairer light, when
_Hatley_ and I were taken prisoners, and 96 of the moydors found upon
him.
In a few days after this, all our petty officers and boat’s crew
appear’d in their fine silk waistcoats, caps and breeches; our
commander himself in a silken skin, as the word _peaud’soy_ implies,
and the beau gentleman his son, in a cinnamon colour’d sute of fine
silk, all wondrous gallant and gay!
_Shelvocke_ soon perceived by the whispering and shyness of his
officers in the cabin, that this management did not please them, tho’
none of us dared to speak the least about it: So to make us easy, as
he would have it (tho’ in reality to make us accomplices) he order’d
us to bring into the cabin all our scarlet sutes;--the Gentlemen who
fitted us out, having given the chief officers, to the number of twenty
five in both ships, a scarlet sute each;--When he made us the following
speech.
* * * * *
Gentlemen,
“We have yet a long voyage in hand, and ’tis uncertain where or how we
shall be furnish’d with cloaths, when these we have are worn out or
impair’d. To shew you therefore that I have your interest as much at
heart as my own, I have consider’d that your sleeve cuffs and pocket
flaps will be first subject to the injuries of time; which to prevent,
I here make each of you a present of as much gold and silver flower’d
silk as will serve to cover them. To you gentlemen sea officers,
scarlet with gold; and to you gentlemen of the marines, green with
silver.” For this kind offer we all return’d humble thanks, beging
leave at the same time to be excus’d from this piece of finery: but all
in vain; for our captain would not be outdone in point of generosity:
we must appear something like himself. And he in his black _peaud’soy_
sute trim’d with large silver loops down the breast, made a ridiculous
figure enough.
He has somewhere, I think, call’d me a _Cape of Good Hope man_; which
noted headland I never saw, and therefore know not what he means by
it: But ’tis certain this transaction with the _Portuguese_ proved
_Shelvocke_ a right _Cape Frio_ man, which I believe is very easily
understood.
Tho’ _Shelvocke_ never kept any journal, or intended to give the
gentlemen any fair account of his actions; yet at his arrival in
_England_, finding this story was blown, he was under a necessity of
removing from himself the imputation of Pyracy as well as he could: and
therefore confidently tells the world, page 23. that he made a protest
against _Hatley_, and deliver’d it to captain _Clipperton_, in the
_South-Sea_, which, if true, instead of mending makes the story worse.
Now, this is mere invention, founded upon the difficulty there seems
to be of confuting him; for _Clipperton_ died in _June 1722_. I was
left a prisoner at _Lima_ in _Peru_, and probably sacrificed. As for
_Hatley_, he indeed did arrive at _London_ in 23; but went immediately
for _Jamaica_, never shewing his face to any one of the owners: so that
_Shelvocke_ imagin’d there was no witness of consequence to reveal
his craft and treachery; having had three or four years to frame and
complete this romantic libel.
However, I desire this invisible gentleman to answer me these following
questions.
Why such protest was not made while _Hatley_ was on board the
_Speedwell_, to be confronted by a cloud of witnesses?
Why that protest (if any such ever was made) should be deliver’d to
captain _Clipperton_, whom _Shelvocke_ from page 22. to 25 of his
preface, and all along has made such a sad insignificant fellow; and to
whom he had too much pride to think himself accountable? and,
Why was not a copy of that protest printed in his book, fairly vouch’d
by his chief officers, as well as that long impertinent one against the
governer of _Sansonate_; on the opposite part of the globe? page 340.
I really believe one would have been much more to his credit than the
other.
We arrive next at St. _Catherine_’s on the coast of _Brazil_, lat.
27 : 30 S: where our captain shews us a masterpiece of machiavilian
politicks; making by the following stratagem the greatest number of
his ships company rogues against their own inclinations: and knowing
this could not be suddenly brought about, he had long been preparing
for that purpose his instrument, one _Mathew Stewart_; who, as his own
steward, waited on us in the cabin, till our arrival at the _Canary_
islands, when and where _Shelvocke_ had promoted him to be first mate
of the ship, tho’ not seaman enough to distinguish between a brace and
a bowline. This was done to gain him greater credit with the men; tho’
it was a direct prejudice to three or four clever young fellows who
were good seamen and artists. His accepting a steward’s place at first
is an undeniable argument he was no seaman. The
The weight of my argument depending much on proving _Stewart_ no
seaman, the reader I hope will pardon my inserting this account of
him. He was the son or apprentice of a shopkeeper at _Glasgow_ in
_North Britain_, and went supercargo of a small ship to _Maryland_ or
_Virginia_. On his return from his first voyage he touch’d at _London_,
where he squander’d away most of his money: so not caring to look his
friends in the face, he desir’d of captain _Shelvocke_ to be imploy’d
in our expedition; who made him his steward. He was a young man of good
sense and good education: so that it’s plain if he were qualified for
doing the duty of a sea-officer, his ambition would not have suffer’d
him to accept a steward’s place: and how fit this man was for first
mate of a private ship of war, I leave other judges than my self to
determine. In this article I appeal to Mr. _James Moffat_ and Company,
mercers in _St. Martins le Grand_.
This spark had not been long tampering with the men, before he brought
them to any thing he pleased; especially when they saw he always had
the captain’s ear, and was so very much in his favour also; which
gave us all a kind of emulation, wondering what rare qualifications
_Shelvocke_ could discover in a fellow, who but a few days before
rinsed our glasses and filled us our wine.
But the mystery was here unravell’d, on our finding a round robine
sent up by the men to _Shelvocke_, by this minion of his. Robine is a
mutinous letter, at the bottom of which every subscriber sets his hand
in a round ring, to avoid being called first in the mutiny. The tenor
of this letter set forth their diffidence of the gentlemen owners,
and their fears of being all cheated: which the fellows before had no
notion of, if not prompted to these apprehensions, as I said before,
by _Shelvocke_ himself; who finding all that he had done and said fail
of the desired effect, had now made use of this emissary _Stewart_, to
poison the men’s minds, when otherwise they would have been quiet at
their duty. I need no stronger argument to prove the honest and orderly
disposition of the ship’s company, than this writer’s own words,
page 4. who says himself, they were four fifths landmen; whose first
complaint, ’tis well known, is always for want of provisions; which
they, however do in a more submissive manner. But this was quite out
of the case; as what they never could or did complain of. Besides, if
the boatswain and his mates were supported in the discharge of their
duty, they were sufficient enough to keep them under. Add to this,
that we were nine officers at his table, an unusual number for such a
ship, being so design’d that we might effectually oppose any intended
mutinies: but this despotic man had so intimidated us, that had we
offered our service, by promising to assist him in bringing those
pretended mutiniers to reason, the very proposal from us would have
been construed a real mutiny. And further it may be easily imagined,
that no one would have had the confidence to deliver this arbitrary
captain any proposal savouring of discontent and mutiny, except a pupil
so instructed; and such was _Stewart_, whom I might more properly call
_quartermaster_, since he officiated as one who had rather been used to
the _Jamaica_ discipline, than a well regulated private ship of war.
None therefore but a man void of truth and shame could impute, as
_Shelvocke_ does, all his innovations and wilful mismanagements to the
mutinies of his men; when any six of his cabin officers, having the
small arms always in our own custody, would have drove the rascals over
the forecastle, without deserving to be recorded as heroes.
In fine, new regulations and articles were made and introduced by
_Stewart_, allowing an additional perquisit to _Shelvocke_ himself
of 5 _per cent_. upon the whole capture to be made; which, after his
example, we all sign’d.
To give the better countenance to this preceding, _Shelvocke_ asked
us officers of his mess, whom we would chuse for our agent? to this
not one of them even dared to say a word, waiting his own direction to
point out the man: At last I said, that since the whole ship’s company,
except our selves, had vested such a power in Mr. _Stewart_, I could
see no reason why he might not make one trouble of it, and pay us all
our respective shares. To this he answer’d with a menacing sneer, ay by
god, I suppose you want that preferment your self. I replyd, I was so
well satisfyd with my own shares, and the imployment given me by the
Gentlemen at home, that I never coveted or thought of any other. This
too gave a great deal of offense. However _Shelvocke_ modestly told us,
that unless we chose his own nephew _Adams_ the surgeon, we should make
a voyage for a _knife_ and _sheath_. It was no sooner said than done:
the doctor drew up an Instrument immediately, and we were constraind to
sign it.
But the merriest agent of all, was _Shelvocke_ himself, who calling
the next day to Mr. _Hendrie_, the Gentlemen’s agent, told him that
he himself would now be agent for the owners, and _Hendrie_ might be
purser of the ship, if he pleased: at which arbitrary usurpation, Mr.
_Hendrie_ was very much shockt; well knowing that as agent he had
a right to twenty shares; but as purser, only what _Shelvocke_ was
pleased to allow; for as yet we had no such officer mentiond aboard
the ship: wherefore seeing the difficulties we lay under, he believed
it was in vain to struggle, and only made this gentle return.----Sir,
I hope I have done nothing unbecoming my duty, either in my office,
or personally to you; and therefore beg leave to remind you, that
those gentlemen who gave you your commission in this ship, made me
also their agent for all such captures as she should make: for which
_Hendrie_ got no satisfaction, but _Shelvocke_’s adding with an oath
that if he did not accept a purser, he should neither be one nor the
other. Whereupon Mr. _Hendrie_ demanded, in his own right, to have a
council of the officers calld who should hear and determine the case;
which being absolutely refused, _Hendrie_ drew up a protest against the
captain’s arbitrary procedings, a copy of which he gave into his own
hand, and deliverd one to each officer of his mess: which is a proof
of _Hendrie_’s honest spirit, and that he was worthy of the post the
gentlemen gave him.
My reader may possibly question how so much craft, so much treachery,
such an abuse of power, could meet together in the person of one man:
but I here solemnly aver every circumstance of this affair to be true;
and appeal to all persons concernd therein, besides the depositions
aforesaid.
Nor is it so much to be wonder’d at, if we consider a commander of a
ship in a far distant latitude, with unlimited power, bad views, ill
nature and ill principles all concurring.----I say, it’s not to be
wondered at whatever such a Man does, for he is past all restraint.
A late instance of this kind is captain _Jayne_, of _Bristol_ who, in a
most extraordinary lingering manner, cruelly starved and tortured his
cabin boy to death; nor could his whole ship’s company hinder it, tho’
it was long a doing: however, when ashore, the men were freed from that
tyrannical power, and were bold enough to speak the truth, which hanged
him.
But to return. Thus was _Shelvocke_’s great estate to be got suddenly,
without any one in the ship to be a check upon him, or even a witness
of the _quantum_ or _quomodo_, _how_ or _how much_; for now ’tis
evident all must pass through his own and his two creatures hands;
_Shelvocke_ being agent for the owners, his kinsman for us of the
cabin, and _Stewart_ agent for the petty officers and men.
Nor did he stop here; for he also proposed to reduce me from captain
of marines to lieutenant, and the two lieutenants of marines to petty
officers: but I having a letter from _Edward Hughes_, Esq; directed
to captain _Mitchel_, then the commanding officer of the _Speedwel_,
to receive me and my servant on board, and to enter me on the roll of
equipage, as captain of marines, which I produced, he desisted, and
I heard no more of it: but this I remember, that in two days time my
pocket-book was stole from me, wherein I kept the said letter, and some
memorandums of our captain’s very fine procedings.
Instead of coming into this harbour of St. _Catharine_’s, it’s plain
_Shelvocke_’s duty was to make the best of his way to the southward,
that he might be early with the enemy the _Spaniard_; for _Clipperton_,
about this time, was actually in the great _South Sea_. But our
commander found it more comfortable to pass the winter away near that
glorious luminary the sun, than at the hazard of losing his liquors
to follow his orders and his commodore into the frozen straits of
_Magellan_, where _Clipperton_ and his men suffer’d extreme hardships,
being quite destitute of those supports which we super-abounded with.
To palliate these mismanagements _Shelvocke_ tells ye, p. 51. that
to save his _English_ provisions, he bought twenty one head of black
cattle; which, I am sure, was but four: one hundred and fifty bushels
of cassader meal; which was no more than five or six: and as for other
provisions (excepting three or four hogs) ’tis a forgery; for the
inhabitants hearing from our deserters of the _Cape Frio_ story, would
no longer deal with us; tho’ Monsieur _Laport_, one of our lieutenants,
who was a roman catholic, apply’d to the _padre_, one Sunday after
divine service, to sell _Shelvocke_ what he wanted.
He says, in his home made story, page 48. that _Hatley_ burn’d the
_Portuguese_ house, tho’ we have often heard him blame _Randal_, his
lieutenant, for so doing, he being really the man. This indeed was but
a brutish return to the people, who out of fear or complaisance had
quitted their house, for our coopers and sail-makers to work in, and
likewise served us for a guard house. But _Shelvocke_ says nothing of
_Coldsea_ the master, the most quarelsome turbulent fellow in the ship,
because whatever imperfect reckoning they had, was kept by him, having
made the tour of the globe together. This man at St. _Catharine_’s
was doom’d by _Shelvocke_ for transportation to _Europe_, because he
insulted his kinsman _Adams_; and to save himself an oath, that he
never should come over the ship’s side again, he suffer’d him, at the
intreaty of Mr. _Dodd_, to enter at a gun-port.
As to the awning, which he set up page 51. and which he intends as a
justification of his coming in here, it proved rather a nusance than a
benefit; for as the place afforded not the proper materials, he could
not make it staunch and tight, so that the rain, as it fell from the
clouds, was not half so troublesom, as the streams it made through this
imperfect piece of work, into the poor men’s necks: besides, it very
much hinder’d our walking the deck. Captain _Clipperton_ had twice made
the voyage before, and therefore was something of a judge; and he, as
well as the gentlemen at home, thought the _Speedwel_ completely enough
fitted out without any additions of captain _Shelvocke_’s.
It’s merry enough to observe how _Shelvocke_ p. 25. makes Mons. _La
Jonquiere_, who was a gentleman of good sense, commander of a fifty
gun ship in the King of _Spain_’s service, and in time of war with
_England_, hold forth to the supposed mutinous crew of an _English_
privatier, then going to take, sink, burn and destroy as many of the
ships belonging to the subjects of the king his master, as should have
the misfortune of falling into their clutches; and to this effect, that
they should behave themselves dutifully and obediently towards their
honest commander, who was leading them to make their fortunes. The
absurdity of this is plain enough, when I consider there were not above
four or five in our ship at most, who understood any thing of _French_:
and I am sure _La Jonquiere_ did not speak a word of _English_:
besides, he had something else to mind; all this being only a drunken
frolick, occasion’d by the _Frenchman_’s coming aboard us to make merry.
Another, but a worse blunder he commits in the speech, he pretends was
made to captain _Hatley_, by Monsieur _La Riviere_, commander of a
_Portuguese_ man of war of forty guns, which arrived there some time
before we sail’d, p. 26. “That it was very likely he might receive
a gratuity from the matter of the ship[2], to prevent his being
troublesome: but that his captain’s coming immediately into a port of
the same nation, was a convincing demonstration to him (besides the
meanness of the story) that there could not be any public or general
base design, and that he was far from mistrusting there could be any
private one, and desired him to give his humble service to me, and tell
me, that he had a great deal of honour and respect for me; and begg’d I
would let him have the conveniencies I had ashore (when I had done with
them) if the _French_ captain had not preingaged them.”
[2] That is the _Portuguese_ off _Cape Frio_.
Now, ’tis very unlikely that a captain of a man of war, of double the
force, and in a harbour of his own nation, should beg leave in so
obsequious a manner for conveniencies, which he might easily command;
and I know of no conveniencies there, except the house which _Randal_
burn’d; for _Shelvocke_ owns himself, p. 57. that he saw no house or
fortification, except the woods. And whereas he (for reasons best
known to himself) will have it that _Hatley_ was so odious to the
_Portuguese_ inhabitants, charging him with things quite foreign to
the truth; it was not his case alone: we were all equally hated by
them; for they were by this time acquainted with the ill treatment the
_Portuguese_ captain met with from us; as he himself plainly allows,
p. 45. saying, “I made no doubt but that captain _Hatley_’s affair
would be reported to this gentleman, by some of the inhabitants; and
therefore told him, that I expected he would go and vindicate himself
to the _Portuguese_ captain, to prevent any disturbances that might
arise, by the account of his mismanagement on board the _Portuguese_ we
met at sea. To which he readily replied, that he would. Therefore to
give him an opportunity of doing it, I sent a complement by Monsieur
_La Riviere_.”
Now had the business with the _Portuguese_, off of _Cape Frio_, been
a fair merchandize, as _Shelvocke_ relates it, p. 16. how comes he
here to call it mismanagement, and cautiously to send _Hatley_ with a
complement to vindicate himself?
A _Creolian Spaniard_, servant to one of captain _Jonquiere_’s
lieutenants, having robb’d his Master of a hundred quadruples, each
of which is four pistoles, absconded in the woods, designing to take
his passage with us round _Cape Horne_, to his own country again. _La
Jonquiere_ and the lieutenant applied to _Shelvocke_, desiring, that
in case the servant should be found, and the money upon him, he would
secure him and take it from him; giving _Shelvocke_ directions how to
remit the money to _France_, on his arrival in _Europe_, all which
he faithfully promised to perform. As soon as the _Ruby_ sail’d, the
fellow appear’d to our men at the watering place, with one moiety
of the money in his pocket, designing, I suppose, to pay for his
passage with it: but _Shelvocke_ not content with that, order’d him
to be seiz’d to the jears, where he was whipp’d and pickled, which
was repeated every _Munday_ for a month: but the fellow, who had run
the risque of hanging for it, and knew the value of money as well as
the captain, stood the lash without confessing he had any more: so
he remain’d on board and had his passage. Thus was _Shelvocke_, with
his wholesome severities, teaching the _Spaniard_ the heinousness of
defrauding his master; when we all very well knew _Shelvocke_ deserved
the same discipline himself: which brings to my mind an excellent
distich of Dr. _Garth_.
_But little villains must submit to fate,
That great ones may injoy the world in state._
This story I mention, because he has been cunning enough to skip it
over, and only says, p. 31. “’twas well for him he had some money
from one of the _Ruby_’s people,” which must be the said lieutenant’s
servant.”
I think it needs explanation, how such friendship could exist between
two warlike ships of nations already declared enemies, especially since
_Shelvocke_ has said nothing of it; fancying the world might ascribe
it to his own wise conduct, or rather his gasconading _Monsieur_ into
that complaisant temper.
I must therefore acquaint the reader that _La Jonquiere_ had on board
his ship a good sum of the King’s money, and near twenty fathers;
some of which had been many years in _Peru_, _Chili_ and _Paraguay_
missionaries _de propaganda fide_, and had well fill’d their purses,
the gospel there proving very great gain: besides many other wealthy
passengers from those parts. These pacific gentry did by no means like
the noise of great guns, or changing the pleasures of this world for
the uncertainties of immortality: and Monsieur, no doubt, had found how
to turn that disposition of theirs into a good article in his accounts.
Besides, to my knowledge he had not at his first coming in, above sixty
well men, tho’ he had near 400 aboard, passengers included; which ill
state of his people was chiefly occasion’d by his passing _Cape Horne_
in the winter with indifferent provision, which the _Spaniards_ in
_America_ know not how to cure or pack up.
Before we sail’d, there arrived a _French_ merchant ship from St.
_Malo_, commanded by Monsieur _Dumain Girard_, bound for _Chili_; who
meeting _La Jonquiere_ at sea, had got an order on _Shelvocke_ to pay
him the money: But _Shelvocke_ refus’d it, saying, he would remit it,
on his return to _England_, to the lieutenant, whose money it was;
which, if he has done, is very extraordinary, being contrary to his
dealings in other cases, with those who have had his acquaintance in
this voyage.
At length we sail’d from St. _Catharine_’s, but saw no more ships to
try the project of the Emperor’s colours with: so that nothing to my
present purpose happens, till we got round _Cape Horne_. Where, as we
approach the enemy, _Shelvocke_ fearing some of us might be spies upon
his actions, thought it the wisest way to get rid of those whom he had
hitherto observed uneasy at his procedings; and sets his son _George_
and _Adams_ his kinsman, to tell us, in a formal manner; That such of
us, as did not like to serve under captain _Shelvocke_, should soon be
found with other imbarkations. And this was often repeated.
Let the reader then be pleased to observe, that he has placed this
affair p. 62. before we got to _Cape Horne_: but this is another proof
that he kept no regular journal, for all this happened when we were in
the great _South-Sea_, and liquors began to grow scarce.
He begins, p. 60: where he says, as we advanced to the southward, the
men’s stomachs increased with the sharpness of the air. Here he says
I grew a champion for the officers, and wanted a greater allowance
at his table: which is intirely a false insinuation, for no one was
better pleased with the allowance, and so were the people: and having
served as an officer several years in the navy, I must needs know that
any man, in such an expedition, guilty of what _Shelvocke_ lays to
my charge, well deserved to be shot through the head. Afterwards he
aggravates this story, by saying _Betagh_ had a voracious appetite,
and eat more than came to his share. I need not wonder at any thing
_Shelvocke_ says on this head; for he being a very small eater himself,
fancied all other people gluttons: I verily believe he never eat above
two ounces in a day, as long as _hipsy_ lasted; but was a great drinker
all the voyage; whereas I never loved drinking: so that the difference
between us is only this, I eat more than he, and he drank more than I:
and when I am to tell the story, the reflection is turned: He appears a
drunkard, and I a moderate man.
Now this is such mean pitiful scandal for an author who sets out with
the noble title of a voyage round the world, that it must convince
mankind how trifling his observations have been, how ill grounded
his malice is to me, and how far fetched his revenge. ’Tis a poor
reflection upon a man, who in his appetite is as moderate as most are,
and hardly deserves the answer I have given it.
’Tis in the same page, where he says I had the insolence to tell him
publickly, that the _voyage_ should be _short_ with him. I frankly
own I said the words, and scorn to deny it: but said them not in that
order he has maliciously put them. For to avoid his brow-beating me,
I often used to sit cross the spitsail-yard arm in fine weather, with
a book, or the fishgigg to strike the fish; and one time coming down
pretty thirsty, I found them all drinking hugger mugger in the cabin,
upon which I said, Faith, now I find I must drink in spight; which
_Shelvocke_ furiously resented, as an argument that I would drink
in spight of him, whether he would or no: upon which I thus addrest
him, and said, since we are past the _Cape_, the most dangerous and
fatiguing part of our navigation, and are so near the enemy, I beg of
you, Sir, to let us live as easy as possible; for now I hope in God the
_voyage_ will be _short_ with us. These were infallibly my very words:
but according to his way of perverting them, what must the reader
imagine, but that I designed to throw my captain over-board, or murder
him?
As _Shelvocke_ has turn’d it, it can bear no better meaning. This I
think a very cruel mischievous way of perverting a man’s words, and not
unlike the Devil’s method of quoting scripture.
However, my good captain, for these and other reasons that I have
set forth, was pleased to order me under confinement: and it may be
here thought strange, considering what a troublesome creature he has
represented me, that I bore this with such temper and submission; ’tis
much he don’t say I mutinied. But I was taken into custody, laid at
my full length on the arms-chest at the bulk-head in the steerage, and
confined just there: and, what with the height of the chest and the
bedding, the upper deck was so very close, I had hardly room to lie
extended upon it, there being no possibility of sitting up, so that my
victuals was brought me there; and when I offered to make water upon
deck, the centinel was always close at my heels with a drawn sword: and
thus I continued twelve or fourteen days, no body daring to speak to
me, except Mr. _Hendrie_, who before this was also turn’d out of the
mess.
Liberty is what we are all fond of; but the ridiculous manner of my
confinement made it more irksom and tedious: so that it was natural
for me to try any method for inlargement. And if _Shelvocke_ had
proceded legally, I should have been try’d by a council of our own
officers, according to captain _Rogers_’s method, which we were order’d
to follow: but being past all hopes of that, I soon found it plain,
that all he wanted was an humble letter under my hand; for by what
his son _George_ had said (that we should be soon found with other
imbarkations) I believe I was intended a sacrifice to the _Spaniard_:
therefore finding by _Adams_, that a letter was expected, I e’en writ
five or six lines in as handsome a manner as I could, but not that
long forg’d letter, p. 26. fram’d and contrived just to serve his own
purpose, by making him appear innocent and me guilty: the original of
which, if he can produce of my hand writing, I here promise to own all
the rest of his book to be true. And doubtless, if I ever wrote such a
letter, _Shelvocke_ would be wise enough to preserve it, not only for
his own credit, but to put me to confusion.----Wherefore I here dare
him to it: and whatever I did write, the reader may easily see that the
nature of my circumstances extorted it.
As for the additional allowance, which he speaks of, p. 62. ’tis
inserted there on purpose to make that inference, p. 74. where he
says he could not procede directly to the northward, because the
supernumerary allowance aforementioned had wasted our wood and water;
and so truly _Shelvocke_ says he was obliged to go to _Narbrough_’s
island to recruit these two articles.
Sure this man has the greatest share of hypocrisy that I ever met with.
This story is a mere vile fiction made here at home, to excuse himself
to the Owners, who have all been inraged at his conduct. _Shelvocke_
was still fearful of meeting his consort; and goes to _Narbrough_’s
island, for nothing but to loiter time away, and avoid any probable
chance of seeing _Clipperton_: besides no private ships have any
business to touch to the southward, there being nothing at all to be
got; and by his own account you see it was a foolish attempt, for he
came back as he went, and narrowly escaped losing his ship.
While he is going round _Cape Horne_, he gravely tells us, p. 73. how
melancholy it was to be without his consort. “I must own (says he)
that this navigation is truly melancholy, and was the more so to us,
who were by our selves, without a companion, which would have somewhat
diverted our thoughts from the reflexion of being in such a remote part
of the world, and as it were, separated from the rest of mankind, to
struggle with the dangers of a stormy climate.”----poor _Shelvocke!_
Now this is all such a jest, that it makes the reader laugh: for after
all your whining, ’tis plain it better suted your scheme to be without
captain _Clipperton_, who having no store of wine or brandy, must
needs be very melancholy in this wretched climate; and therefore these
reflections of yours would seem much more natural from _Clipperton_,
who wanted your company more than you did his.
Still to confirm this, as we came into the parallel of the island of
_Chiloe_, on the continent, latitude 40 South, _Shelvocke_ would go in
there, and all the arguments we could use to the contrary, signified
nothing: for late as it was, if we had gone to _Fernandes_, there were
some hopes of meeting captain _Clipperton_, that being the last place
of rendezvous, and where only all private ships do first touch for
wood and water, without going to any part of the continent for fear of
alarming the coast: besides, he well knew that no _British_, _French_,
or any other ship ever touch’d there; nor hath any chart ever described
it: yet he would venture in, where we almost miraculously escaped
with our lives; and all this, like the rest of his schemes, to avoid
joining captain _Clipperton_.
We were no sooner enter’d, but we found our selves surrounded with
terrible breakers; for such is the uncertainty and rapidity of the
several tides or currents meeting there, that ’twould at once astonish
and baffle the most judicious mariner to describe it.
We were first taken under the bow with a current setting from the lee
of one island: (there being several) then immediately under the quarter
with another, so that the ship could not answer her helm. At last the
most powerful of these currents horsed her away on the west shore, into
three fathom and a half, where the torrent ran with such impetuosity,
and the ground was so foul, that the sand appear’d on the surface from
the bottom: all which together afforded us a dismal prospect. However
the anchor brought her up, which if we had not let go when we did,
every man of us must inevitably have perish’d: for had she touch’d the
bottom there, she must in a moment have gone to pieces, or overset by
the strength of the current.
According to this description, the reader, tho’ unacquainted with
seamanship, will easily conceive that every soul of us was in the
utmost danger by the unwarrantable procedings of this one obstinate
man: Tho’ to do justice to my enemy, I must allow captain _Shelvocke_
to be as able a seaman and artist as perhaps any whatever; which still
makes his guilt in this affair the more enormous.
To confirm what I have already said, the ship, while riding here, kept
continually on the sheer, till the cable was so rubb’d and gaul’d by
the rocks, that it was stranded, and then it parted: But _Shelvocke_
will have it, p. 80. that the great strain it then bore, was occasion’d
by the wind blowing fresh: whereas if it had blown more than a
moderate gale, we could not have kept our topsails loose; which very
providentially saved all our lives: for as soon as we found her adrift,
we back’d her off to the eastward, the tide being chang’d; but had she
cast with her head to the westward, our voyage must infallibly have
terminated there with our lives.
As to the reasons he gives for going to this place, they are all
invented and made at home. He says, p. 77. _La Fontaine_, the
_Frenchman_ we had out of the _Ruby_, gave him great hopes and ideas of
the place, for that he had been there; but I am sure that ship never
touch’d to the southward, farther than _Conception_: and then he says
that _Frenchman_’s assurances prevail’d upon us all unanimously to go
to this island: whereas, as I said before, we all too well knew the
danger and vanity of it, (to call it no worse) and labour’d in vain to
dissuade him from it.
I have given the reader many specimens of _Shelvocke_’s hypocrisy and
baseness; here follows an instance of his ill manners. At our arrival
in the harbour of _Chiloe_, _Shelvocke_, by the advice of _La Port_ our
third lieutenant, hoisted _French_ colours, and assumes the name of
_Janis le Breton_; and the _Speedwel_ he calls the _St. Rose_, in which
the said _Le Breton_ had made several voyages in these Seas.
Here he puts in practice the strangest discipline that ever I heard
of. As soon as we were in the harbour, the night approaching, our
captain orders the watch upon deck to divide into three parties: on
the forecastle, a midships, and on the quarterdeck; and to call out
every five minutes to look out well afore there, look out well abaft
there, each party in their turn answering aloud, Ay,--Ay; and this
to be continued every night. This hollowing and hooping so terrified
the people ashore, that they never dared to appear by day; and had
nothing to do all night, but drive their cattle into the woods too far
for us to follow them, and secure their best effects as well as they
could. Add to this the terrible scarecrow figures we made by day in
our grenadiers caps, which he made us all put on to fright the enemy,
and which were at least two and twenty inches high. So that the people
aboard the canoe, which first came to us, and carried _Shelvocke_’s
first letter to the governer, were so scared at us, that they never
had courage enough to return with an answer: but erected a pole with a
white flag of peace, in the night time, and at the foot of it left a
letter from the governer, with a present of twelve large hams for our
captain.
By this letter, p. 84. it was great condescension in the governer to
take that notice of us: for tho’ we indeavour’d to pass for the ship
above mention’d, yet by this odness of discipline, and monstrous kind
of caps, I rather think they took us for some wild creatures from a
country yet unknown. Now if _Shelvocke_ had at heart the interest of
his owners, he would have improved this disposition of the governer,
who had, as it were kindly broke the ice, by making the first present:
For all the governers for his _Spanish_ Majesty are strictly forbid to
deal in any wise; but particularly ordered to oppose all nations having
any provisions whatever, as being most jealous of that clandestine way
of trade.
The governer, no doubt, expected some sort of return for his present:
at least a gentleman like one: for none of the governers in this part
of the world come to take the air, but to make their fortunes. But our
_Janis Le Breton_ returns about a pound and half of butter, at least
eighteen months in salt; a pound of black pepper, and two _Dutch_
cheeses about the bigness of ninepin bowls. Now any one may imagine
how stupidly ridiculous this appeared to a gentleman, governer of a
province flowing indeed with milk and honey. However, in his next
letter he thanks our captain in terms as civil as the former.
If _Shelvocke_ had sent the governer a handsome piece of silk of the
_Cape Frio_ acquisition, for his lady, it would have been a genteel
return, and sutable to the gaiety of the _American Spaniards_. I make
no doubt we should have had fat beeves and hogs, as many as we wanted:
but the whimsical duty which our commander order’d us to perform,
together with his own aukward behaviour, made us really appear both
frightful and ridiculous: and if he had acted as he ought, what pretext
could remain for his loitering here, and not going immediately to
the place of rendezvous? But his coming in and all he did here, was
intirely vain amusement, idly wasting five or six weeks, ordering us
every day ashore, in our fools caps, in the persuit of game or shooting
the wild boar.
So that what we were chiefly supplied with, was the produce of two
small islands on the starboard-side going in; for which we were
indebted to lieutenant _Brook_’s good management, who at our first
coming secured all the small imbarkations he found in the bay, which
hindered the inhabitants carrying off their cattle.
I come now to the story, p. 98. relating to my self, which he has
drest up with silly falsities only to expose me. In short, _Shelvocke_
order’d me and lieutenant _Dodd_, with as many marines as the pinnace
could carry, to go ashore at the flag place, to exercise only; whereas
he falsly says it was to get supplies from the _Spaniards_. I who had
never learned, seeing the rest of our officers had taken it in their
heads to learn, thought it would appear singular, if I did not learn
too: so we exercised about half a dozen times making but one line of
about fifteen men (tho’ he talks of ranks) and went strait aboard. The
real design of this was quite otherwise than he would have the world
believe: for the second or third day after our arrival, two canoes
approach’d us to form some judgment of our designs; and for that reason
we were order’d to exercise ashore, in this manner, to appear as
formidable as we could: but it was in hopes the _Spaniards_, taking
it for a formal landing to plunder them, would knock us on the head,
which was easily enough to be done; for _Shelvocke_ when he sent us,
said there was no need of any powder or shot, tho’ we cautiously took
some unknown to him: besides, had it been only to exercise, it might
have been done aboard, or at the watering place the other side the bay,
where there was none but our own people.
There was no reason to send us in the very mouths of the _Spaniards_,
with so few men, unfurnish’d (as he thought) with ammunition, to a
place where only danger could be expected, if it was not with secret
hopes to have us cut off: For _Dodd_ and I being two of those who were
a check upon him, he did not want above half his number of men to carry
on his separate views and base designs. And tho’ he says _Hatley_
commanded the boat, I seriously aver that _Hatley_ was not among us:
but it was the pinnace, and no soul with us but the marines, who rowed
her ashore and off again, by eleven a clock the same morning, tho’ he
says I was left all night.
But fully to prove that _Shelvocke_ never kept any journal at all; I
do own that about five weeks after this time, I being ashore on one
of the two islands on the other side the bay to keep a guard at the
watering-place, where was no body but our own men; captain _Hatley_
came in the evening for a longboat load of wood and water, when it
began to blow fresh, and a great swell to tumble in, which obliged
him to hawl the longboat further out to her grapling, to prevent her
thumping against the rocks; so that the men were forced to wade middle
high to carry in their burthens of wood: the swell still increasing,
I did not care to be sowsed over head and ears, and desired captain
_Hatley_ to go off without me, which he did; and lieutenant _Brook_
came in an hour’s time afterwards and carried me and my guard off.
This is the plain short truth: and the reader by this time may ghess
what a fine life we had of it, under the arbitrary direction of a
captain, who had neither principles to act honestly, nor conscience to
speak truth.
At the close of this tale he endeavours to be witty, by saying that
the men refused to carry me to the boat; for that they would not load
themselves with the weight of one who was neither seaman nor soldier.
Whether they said so, or no, I shall not inquire, for wit and truth
may be as far distant as the poles. It’s the only place in all his
book where he aims to be witty, and the singularity of it makes me
take this notice of it: though I can see no reason for his giving it
that turn here; because bringing a boat off shore could not require a
man to be much of a soldier or sailor: but if he means want of courage
or conduct, I allow he has always been witty enough not to tell me so
since we came home.
_Shelvocke_ flushed with his imaginary success at this island of
_Chiloe_, now affects the Statesman; and offers to the public a scheme
of the advantages which might accrue to _Great Britain_, by taking
that island, p. 113, 114; with hopes, no doubt, of being at the head
of such an undertaking: but one may easily foresee, without prejudging
the man, that he who has behaved so ill in this expedition, will
never be trusted with any command in another: and ’tis well enough
known, without his medling, that no people can make settlements in the
_Spanish West-Indies_, with so much ease and safety, as the _English_
if they please; as having skill and power to do anything at sea, if
they have good commanders.
But it must appear very absurd to the government, to whom he submits
this notion of his, that a mariner who has circumnavigated the globe,
can discover no better place than _Chiloe_ for his _Britannic_
Majesty’s subjects to possess themselves of; from the great dangers of
which he owns all of us to be but providentially escaped: for according
to his own, and my description of it (who have been very particular)
it appears immediate destruction for any one to attempt the going in.
He owns he lost his anchor at his first coming too; and gives a most
terrible account of the chanel, himself: and yet has the folly and
presumption to incourage his own countrymen to settle here. What can
this be, but a design against the lives of his Majesty’s good subjects?
In my humble opinion ’tis malice prepense, and deserves exemplary
punishment.
And as for the additional stock of provision he boasts of, p. 100, he
has much magnified it in his book: and whatever it might be, it was not
worth our going there to alarm the coast, and thereby frustrate the
very design of our coming out. A stranger would rather believe he had
been bribed before he left _London_, by this counter method to defeat
the whole enterprize.
Captain _Clipperton_ by this time might reasonably be supposed
gone from _Fernandes_: so away we sail from _Chiloe_ to our own
satisfaction, as well as the great joy of the King of _Spain_’s
subjects, whom we had plagued all round that bay, tho’ to little
purpose.
But instead of _Fernandes_, he is quickly furnished with another
excuse from holding his course thither; which he says, p. 115, was the
persuasions of his people to the contrary: “for they had notions, which
the _Frenchman_ had inspired them with, of vast advantages by going
first to the port of _Conception_.” This too is all a fiction, forged
at home to palliate his own male practice; for we were all against
medling with the continent, and wanted to seek out our consort and try
our fortune at sea; which ’tis well known has always been, and must be
the practice of privatiers, who mean to succede in their undertaking.
But if any doubt had arisen, why did he not, in this emergence, call
a council of his officers according to his own instructions, which
obliged him particularly to follow that method observed by captain
_Rogers_, printed at large in his voyage, and where there are examples
enough of this kind? But _Shelvocke_’s reason for not doing it now, and
for never once doing it at all, is a manifest proof that the faults he
imputes to his officers, are forgeries of his own, made to excuse his
vices at the expense of their credit.
However, _Shelvocke_ goes into _Conception_, where he took two ships;
the one waiting for her loading, and worth little; the other was worth
to us about 1500_l_: one moiety of which was laid aside for the owners;
but when he lost his ship, they divided that and all among them, as
he says, p. 227; tho’ he has thought fit not to mention any thing of
his own six shares. Here he stays about a fortnight, under pretense
of receiving ransom for the two ships; tho’ he knew very well that
the governers in those parts never will, or dare suffer that practice,
since thereby privatiers might make a tolerable hand on’t, tho’ even
the whole coast were alarm’d: for it’s not only loss of ship and
cargo to the ransomer, but likewise confiscation of all his goods and
chattels: and what is yet to them more dreadful, the anathema or curses
of the church.
Nevertheless the governer of _Conception_ desires he may treat with
one of our captain’s officers: so I was order’d on that important
negotiation; but all my intreaties could not prevail with _Shelvocke_
to let my servant go in his hat: he must wear one of the foremention’d
tall grenadier caps two foot high. The fellow being of a squat size
looked more like a burlesk figure in a droll, than a servant to an
ambassador. So I proceeded, and was attended to the governer by all
the mob in the town, and had much ado to look grave at so much farce.
_Shelvocke_ says, p. 142, “the man’s cap gave great offense, as if
intended to ridicule the mitre:” which I can’t deny; for the churchmen
had good reason to take umbrage at the extreme height of it.
P. 123. He has a falsity too flagrant to be believed at all. “I could
perceive, says he, with my perspective an enemies boat pass within
pistol shot of my pinnace, but captain _Hatley_, who commanded, never
offered once to follow her, or bring her to: _Hatley_ truly said
he did not mind her, tho’ his boat’s crew all agreed that she was
full of men:” This he exults upon mighty captain-like; but I affirm
that _Hatley_ did chace her immediately, and we were all well enough
diverted with it; he following her quite cross the bay till he came
within reach of the enemies guns on the platform; from whence they
fired twice at him, and so well aimed, that in all probability the
third would have sunk him, or made him the head shorter, the shot being
eighteen pounders. This I am sure was in the sight of ten thousand
people round the bay; for all that part of _Chili_ was alarm’d, and
whosoever was fit to bear arms appeared here to see the issue of our
exploits.
_Shelvocke_ having taken here, just after coming into the port, a
small prize bound from _Lima_, found by letters she brought from
the merchants there, that the coast was alarm’d to norward by one of
_Clipperton_’s prizes retaken by the _Spaniards_: but this he keeps
a secret from us, and resolves now to get rid of his men as fast as
he can; therefore sends away lieutenant _Randal_, and an officer of
marines, with about twenty five men, in a small bark which we took in
the bay, to attack a little vessel that was hawl’d up almost dry, in
a creek about six or seven miles from us: _Shelvocke_ must needs have
known that there could be nothing in her, since it was no secret to
the _Spaniards_ that we were an _English_ privatier. The vanity of
this attempt wants no explanation of mine, since he hath sufficiently
described the folly and misfortune of it himself, p. 125. which is
worth reading: there he lost five of his men, risquing their lives to
take an empty, vessel: and the only incouragement he had of success
from this undertaking, was from the boatswain of a small _Spanish_
prize which he took a day or two before, who was already grown so
very sincere a friend, and so heartily in our interest as to give us
prodigious informations: and upon the credit of this man, _Shelvocke_
pretends he sent the poor fellows to make this new experiment; which I
may venture to say has proved our captain to be no politician.
After this he tells you, p. 127, the men murmur’d and grew very uneasy,
damning the _South Seas_----as well they might, being thus order’d
upon fools errands, without any hopes of making a good voyage for
themselves; destined as it were for mere tools to carry on his own
selfish ignorant projects. And yet _Shelvocke_, with a bold face and
harden’d heart, says, even this too was their own fault. In short
his conscience is an original; his book is an original, and he is an
original; but I hope in God neither of ’em will ever be copied.
Captain _Clipperton_ persued his voyage directly from the _Cape Verd_
islands, and I do think it somewhat extraordinary, and well deserving
the reader’s remark, that the _Success_ arrived at the entrance into
the streights of _Magellan_ on the 30th of _May_ 1719, being 52 and
30 south latitude. But _Shelvocke_ could not find his way to St.
_Catherine_’s, in latitude 27 : 30 south, till the 20th of _June_
following, by his own account, p. 17.
I shall transcribe captain _Clipperton_’s procedings as minuted down in
Mr. _Taylor_’s journal.
_Success, May 29._ “This day at noon I make my course from the
westermost point of the island _Fogo_, one of the _Cape Verd_ islands,
latitude 14 : 40 N. to _Cape Virgin Mary_, the north point of the
entrance into the freights of _Magellan_, in latitude 52 : 15 S. to
be S. 29 : 00 W. the distance 1580 leagues, mer. dist. 36 : 04 W.
longitude 44 : 18 W.”
_May_ the 30th. “Fresh gales and squally for the first part these
twenty four hours, but fairer towards the latter end. This afternoon we
anchored in the streights of _Magellan_, in ten fathom water. The south
point of the entrance call’d _Queen Catharine’s Foreland_, bearing
then S.S.W. five leagues, and _Cape Virgin Mary_ N. by E. one league.
It makes like a large deep bay. We weigh from hence the next day,
proceding farther till we come to _Queen Elizabeth_’s islands; where we
send our pinnace ashore on the main, having found a fresh water river,
but frozen up. We saw several flocks of geese and ducks, but were
very shy. Our surgeon’s mate remains on shore. One _Robert Dawson_, a
saylor, departed this life. Our surgeon’s mate was brought on board in
the morning almost dead with the cold. At ten in the morning we weighed
and made sail.”
_June_ the 7th. “Fresh gales and fair weather the first part, but the
later much snow. At two this afternoon anchor’d in forty fathom water,
the northmost point of _Elizabeth_’s Island bore S. W. one league,
St. _Bartholomew_’s island E. by S. two leagues: the yawl was sent
ashore to gather greens. This place affords great quantity of a sort of
wild sellary, which very much refreshed our men, and is good salading
enough.”
_June_ the 13th. “These twenty four hours squally with snow. We find
here a good watering-place. Here is a fine wood, most hazel, with some
tall beach trees, several of which are fit for masts.”
---- 14. “Sent our launch ashore with our empty casks: captain
_Clipperton_ and the carpenter went this morning ashore to look for a
good stick for a mizen-mast, and find a good one ready fell’d. At noon
the captain return’d with some wildfoul. Our men gather muscles and
limpets in great plenty. Here we begin sorely to feel the want of our
wine and brandy: and our men by frequent eating shellfish to help out
with their allowance, are much troubled with the scurvy.”
20. “Cloudy weather, with much sleet and rain. Our launch brought on
board her loading of wood, which we stowed away among the cask: at five
this morning clear’d the hause and brought the small-bower on board:
hoisted the launch in; at eleven our pinnace brought on board a mizen
and mizen-top-sail-yard, with a new studdinsail-boom, and got ready to
sail.”
21. “Weighed this forenoon at eleven. The tide being spent, stood into
a small bay, but could find no ground with seventy fathom line; so were
obliged to run to leeward again. Winds from S. W. to N. W.”
22. “Fresh gales and squally: at one this afternoon anchored in a
fine bay in fifteen fathom, shingly ground: the northmost point of
_Port Famine_ N. by W. five leagues, and the southmost point of the
small bay, which we christen’d _no Bottom Bay_, S. by E. four mile.
At seven we weighed again plying to the southward; we had this day a
good amplitude, and find the variation to be 14° : 15´ northerly. All
the trees along shore are very tall; their tops cover’d with snow;
the land prodigious high, so that we have strong flaws of wind almost
continually: fresh water to be found in every bay.”
29. “A canoe with four _Indians_ came on board us, being two men a
woman and a boy: they are of a middle stature, dark complexion, a broad
roundvisage, low fore-heads, black hair, very lank and short, with
no cloathing but a skin to cover the middle: they had a small streak
round the skin of their wrists, of a fine azure blue: they would not
suffer the woman to come on board: captain _Clipperton_ ordered them
some bread and cheese, which they eat greedily, but would not touch a
drop of brandy. They brought us some wild geese and ducks, which they
exchanged for knives: they had a fire in the midship of their canoe,
which is made of the bark of trees sewed together. They had bows and
arrows, and some fishing tackle. After two hours stay they went ashore,
making signs they would come again. To day we buried _Thomas Camfield_
a marine.”
30. “Cloudy weather: our pinnace went ashore this afternoon at one, and
returned at six, and with them the _Indian_ canoe loaden with large
muscles, which they truck’d with our people for bread, and what else
they could get.”
_July 1._ “Moderate weather: our pinnace was sent ashore to fetch one
of our men that tarried there yesterday, but could not find him. Our
surgeon’s mate had one of his toes cut off, mortified with cold that
night he stay’d ashore. At seven forenoon loosed both topsails; at nine
weigh’d, and our pinnace brought the man aboard: an _Indian_ canoe came
on board; and one of them steping in, and being under fresh way, the
rest of his companions held fast the towline, till they were almost
hawl’d under water: so they were forced to let go the rope, and the
_Indian_ remain’d on board. _Cape Froward_ bore at noon E. 14 mile;
_Point Gallant_ N. E. by E. four mile.”
2. “Moderate weather at half an hour past four this afternoon anchored
in twenty fathom, small sand and shells. The body of _Prince Rupert_’s
island bore south three mile: the low point of the bay we were in N. W.
one mile. Another _Indian_ canoe came on board: the woman they had wore
a necklace of small beautiful shels, nicely strung, which went five
or six turns round her neck; it look’d, at a small distance, like a
pearl one. At seven this morning weigh’d and try’d the strength of the
current, which ran about two knots.”