II

Irish nationality is an ancient spiritual tradition, one of the oldest

and most august traditions in the world. Politically, Ireland’s claim

has been for freedom in order to the full and perpetual life of that

tradition. The generations of Ireland have gone into battle for no other

thing. To the Irish mind for more than a thousand years freedom has had

but one definition. It has meant not a limited freedom, a freedom

conditioned by the interests of another nation, a freedom compatible

with the suzerain authority of a foreign parliament, but absolute

freedom, the sovereign control of Irish destinies. It has meant not the

freedom of a class, but the freedom of a people. It has meant not the

freedom of a geographical fragment of Ireland, but the freedom of all

Ireland, of every sod of Ireland.

And the freedom thus defined has seemed to the Irish the most desirable

of all earthly things. They have valued it more than land, more than

wealth, more than ease, more than empire.

“Fearr bheith i mbarraibh fuairbheann

I bhfeitheamh shuainghearr ghrinnmhear,

Ag seilg troda ar fhéinn eachtrann

’Gá bhfuil fearann bhur sinnsear,”

said Angus Mac Daighre O’Daly. “Better to be on the tops of the old bens

keeping watch, short of sleep yet gladsome, urging fight against the

foreign soldiery that hold your fathers’ land.” And Fearflatha O’Gnive

spoke for the generations that preferred exile to slavery:

“Má thug an deonughadh dhi

Sacsa nua darbh’ ainm Eire

Bheith re a linn-si i láimh bíodhbhadh,

Do’n inse is cáir ceileabhradh.”

“If thou hast consented (O God) that there be a new England named

Ireland, to be ever in the grip of a foe then to this isle we must bid

farewell.”

I make the contention that the national demand of Ireland is fixed and

determined; that that demand has been made by every generation; that we

of this generation receive it as a trust from our fathers; that we are

bound by it; that we have not the right to alter it or to abate it by

one jot or tittle; and that any undertaking made in the name of Ireland

to accept in full satisfaction of Ireland’s claim anything less than the

generations of Ireland have stood for is null and void, binding on

Ireland neither by the law of God nor by the law of nations.

A nation can bind itself by treaty to do or to forego specific things,

as a man can bind himself by contract; but no treaty which places a

nation’s body and soul in the power of another nation, no treaty which

abnegates a nation’s nationhood, is binding on that nation, any more

than a contract of perpetual slavery is binding on an individual. If in

a drunken frolic or in mere abject unmanliness I sell myself and my

posterity to a slaveholder to have and to hold as a chattel property to

himself and his heirs, am I bound by the contract? Are my children bound

by it? Can any legal contract make a wrong thing binding? And if not,

can a contract executed in my name, but without my express or implied

authority, make a wrong thing binding on me and on my children’s

children?

Ireland’s historic claim is for Separation. Ireland has authorised no

man to abate that claim. The man who, in the name of Ireland, accepts as

“a final settlement” anything less by one fraction of an iota than

Separation from England will be repudiated by the new generation as

surely as O’Connell was repudiated by the generation that came after

him. The man who, in return for the promise of a thing which is not

merely less than Separation, but which denies Separation and proclaims

the Union perpetual, the man who, in return for this, declares peace

between Ireland and England and sacrifices to England as a

peace-holocaust the blood of fifty thousand Irishmen, is guilty of so

immense an infidelity, so immense a crime against the Irish nation, that

one can only say of him that it were better for that man (as it were

certainly better for his country) that he had not been born.

I have proved this terrible infidelity against a living Irishman,

against all who have supported him, against the majority of Irishmen who

are now past middle life, if I can establish that the historic claim of

Ireland has been for Separation. And I proceed to establish this.

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