BULL RUN; CONSUL BUNCH; COTTON AND MERCIER
The diplomatic manoeuvres and interchanges recounted in the preceding
chapter were regarded by Foreign Secretaries and Ministers as important
in themselves and as indicative of national policy and purpose. Upon all
parties concerned they left a feeling of irritation and suspicion. But
the public knew nothing of the details of the inconclusive negotiation
and the Press merely gave a hint now and then of its reported progress
and ultimate failure. Newspapers continued to report the news from
America in unaccustomed detail, but that news, after the attack on Fort
Sumter, was for some time lacking in striking incident, since both sides
in America were busily engaged in preparing for a struggle in arms for
which neither was immediately prepared. April 15, Lincoln called for
75,000 volunteers, and three weeks later for 42,000 additional. The
regular army was increased by 23,000 and the navy by 18,000 men. Naval
vessels widely scattered over the globe, were instructed to hasten their
home-coming. By July 1 Lincoln had an available land force, however
badly trained and organized, of over 300,000, though these were widely
scattered from the Potomac in the east to the Missouri in the west.
In the South, Davis was equally busy, calling at first for 100,000
volunteers to wage defensive battle in protection of the newly-born
Confederacy. The seven states already in secession were soon joined,
between May 4 and June 24, by four others, Arkansas, Virginia, North
Carolina and Tennessee in order, but the border states of Maryland,
Kentucky, and Missouri, though strongly sympathetic with the rest of the
South, were held to the Union by the "border state policy" of Lincoln,
the first pronouncement of which asserted that the North had no purpose
of attacking slavery where it existed, but merely was determined to
preserve the Union. The Northern Congress, meeting in extra session on
July 4, heartily approved Lincoln's emergency measures. It authorized an
army of 500,000, provided for a loan of $200,000,000, sanctioned the
issue of $50,000,000 in Treasury notes and levied new taxes, both direct
and by tariffs to meet these expenditures.
In the months preceding the attack on Sumter the fixed determination of
the South to secede and the uncertainty of the North had led the British
press to believe that the decision rested wholly with the South. Now the
North by its preparations was exhibiting an equally fixed determination
to preserve the Union, and while the British press was sceptical of the
permanence of this determination, it became, for a short time, until
editorial policy was crystallized, more cautious in prophecy. The
_Economist_ on May 4 declared that the responsibility for the "fatal
step" rested wholly on Southern leaders because of their passionate
desire to extend the shameful institution of which they were so proud,
but that the North must inevitably, by mere weight of population and
wealth, be the victor, though this could not conceivably result in any
real reunion, rather in a conquest requiring permanent military
occupation. Southern leaders were mad: "to rouse by gratuitous insult
the mettle of a nation three times as numerous and far more than three
times as powerful, to force them by aggressive steps into a struggle in
which the sympathy of every free and civilized nation will be with the
North, seems like the madness of men whose eyes are blinded and hearts
hardened by the evil cause they defend."
Two weeks later, the _Economist_, while still maintaining the justice of
the Northern cause, though with lessened vigour, appealed to the common
sense of the North to refrain from a civil war whose professed object
was unattainable. "Everyone knows and admits that the secession is an
accomplished, irrevocable, fact.... Even if the North were sure of an
easy and complete victory--short, of course, of actual subjugation of
the South (which no one dreams of)--the war which was to end in such a
victory would still be, in the eyes of prudence and worldly wisdom, an
objectless and unprofitable folly[319]." But by the middle of June the
American irritation at the British Proclamation of Neutrality, loudly
and angrily voiced by the Northern press, had caused a British press
resentment at this "wilful misrepresentation and misjudgment" of British
attitude. "We _do_ believe the secession of the Slave States to be a
_fait accompli_--a completed and irreversible transaction. We believe it
to be impossible now for the North to lure back the South into the Union
by any compromise, or to compel them back by any force." "If this is an
offence it cannot be helped[320]."
The majority of the London papers, though not all, passed through the
same shifts of opinion and expression as the _Economist_; first
upbraiding the South, next appealing to the North not to wage a useless
war, finally committing themselves to the theory of an accomplished
break-up of the Union and berating the North for continuing, through
pride alone, a bloody conflict doomed to failure. Meanwhile in midsummer
attention was diverted from the ethical causes at issue by the
publication in the _Times_ of Motley's letter analysing the nature of
the American constitution and defending the legal position of the North
in its resistance to secession. Motley wrote in protest against the
general British press attitude: "There is, perhaps, a readiness in
England to prejudge the case; a disposition not to exult in our
downfall, but to accept the fact[321]...."
He argued the right and the duty of the North to force the South into
subjection. "The right of revolution is indisputable. It is written on
the record of our race. British and American history is made up of
rebellion and revolution.... There can be nothing plainer, then, than
the American right of revolution. But, then, it should be called
revolution." "It is strange that Englishmen should find difficulty in
understanding that the United States Government is a nation among the
nations of the earth; a constituted authority, which may be overthrown
by violence, as may be the fate of any state, whether kingdom or
republic, but which is false to the people if it does not its best to
preserve them from the horrors of anarchy, even at the cost of blood."
Motley denied any _right_ of _peaceful_ secession, and his
constitutional argument presented adequately the Northern view. But he
was compelled also to refer to slavery and did so in the sense of
Lincoln's inaugural, asserting that the North had no purpose of
emancipating the slaves. "It was no question at all that slavery within
a state was sacred from all interference by the general government, or
by the free states, or by individuals in those states; and the Chicago
Convention [which nominated Lincoln] strenuously asserted that
doctrine." Coming at the moment when the British press and public were
seeking ground for a shift from earlier pro-Northern expressions of
sympathy to some justification for the South, it may be doubted whether
Motley's letter did not do more harm than good to the Northern cause.
His denial of a Northern anti-slavery purpose gave excuse for a,
professedly, more calm and judicial examination of the claimed
_Southern right_ of secession, and his legal argument could be met, and
was met, with equally logical, apparently, pro-Southern argument as to
the nature of the American constitution. Thus early did the necessity of
Lincoln's "border state policy"--a policy which extended even to
warnings from Seward to American diplomats abroad not to bring into
consideration the future of slavery--give ground for foreign denial that
there were any great moral principles at stake in the American conflict.
In the meantime the two sections in America were busily preparing for a
test of strength, and for that test the British press, reporting
preparations, waited with interest. It came on July 21 in the first
battle of Bull Run, when approximately equal forces of raw levies,
30,000 each, met in the first pitched battle of the war, and where the
Northern army, after an initial success, ultimately fled in disgraceful
rout. Before Bull Run the few British papers early taking strong ground
for the North had pictured Lincoln's preparations as so tremendous as
inevitably destined to crush, quickly, all Southern resistance. The
_Daily News_ lauded Lincoln's message to Congress as the speech of a
great leader, and asserted that the issue in America was for all free
people a question of upholding the eternal principles of liberty,
morality and justice. "War for such a cause, though it be civil war, may
perhaps without impiety be called 'God's most perfect instrument in
working out a pure intent[322].'" The disaster to the Northern army, its
apparent testimony that the North lacked real fighting men, bolstered
that British opinion which regarded military measures against the South
as folly--an impression reinforced in the next few months by the long
pause by the North before undertaking any further great effort in the
field. The North was not really ready for determined war, indeed, until
later in the year. Meanwhile many were the moralizations in the British
press upon Bull Run's revelation of Northern military weakness.
Probably the most influential newspaper utterances of the moment were
the letters of W.H. Russell to the _Times_. This famous
war-correspondent had been sent to America in the spring of 1861 by
Delane, editor of the _Times_, his first letter, written on March 29,
appearing in the issue of April 16. He travelled through the South, was
met everywhere with eager courtesy as became a man of his reputation and
one representing the most important organ of British public opinion,
returned to the North in late June, and at Washington was given intimate
interviews by Seward and other leaders. For a time his utterances were
watched for, in both England and America, with the greatest interest and
expectancy, as the opinions of an unusually able and thoroughly honest,
dispassionate observer. He never concealed his abhorrence of slavery,
terming apologists of that institution "the miserable sophists who
expose themselves to the contempt of the world by their paltry theiscles
on the divine origin and uses of Slavery[323]...." and writing "day
after day ... the impression of my mind was strengthened that 'States
Rights' meant protection to slavery, extension of slave territory, and
free-trade in slave produce with the other world[324]." But at the same
time he depicted the energy, ability, and determination of the South in
high colours, and was a bit doubtful of similar virtues in the North.
The battle of Bull Run itself he did not see, but he rode out from
Washington to meet the defeated army, and his description of the routed
rabble, jostling and pushing, in frenzy toward the Capitol, so ridiculed
Northern fighting spirit as to leave a permanent sting behind it. At
the same time it convinced the British pro-Southern reader that the
Northern effort was doomed to failure, even though Russell was himself
guarded in opinion as to ultimate result. "'What will England and France
think of it?' is the question which is asked over and over again," wrote
Russell on July 24[325], expatiating on American anxiety and chagrin in
the face of probable foreign opinion. On August 22 he recorded in his
diary the beginnings of the American newspaper storm of personal attack
because of his description of the battle in the _Times_--an attack which
before long became the alleged cause of his recall by Delane[326]. In
fact Russell's letters added nothing in humiliating description to the
outpourings of the Northern press, itself greedily quoted by
pro-Southern foreign papers. The impression of Northern military
incapacity was not confined to Great Britain--it was general throughout
Europe, and for the remainder of 1861 there were few who ventured to
assert a Northern success in the war[327].
Official Britain, however, saw no cause for any change in the policy of
strict neutrality. Palmerston commented privately, "The truth is, the
North are fighting for an Idea chiefly entertained by professional
politicians, while the South are fighting for what they consider rightly
or wrongly vital interests," thus explaining to his own satisfaction why
a Northern army of brave men had _chosen_ to _run_ away[328], but the
Government was careful to refrain from any official utterances likely to
irritate the North. The battle served, in some degree, to bring into the
open the metropolitan British papers which hitherto professing
neutrality and careful not to reveal too openly their leanings, now each
took a definite stand and became an advocate of a cause. The Duke of
Argyll might write reassuringly to Mrs. Motley to have no fear of
British interference[329], and to Gladstone (evidently controverting the
latter's opinion) that slavery was and would continue to be an object in
the war[330], but the press, certainly, was not united either as to
future British policy or on basic causes and objects of the war. The
_Economist_ believed that a second Southern victory like Bull Run, if
coming soon, would "so disgust and dishearten the shouters for the Union
that the contest will be abandoned on the instant.... Some day, with
scarcely any notice, we may receive tidings that an armistice has been
agreed upon and preliminaries of peace have been signed[331]." John
Bright's paper, the _Morning Star_, argued long and feverishly that
Englishmen must not lose sight of the fact that slavery was an issue,
and made appeal for expressions, badly needed at the moment, of
pro-Northern sympathy[332]. To this _John Bull_ retorted:
"Nothing can be clearer than this, that black slavery has
nothing whatever to do with this Civil War in America.... The
people of America have erected a political idol. The
Northerners have talked and written and boasted so much about
their Republic that they have now become perfectly furious to
find that their idol can be overthrown, and that the false
principles upon which the American Republic is built should
be exhibited to the world, that their vaunted democracy
should be exposed as a mere bubble or a piece of rotten
timber, an abominable and worthless tyranny of the sovereign
mob[333]."
Here was an early hint of the future of democracy as at issue[334].
_John Bull_, the "country squire's paper," might venture to voice the
thought, but more important papers were still cautious in expressing it.
W.H. Russell, privately, wrote to Delane: "It is quite obvious, I think,
that the North will succeed in reducing the South[335]." But Delane
permitted no such positive prophecy to appear in the _Times_. Darwin is
good testimony of the all-prevalent British feeling: "I hope to God we
English are utterly wrong in doubting whether the North can conquer the
South." "How curious it is that you seem to think that you can conquer
the South; and I never meet a soul, even those who would most wish it,
who think it possible--that is, to conquer and retain it[336]."
In September, after the first interest in Bull Run had waned, there
appeared several books and articles on the American question which gave
opportunity for renewal of newspaper comment and controversy. A Dr.
Lempriere, "of the Inner Temple, law fellow of St. John's College,
Oxford," published a work, _The American Crisis Considered_, chiefly
declamatory, upholding the right of Southern secession, stating that no
one "who has the slightest acquaintance with the political action of
history would term the present movement rebellion." With this the
_Spectator_ begged leave to differ[337]. The _Saturday Review_
acknowledged that a prolonged war might force slavery and emancipation
to the front, but denied them as vital at present, and offered this view
as a defence against the recrimination of Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe,
who had accused the paper of unfair treatment in a review of her
pamphlet exhibiting emancipation as the object of the North. Under the
caption, "Mrs. Beecher Stowe's Wounded Feelings," the _Saturday Review_
avowed disbelief in the existence of a "Holy War" in America. "The North
does not proclaim abolition and never pretended to fight for
anti-slavery. The North has not hoisted for its oriflamme the Sacred
Symbol of Justice to the Negro; its _cri de guerre_ is not unconditional
emancipation." "The Governmental course of the British nation ... is not
yet directed by small novelists and their small talk[338]." Thomas
Hughes also came in for sarcastic reference in this article, having
promptly taken up the cudgels for Mrs. Stowe. He returned to the attack
through the columns of the _Spectator_, reasserting slavery as an issue
and calling on Englishmen to put themselves in the place of Americans
and realize the anger aroused by "deliberate imputations of mean
motives," and by the cruel spirit of the utterances. A nation engaged in
a life and death struggle should not be treated in a tone of flippant
and contemptuous serenity. The British press had chosen "to impute the
lowest motives, to cull out and exult over all the meanness, and
bragging, and disorder which the contest has brought out, and while we
sit on the bank, to make no allowances for those who are struggling in
the waves[339]."
Besides the _Spectator_, on the Northern side, stood the _Daily News_,
declaring that the South could not hold out, and adding,
"The Confederate States may be ten millions, but they _are_
wrong--notoriously, flagrantly wrong[340]." The _Daily News_, according
to its "Jubilee" historians, stood almost alone in steadfast advocacy of
the Northern cause[341]. This claim of unique service to the North is
not borne out by an examination of newspaper files, but is true if only
metropolitan dailies of large circulation are considered. The
_Spectator_ was a determined and consistent friend of the North. In its
issue of September 28 a speech made by Bulwer Lytton was summarized and
attacked. The speaker had argued that the dissolution of the Union would
be beneficial to all Europe, which had begun to fear the swollen size
and strength of the young nation across the Atlantic. He hoped that the
final outcome would be not two, but at least four separate nations, and
stated his belief that the friendly emulation of these nations would
result for Americans in a rapid advance in art and commerce such as had
been produced in the old commonwealths of Greece. The _Spectator_
answered that such a breaking up of America was much more likely to
result in a situation comparable to that in South America, inquired
caustically whether Bulwer Lytton had heard that slavery was in
question, and asserted that his speech presumably represented the
official view of the Tories, and embodied that of the English governing
class[342].
In press utterances during the autumn and early fall of 1861 there is
little on British policy toward America. Strict neutrality is approved
by all papers and public speakers. But as the months passed without
further important military engagements attention began to be directed
toward the economic effects on England of the war in America and to the
blockade, now beginning to be made effective by the North. The _Saturday
Review_, though pro-Southern, declared for neutrality, but distinguished
between strict observance of the blockade and a reasonable recognition
of the _de facto_ government of the Confederacy "as soon as the Southern
States had achieved for their independence that amount of security with
which Great Britain had been satisfied in former cases[343]." But
another article in the same issue contained a warning against forcibly
raising the blockade since this must lead to war with the North, and
that would commend itself to no thoughtful Englishman. Two weeks later
appeared a long review of Spence's _American Union_, a work very
influential in confirming British pro-Southern belief in the
constitutional right of the South to secede and in the certainty of
Southern victory. Spence was "likely to succeed with English readers,
because all his views are taken from a thoroughly English
standpoint[344]." The week following compliments are showered upon the
"young professor" Montague Bernard for his "Two Lectures on the Present
American War," in which he distinguished between recognition of
belligerency and recognition of sovereignty, asserting that the former
was inevitable and logical. The _Saturday Review_, without direct
quotation, treated Bernard as an advocate also of the early recognition
of Southern independence on the ground that it was _a fait accompli_,
and expressed approval[345].
These few citations, taken with intent from the more sober and reputable
journals, summarize the prevailing attitude on one side or the other
throughout the months from June to December, 1861. All publications had
much to say of the American struggle and varied in tone from dignified
criticism to extreme vituperation, this last usually being the resort of
lesser journals, whose leader writers had no skill in "vigorous" writing
in a seemingly restrained manner. "Vigorous" leader writing was a
characteristic of the British press of the day, and when combined with a
supercilious British tone of advice, as from a superior nation, gave
great offence to Americans, whether North or South. But the British
press was yet united in proclaiming as correct the governmental policy
of neutrality, and in any event Motley was right in stating "the Press
is not the Government," adding his opinion that "the present English
Government has thus far given us no just cause of offence[346]."
Meanwhile the Government, just at the moment when the Declaration of
Paris negotiation had reached an inglorious conclusion, especially
irritating to Earl Russell, was suddenly plunged into a sharp
controversy with the United States by an incident growing out of
Russell's first instructions to Lyons in regard to that negotiation and
which, though of minor importance in itself, aroused an intensity of
feeling beyond its merits. This was the recall by Seward of the
exequatur of the British consul Bunch, at Charleston, South Carolina.
It will be remembered that in his first instruction to Lyons on the
Declaration of Paris Russell had directed that Bunch, at Charleston, be
commissioned to seek a Southern official acceptance of the binding force
of the second and third articles, but that Lyons and Mercier, fearing
Seward's irritation, had hesitated to proceed in the matter. Later
Russell had recalled his instructions, but before this recall could
reach Lyons the latter had decided to act[347]. On July 5 Lyons gave
explicit directions to Bunch not to approach the Confederate Government
directly, but to go to Governor Pickens of South Carolina and explain
the matter to him verbally, adding "you should act with great caution,
in order to avoid raising the question of the recognition of the new
Confederation by Great Britain." Unfortunately Lyons also wrote, "I am
authorized by Lord John Russell to confide the negotiation on this
matter to you," thus after all implying that a real _negotiation_ with
the South was being undertaken. On the same day Mercier sent similar
instructions to St. André, the French Acting-Consul at Charleston[348].
Bunch received Lyons' official letter on July 19[349], together with a
private one of July 5, emphasizing that Bunch was to put nothing in
writing, and that he and his French colleagues were to keep the names of
Lyons and Mercier out of any talk, even, about the matter. Bunch was to
talk as if his instructions came directly from Russell. Lyons hoped the
South would be wise enough not to indulge in undue publicity, since if
"trumpeted" it might elicit "by such conduct some strong disavowal from
France and England." Both the official and the private letter must,
however, have impressed Bunch with the idea that this was after all a
negotiation and that he had been entrusted with it[350].
Bunch, whose early reports had been far from sympathetic with the
Southern cause, had gradually, and quite naturally from his environment,
become more friendly to it[351]. He now acted with promptness and with
some evident exultation at the importance given him personally. In
place of Governor Pickens an experienced diplomat, William Henry
Trescott, was approached by Bunch and Belligny, who, not St. André, was
then the French agent at Charleston[352]. Trescott went directly to
President Davis, who at once asked why the British proposal had not been
made through the Confederate Commissioners in London, and who somewhat
unwillingly yielded to Trescott's urging. On August 13 the Confederate
Congress resolved approval of the Declaration of Paris except for the
article on privateering[353]. Bunch took great pride in the secrecy
observed. "I do not see how any clue is given to the way in which the
Resolutions have been procured.... We made a positive stipulation that
France and England were not to be alluded to in the event of the
compliance of the Confederate Govt.[354]," he wrote Lyons on August 16.
But he failed to take account either of the penetrating power of
mouth-to-mouth gossip or of the efficacy of Seward's secret agents. On
this same day, August 16, Lyons reported the arrest in New York, on the
fourteenth, of one Robert Mure, just as he was about to take passage for
Liverpool carrying a sealed bag from the Charleston consulate to the
British Foreign Office, as well as some two hundred private letters. The
letters were examined and among them was one which related Bunch's
recent activities and stated that "Mr. B., on oath of secrecy,
communicated to me also that the first step of recognition was
taken[355]." The sealed bag was sent unopened to be handed by Adams to
Russell with an enquiry whether in fact it contained any papers on the
alleged "negotiation" with the South.
Bunch had issued to Mure a paper which the latter regarded as a
passport, as did the United States. This also was made matter of
complaint by Adams, when on September 3 the affair was presented to
Russell. America complained of Bunch on several counts, the three
principal ones being (1) that he had apparently conducted a negotiation
with the Confederacy, (2) that he had issued a passport, not
countersigned by the Secretary of State as required by the United States
rules respecting foreign consuls, (3) that he had permitted the person
to whom this passport was issued to carry letters from the enemies of
the United States to their agents abroad. On these grounds the British
Government was requested to remove Bunch from his office. On first
learning of Mure's arrest Lyons expressed the firm belief that Bunch's
conduct had been perfectly proper and that the sealed bag would be found
to contain nothing supporting the suspicion of the American
Government[356]. The language used by Lyons was such as to provide an
excellent defence in published despatches, and it was later so used. But
privately neither Lyons nor Russell were wholly convinced of the
correctness of Bunch's actions. Bunch had heard of Mure's arrest on
August 18, and at once protested that no passport had been given, but
merely a "Certificate to the effect that he [Mure] was a British
Merchant residing in Charleston" on his way to England, and that he was
carrying official despatches to the Foreign Office[357]. In fact Mure
had long since taken out American citizenship papers, and the
distinction between passport and certificate seems an evasion.
Officially Lyons could report "it is clear that Mr. Robert Mure, in
taking charge of the letters which have been seized, abused Mr. Bunch's
confidence, for Mr. Bunch had positive instructions from me not to
forward himself any letters alluding to military or political events,
excepting letters to or from British officials[358]." This made good
reading when put in the published Parliamentary Papers. But in reality
the sending of private letters by messenger also carrying an official
pouch was no novelty. Bunch had explained to Lyons on June 23 that this
was his practice on the ground that "there is really no way left for the
merchants but through me. If Mr. Seward objects I cannot help it. I must
leave it to your Lordship and H.M.'s Government to support me. My own
despatch to Lord J. Russell I must send in some way, and so I take the
responsibility of aiding British interests by sending the mercantile
letters as well[359]." And in Bunch's printed report to Lyons on Mure's
arrest, his reply as to the private letters was, "I could not consider
him [Mure] as being disqualified from being the bearer of a bag to Earl
Russell, by his doing what everyone who left Charleston was doing
daily[360]...."
Officially Lyons, on September 2, had reported a conversation with
Belligny, the French Consul at Charleston, now in Washington, writing,
"I am confirmed in the opinion that the negotiation, which was difficult
and delicate, was managed with great tact and good judgment by the two
Consuls[361]." But this referred merely to the use of Trescott and its
results, not to Bunch's use of Mure. The British Government was, indeed,
prepared to defend the action of its agents in securing, _indirectly_,
from the South, an acknowledgment of certain principles of
international law. Russell did not believe that Lincoln was "foolhardy
enough to quarrel with England and France," though Hammond (Under
Secretary of Foreign Affairs) "is persuaded that Seward wishes to pick a
quarrel[362]." Enquiry was promptly made of France, through Cowley, as
to her stand in the matter of the consuls at Charleston, Russell
intimating by an enquiry (later printed in the Parliamentary Papers), as
to the initiation of the Declaration of Paris negotiations, that it was
Thouvenel who had first suggested the approach to the South through the
Consuls[363]. This was an error of memory[364], and Cowley was perturbed
by Thouvenel's reticence in reply to the main question. The latter
stated that if a like American demand were made on France "undoubtedly
he could not give up an Agent who had done no more than execute the
orders entrusted to him[365]." This looked like harmony, but the
situation for the two countries was not the same as no demand had been
made for the recall of Belligny. Cowley was, in reality, anxious and
suspicious, for Thouvenel, in conversation, attributed Seward's anger to
Bunch's alleged indiscretions in talk, and made it clear that France
would not "stand by" unless Seward should protest to France against the
fact of a communication (not a _negotiation_) having been held with the
Confederacy[366]. Before the French reply was secured Russell had
prepared but not sent an answer to Adams, notifying him that the bag
from Bunch, on examination, was found not to contain "correspondence of
the enemies of the Government of the United States" as had been
suspected, and transmitting a copy of Bunch's explanation of the reason
for forwarding private letters[367]. In another letter to Adams of the
same date Russell avowed the Government's responsibility for Bunch's
action on the Declaration of Paris, and declined to recall him, adding:
"But when it is stated in a letter from some person not
named, that the first step to the recognition of the Southern
States by Great Britain has been taken, the Undersigned begs
to decline all responsibility for such a statement.
"Her Majesty's Government have already recognized the
belligerent character of the Southern States, and they will
continue to recognize them as belligerents. But Her Majesty's
Government have not recognized and are not prepared to
recognize the so-called Confederate States as a separate and
independent State[368]."
Adams received Russell's two notes on September 13[369], and merely
stated that they would be despatched by the next steamer. That Russell
was anxious is shown by a careful letter of caution to Lyons instructing
him if sent away from Washington "to express in the most dignified and
guarded terms that the course taken by the Washington Government must be
the result of a misconception on their part, and that you shall retire
to Canada in the persuasion that the misunderstanding will soon cease,
and the former friendly relations be restored[370]." Meantime Russell
was far from satisfied with Bunch, writing Lyons to inform him
that the "statements made in regard to his proceedings require
explanation[371]." The failure of Seward to demand Belligny's recall
worried Russell. He wrote to Palmerston on September 19, "I cannot
believe that the Americans, having made no demand on the French to
disavow Belligny, or Baligny, will send away Lyons," and he thought that
Seward ought to be satisfied as England had disavowed the offensive part
of Bunch's supposed utterances. He was not in favour of sending
reinforcements to the American stations: "If they do not quarrel about
Bunch, we may rest on our oars for the winter[372]." There was nothing
further to do save to wait Seward's action on receipt of the British
refusal to recall Bunch. At this moment Lyons at Washington was writing
in a hopeful view of "avoiding abstract assertions of principles," but
accustoming the North to the _practice_ of British recognition of
Southern belligerent rights[373]. Lyons believed that Seward would not
go further than to withdraw Bunch's exequatur, but he was anxious for
the return of Mercier (long absent with Prince Napoleon), since "our
position is unluckily not exactly the same with that of France[374]." On
October 12 Lyons conferred at length with Seward on the Bunch matter, as
usual, privately and unofficially. Seward dwelt on a letter just
received from Motley assuring him that Great Britain was not "unfriendly
to the United States," and "appeared anxious not to pick a quarrel, yet
hardly knowing how to retract from his original position." Lyons told
Seward that it would be "impossible to carry on the Diplomatic
business ... on the false hypothesis that the United States Government"
did not _know_ England and France had recognized the belligerent rights
of the South, and he urged Russell to get from France an open
acknowledgment, such as England has made, that she "negotiated" with
the Confederacy. Lyons thought Mercier would try to avoid this, thus
seeking to bring pressure on the British Government to adopt his plan
of an early recognition of Southern independence. Like Cowley, Lyons
was disturbed at the French evasion of direct support in the Bunch
affair[375].
Bunch's formal denial to Lyons of the charges made against him by the
United States was confined to three points; he asserted his disbelief
that Mure carried any despatches from the _de facto_ government at
Richmond; he protested that "there was not one single paper in my bag
which was not entirely and altogether on Her Majesty's service"; and he
explained the alleged "passport" was not intended as such, but was
merely "a certificate stating that Mr. Mure was charged by me with
despatches," but he acknowledged that in the certificate's description
of Mure as a "British merchant" a possible error had been committed,
adding, however, that he had supposed anyone would understand, since the
words "British subject" had not been used, that Mure was in reality a
naturalized citizen of America[376]. This explanation was received by
Russell on October 21. Lyons' comment on Bunch's explanation, made
without knowledge of what would be Seward's final determination, was
that if Bunch had any further excuses to make about the private letters
carried by Mure he should drop two weak points in his argument. "I mean
the distinction between B. merchant and B.S., and the distinction
between a document requesting that the bearer '_may be permitted to pass
freely and receive all proper protection and assistance_' and a
passport[377]." Russell, on receipt of Bunch's explanation was also
dissatisfied, first because Bunch had violated Lyons' instructions
against entrusting despatches to persons carrying private
correspondence, and second, because Bunch "gives no distinct denial" to
the newspaper stories that he had gossiped about his activities and had
stated them to be "a first step toward recognition[378]." These
criticisms were directed entirely to Bunch's conduct subsequent to the
overture to the South; on the propriety of that act Russell supported
Bunch with vigour[379]. October 26, Seward read to Lyons the instruction
to Adams on the revocation of Bunch's exequatur. The ground taken for
this, reported Lyons, was an evasion of that charge of communicating
with the South for which Russell had avowed responsibility, and a
turning to the charge that Bunch was personally unacceptable longer to
the United States because of his partisanship to the South, as evidenced
by various acts and especially as shown by his reported assertion that
Great Britain had taken "a first step to recognition." "Never," wrote
Lyons, "were serious charges brought upon a slighter foundation." "No
one who has read Mr. Bunch's despatches to your Lordship and to me can
consider him as in the least degree a partisan of the Southern cause."
"When Mr. Seward had finished reading the despatch I remained silent.
After a short pause I took leave of him courteously, and
withdrew[380]."
As will have been noted, Lyons had foreseen the American decision
against Bunch on purely personal grounds, had been relieved that this
would be the issue, and had fore-warned Russell. His despatch just
cited may be regarded as a suggestion of the proper British refutation
of charges, but with acceptance of the American decision. Nevertheless
he wrote gloomily on the same day of future relations with the United
States[381]. At the same time Russell, also foreseeing Seward's action,
was not disturbed. He thought it still "not off the cards that the
Southern Confederates may return to the Union.... Our conduct must be
strictly neutral, and it will be[382]." Upon receipt of Lyons' despatch
and letter of October 28 Russell wrote to Palmerston, "I do not attach
much importance to this letter of Lyons. It is the business of Seward to
feed the mob with sacrifices every day, and we happen to be the most
grateful food he can offer[383]." For Russell saw clearly that Great
Britain could not object to the removal of Bunch on the purely personal
grounds alleged by Seward. There followed in due course the formal
notification by Adams on November 21, just six days before he learned of
the _Trent_ affair, which had occurred on November 8. That alarming
incident no doubt coloured the later communications of both parties, for
while both Adams and Russell indulged in several lengthy argumentative
papers, such as are dear to the hearts of lawyers and diplomats, the
only point of possible further dispute was on the claim of Great Britain
that future occasions might arise where, in defence of British
interests, it would be absolutely necessary to communicate with the
Confederacy. Adams acknowledged a British duty to protect its citizens,
but reasserted the American right to dismiss any British agent who
should act as Bunch had done. On December 9, Russell closed the matter
by stating that he did "not perceive that any advantage would be
obtained by the continuance of this correspondence[384]." Bunch was
expected to leave Charleston as soon as a safe conveyance could be
provided for him, but this was not immediately forthcoming. In fact he
remained at Charleston until February, 1863, actively engaged, but
official papers were signed by his vice-consul. In the excitement over
the _Trent_, he seems rapidly to have disappeared from the official as
he did from the public horizon[385].
The Bunch controversy, seemingly of no great importance in so far as the
alleged personal grounds of complaint are concerned, had its real
significance in the effort of Great Britain to make contact with the
Southern Government--an effort incautiously entered upon, and from which
an attempt to withdraw had come too late. The result was British
assertion of a right in case of necessity to make such contact, having
recognized the South as a belligerent, but a discontinuance of the
practice, under the American protest[386]. While this controversy was in
progress the attention of the British Government was directed to a
proposal urged by Mercier upon Lyons in Washington, which appeared to
have the support of the French Government. On September 30, Mercier, so
Lyons reported, had received a private letter from Thouvenel expressing
great concern over the prospective scarcity of cotton from America, due
to the blockade, and asking Mercier's advice. The latter now informed
Lyons that his reply had outlined the following steps: first, complete
harmony of action between England and France; second, recognition of
Southern independence; third, refusal longer to recognize the blockade;
fourth, England and France to be alert to seize the "favourable moment,"
when the North became disheartened, the present moment not being a good
one[387]. This policy Mercier thought so "bold" that the North would be
deterred from declaring war. The two diplomats held long argument over
this suggestion. Lyons acknowledged the general pressure for cotton, but
thought there was no need of great alarm as yet and also advanced the
idea that in the end Europe would benefit by being forced to develop
other sources of supply, thus being freed from such exclusive
dependence on the United States. Mercier answered that France was in
dire need and could not wait and he urged that mere recognition of the
South would not secure cotton--it was necessary also to break the
blockade. In comment to Russell, Lyons agreed that this was true, but
thought the fact in itself an argument against accepting Mercier's
ideas: "The time is far distant when the intervention of England and
France in the quarrel would be welcomed, or, unless under compulsion,
tolerated by the American peoples." The South had not yet "gone far
enough in establishing its independence to render a recognition of it
either proper or desirable for European powers," and he stated with
emphasis that recognition would _not_ end the war unless there was also
an _alliance_ with the South[388].
In the British Cabinet also, at this same time, attention was being
directed to the question of cotton, not, primarily, by any push from the
British manufacturing interest, but because of queries addressed to it
by the French Minister in London. Russell wrote to Palmerston, referring
to the inquiry of Flahault, "I agree with you that the cotton question
may become serious at the end of the year," but he added that Lindsay
had informed him that in any case cotton could not be brought in the
winter-time from the interior to the Southern ports[389]. In truth any
serious thought given at this time to the question of cotton appears to
be the result of the French arguments at London and Washington
advocating a vigorous American policy. October 19, Lyons and Mercier
renewed debate on exactly the same lines as previously, Mercier this
time reading to Lyons an instruction from Thouvenel and his reply. Lyons
insisted that the North would most certainly declare war on any power
that recognized the South and asserted that such a war would cause more
suffering many times than all the suffering now caused by the shortage
of cotton. Yet Lyons felt compelled to use caution and conciliation in
dealing with Mercier, because of the desire to preserve close harmony of
attitude[390]. A few clays later Lyons' comments seemed wholly justified
when Mercier reported to him the tone of a conversation with Seward,
after having left with him a copy of Thouvenel's instruction. Seward
said plainly that the United States would go to war with any foreign
power that tried to interfere and that the only way in which France
could get cotton was by a Northern conquest of the South. He
acknowledged that the United States might be defeated, but he informed
Mercier that France would at least know there had been a war. On his
part Mercier told Seward that in his opinion there was but one possible
outcome in America--separation--and that he had advised Thouvenel that
the true policy of England and France was to recognize the South and
"bring about a peaceful separation." Lyons' comment to Russell is that
Seward had certainly taken a "high" tone--evident justification of
Lyons' previously expressed opinion. Seward had been very eager to learn
whether England knew of Thouvenel's instruction, to which Mercier
replied "no," and was now anxious that Russell should not reveal to
Adams that Lyons had known the contents before delivery to Seward--a
caution with which Lyons was very content[391].
Lyons' first report of Mercier's ideas had been received in London at a
rather critical moment. On October 17, just after Adams' complaint about
Bunch and Russell's answer, while waiting to see whether Seward would
magnify that incident into a cause of rupture, and four days before
Bunch's "unsatisfactory explanation" had been received, Russell wrote to
Palmerston:
"There is much good sense in Mercier's observations.
But we must wait. I am persuaded that if we do anything,
it must be on a grand scale. It will not do for England
and France to break a blockade for the sake of getting
cotton. But, in Europe, powers have often said to belligerents,
Make up your quarrels. We propose to give terms
of pacification which we think fair and equitable. If you
accept them, well and good. But, if your adversary accepts
them and you refuse them, our mediation is at an end,
and you may expect to see us your enemies. France would
be quite ready to hold this language with us.
"If such a policy were to be adopted the time for it
would be the end of the year, or immediately before the
meeting of Parliament[392]."
Apparently Russell under the irritations of the moment was somewhat
carried away by Mercier's suggestion. That it was but a briefly held
thought has been shown by expressions from him already cited[393]. Nor
was he alone in ministerial uncertainty[394], but Palmerston was not
inclined to alter British policy. October 18, he replied to Russell:
"As to North America, our best and true policy seems to
be to go on as we have begun, and to keep quite clear of the
conflict between North and South.... The only
excuse [for intervention] would be the danger to the intervening
parties if the conflict went on; but in the American
case this can not be pleaded by the Powers of Europe.
"I quite agree with you that the want of cotton would
not justify such a proceeding, unless, indeed, the distress
created by that want was far more serious than it is likely
to be. The probability is that some cotton will find its way
to us from America, and that we shall get a greater supply
than usual from other quarters.
"The only thing to do seems to be to lie on our oars
and to give no pretext to the Washingtonians to quarrel
with us, while, on the other hand, we maintain our rights
and those of our fellow countrymen[395]."
In Washington the result of Mercier's conversation with Seward,
outlining Thouvenel's suggestions, was a long and carefully prepared
despatch to Dayton, in Paris, which the biographer of Seward thinks was
one of his "great despatches; perhaps it was his greatest, if we
consider his perfect balance and the diplomatic way in which he seemed
to ignore what was menacing, while he adroitly let Thouvenel see what
the result would be if the implied threats should be carried out[396]."
Seward argued with skill the entire matter of cotton, but he was none
the less firm in diplomatic defiance of foreign intervention. Since
Great Britain had taken no part in the French scheme--a point which
Seward was careful to make clear to Dayton--the despatch needs no
expanded treatment here. Its significance is that when reported to Lyons
by Mercier (for Seward had read it to the latter) the British Minister
could pride himself on having already pointed out to both Mercier and
Russell that Seward's line was exactly that which he had prophesied.
Mercier again was very anxious that his confidences to Lyons should not
become known, and Lyons was glad indeed to be wholly free from any share
in the discussion[397].
Two days after thus describing events, Lyons, on November 6, had still
another communication, and apparently a last on this topic, with
Mercier, in which the two men again went over the whole ground of
national policy toward America, and in which their divergent views
became very apparent. The arguments were the same, but expressed with
more vigour. Mercier seems, indeed, to have attempted to "rush" Lyons
into acquiescence in his policy. Lyons finally observed to him that he
"had no reason to suppose that Her Majesty's Government considered the
time was come for entertaining at all the question of recognizing the
South" and asked what good such a step would do anyway. Mercier replied
that he did not believe that the North would declare war, and so it
would be a step toward settlement. To this Lyons took positive
exception[398]. Lyons' report of this conversation was written on
November 8, a date which was soon to stand out as that on which occurred
an event more immediately threatening to British-American relations than
any other during the Civil War.
The battle of Bull Run had left on British minds an impression of
Northern incapacity in war--even a doubt of Northern courage and
determination. On August 19 the Declaration of Paris negotiation, a
favourable result from which was eagerly desired by Russell, had failed,
as he well knew when he attached to the convention that explanatory
statement limiting its action in point of time. In the end Russell felt
that Britain had just escaped a "trap." Two weeks after this Russell
learned of the arrest of Mure, and soon of the demand for Bunch's
recall, finally and formally made by Adams on November 21. Just six days
later, on November 27, London heard of the _Trent_ affair of November 8.
It is small wonder that Russell and his colleagues felt an increasing
uncertainty as to the intent of the United States, and also an
increasing irritation at having to guard their steps with such care in a
situation where they sincerely believed the only possible outcome was
the dissolution of the American Union. But up to the moment when the
news of the _Trent_ affair was received they had pursued a policy, so
they believed, of strict and upright neutrality, and were fixed in the
determination not to permit minor controversies or economic advantage to
divert them from it.
FOOTNOTES:
[Footnote 319: _Economist_, May 18, 1861.]
[Footnote 320: _Ibid._, June 29, 1861.]
[Footnote 321: J.L. Motley, _The Causes of the American Civil War_.
Published as a pamphlet. N.Y., 1861.]
[Footnote 322: _Daily News_, July 19, 1861.]
[Footnote 323: Russell, _My Diary, North and South_, p. 159, Boston,
1863. This work is in effect a condensation of Russell's letters to the
_Times_, but contains many intimate descriptions not given in the
newspaper.]
[Footnote 324: _Ibid._, p. 315.]
[Footnote 325: The _Times_, August 10, 1861.]
[Footnote 326: Russell, _My Diary_, London, 1863, II, p. 296. This
edition varies somewhat from that published at Boston and previously
cited. The _New York Times_ became Russell's most vicious critic,
labelling him "Bull Run Russell," a name which stuck, and beginning its
first article on his sins "The terrible epistle has been read with quite
as much avidity as an average President's message. We scarcely
exaggerate the fact when we say, the first and foremost thought on the
minds of a very large portion of our people after the repulse at _Bull's
Run_ was, what will Russell say?" _Ibid._, p. 297. As to his recall
Russell afterwards asserted that it was really due to a variance of
opinion with Delane, the former being really pro-Northern in sympathy
and in conviction of ultimate victory. This will be examined later when
Russell's position as an independent editor in London becomes
important.]
[Footnote 327: For similar German impressions see G.H. Putnam, _Memories
of My Youth_, N.Y., 1914, p. 187.]
[Footnote 328: Newton, _Lord Lyons_, I, p. 48. In the same view Russell
wrote to Lyons, August 16. "The defeat of Manassas or Bull's Run seems
to me to show a great want of zeal. For I cannot believe the descendants
of the men of 1776 and indeed of 1815 to be totally wanting in courage."
(Lyons Papers.)]
[Footnote 329: Motley, _Correspondence_, II, p. 31. August 20, 1861.]
[Footnote 330: Gladstone Papers, August 29, 1861.]
[Footnote 331: _Economist_, Aug. 17, 1861.]
[Footnote 332: _Morning Star_, Sept. 10, 1861.]
[Footnote 333: _John Bull_, Sept. 14, 1861.]
[Footnote 334: To be discussed fully in Chapter XVIII.]
[Footnote 335: Sept. 13, 1861. Dasent, _Delane_, II, p. 34.]
[Footnote 336: Darwin to Asa Gray, Sept. 17 and Dec. 11, 1861. Cited in
_Rhodes_, III, p. 510.]
[Footnote 337: _Spectator_, Sept. 14, 1861.]
[Footnote 338: _Saturday Review_, Sept. 14, 1861.]
[Footnote 339: _Spectator_, Sept. 21, 1861.]
[Footnote 340: _Daily News_, Sept. 17 and Oct. 10, 1861. The statement
is in reply to an article in the _Times_ of October 9, arguing that even
if the South were regarded as in the wrong, they had ten millions, a
fact that was conclusive.]
[Footnote 341: _The Daily News Jubilee_. By Justin McCarthy and John E.
Robinson, pp. 69-77.]
[Footnote 342: _Spectator_, Sept. 28, 1861.]
[Footnote 343: _Saturday Review_, Nov. 2, 1861.]
[Footnote 344: _Ibid._, Nov. 16. Spence's book rapidly went through many
editions, was widely read, and furnished the argument for many a
pro-Southern editorial. Spence himself soon became the intimate friend
and adviser of Mason, the Confederate envoy to England.]
[Footnote 345: _Ibid._, Nov. 23, 1861. The inference from Bernard's la
guage is perhaps permissible, but not inevitable.]
[Footnote 346: Motley, _Correspondence_, II, p. 37. To his mother, Oct.
18, 1861.]
[Footnote 347: See _ante_, Ch. V.]
[Footnote 348: _Parliamentary Papers, 1862, Lords_, Vol. XXV.
"Correspondence respecting International Maritime Law." No. 21 and
Inclosure. Belligny was in fact the French agent at Charleston who acted
with Bunch.]
[Footnote 349: F.O., Am., Vol. 768. No. 392. Lyons to Russell, Aug. 2,
1861. It is interesting to note that fourteen days were here required to
transmit a letter that in ordinary times would have reached its
destination in two days. Lyons states that he does not intend to inform
Mercier of Russell's attempted recall of instructions.]
[Footnote 350: F.O., Am., Vol. 767. No. 324. Inclosure No. 2. Private.
Lyons to Bunch, July 5, 1861. Bunch in reporting to Lyons, also used the
word "negotiation."]
[Footnote 351: When Davis proclaimed privateering Bunch had thought this
indicated a "low morality" and that Southern privateers would be in
reality pirates. F.O., Am., Vol. 763. Inclosure in No. 162. Bunch to
Russell, April 18, 1861.]
[Footnote 352: Bancroft's account, _Seward_, II, pp. 197-203, states
that Pickens was absent from Charleston. Bunch's account privately was
that he and Belligny thought Pickens "totally unfit to be intrusted with
anything in which judgment and discretion are at all necessary." (Lyons
Papers. Bunch to Lyons, Aug. 16, 1861.)]
[Footnote 353: Bancroft, _Seward_, II, p. 198.]
[Footnote 354: Lyons Papers. Bunch to Lyons.]
[Footnote 355: _Parliamentary Papers, 1862, Lords_, Vol. XXV.
"Correspondence on Withdrawal of Bunch's Exequatur." No. 4. Adams to
Russell, Sept. 3, 1861.]
[Footnote 356: _Ibid._, No. 2. Lyons to Russell, Aug. 19, 1861.]
[Footnote 357: Russell Papers. Bunch to Lyons, Aug. 18, 1861. Copy in
Lyons to Russell, Aug. 31, 1861.]
[Footnote 358: _Parliamentary Papers, 1862, Lords_, Vol. XXV.
"Correspondence on the Withdrawal of Bunch's Exequatur." No. 7. Lyons to
Russell, Aug. 23, 1861.]
[Footnote 359: Lyons Papers. Bunch to Lyons, June 23, 1861.]
[Footnote 360: _Parliamentary Papers, 1862, Lords_, Vol. XXV.
"Correspondence on the Withdrawal of Bunch's Exequatur." No. 15.
Inclosures. Bunch to Lyons, Sept. 30, 1861.]
[Footnote 361: _Ibid._, "Correspondence respecting International
Maritime Law." No. 39. Lyons to Russell.]
[Footnote 362: Palmerston MS. Russell to Palmerston, Sept. 6, 1861.]
[Footnote 363: _Parliamentary Papers, 1862, Lords_, Vol. XXV.
"Correspondence on the Withdrawal of Bunch's Exequatur." No. 6. Russell
to Cowley, Sept. 7, 1861.]
[Footnote 364: Russell Papers. Cowley to Russell. Private. Sept. 17,
1861.]
[Footnote 365: _Parliamentary Papers, 1862, Lords_, Vol. XXV.
"Correspondence on Withdrawal of Bunch's Exequatur." No. 10. Cowley to
Russell, Sept. 10, 1861.]
[Footnote 366: F.O., France, Vol. 1396. No. 1112. Cowley to Russell,
Sept. 10, 1861. Also Russell Papers. Cowley to Russell. Private. Sept.
10, 1861.]
[Footnote 367: _Parliamentary Papers, 1862, Lords_, Vol. XXV.
"Correspondence on the Withdrawal of Bunch's Exequatur." No. 9. Russell
to Adams, Sept. 9, 1861.]
[Footnote 368: _Ibid._, No. 8. Two days later, September 11, Russell
wrote to Palmerston that Motley was ignorant of Seward's intentions, and
that the Queen wished a modification of the "phrase about not being
prepared to recognize," but that he was against any change.
Palmerston MS.]
[Footnote 369: _Ibid._, No. 12. Adams to Russell.]
[Footnote 370: Russell to Lyons, Sept. 13, 1861. (Cited in Newton,
_Lyons_, I, p. 52.)]
[Footnote 371: _Parliamentary Papers, 1862, Lords_, Vol. XXV.
"Correspondence on the Withdrawal of Bunch's Exequatur." No. 11. Russell
to Lyons, Sept. 14, 1861.]
[Footnote 372: Palmerston MS. Russell to Palmerston, Sept. 19, 1861.]
[Footnote 373: Russell Papers. Lyons to Russell. _Private_. Sept. 24,
1861.]
[Footnote 374: _Ibid._, Sept. 27, 1861. The facts about Belligny were,
as reported by Lyons and Cowley, that before Bunch's activities became
known, the French Consul had been recalled and replaced by another man,
St. André. It will have been noted that when Lyons and Mercier sent
their instructions to the consuls at Charleston that of Mercier was
addressed to St. André. Apparently he had not reached Charleston. Thus
there was no opportunity to demand the recall of Belligny. Bancroft
(_Seward_, II, p. 203), unaware of this, presumes that Seward "thought
it important not to give them (England and France) a common grievance."]
[Footnote 375: _Ibid._, Lyons to Russell, Oct. 14, 1861.]
[Footnote 376: _Parliamentary Papers, 1862, Lords_, Vol. XXV.
"Correspondence on the Withdrawal of Bunch's Exequatur." No. 15.
Inclosure. Bunch to Lyons, Sept. 30, 1861.]
[Footnote 377: Lyons Papers. Copy, Private and Confidential, Lyons to
Bunch, Oct. 24, 1861. Bunch was informed in this letter that Mure had
been set free.]
[Footnote 378: F.O., Am., Vol. 757. No. 381. Russell to Lyons. Draft.
Oct. 26, 1861.]
[Footnote 379: The criticisms of Lyons and Russell were not printed in
the _Parliamentary Papers_. Bunch did later deny specifically that he
had told anyone of his activities. _(Parliamentary Papers, 1862, Lords_,
Vol. XXV. "Correspondence on the Withdrawal of Bunch's Exequatur." No.
22. Inclosure. Bunch to Lyons. Oct. 31, 1861.)]
[Footnote 380: _Parliamentary Papers, 1862, Lords_, Vol. XXV.
"Correspondence on the Withdrawal of Bunch's Exequatur." No. 17. Lyons
to Russell, Oct. 28, 1861. There are two interesting unindicated
elisions in the printed text of this letter. Indicating them in brackets
the sentences run: first:--
"It may seem superfluous to make any observations on the charges brought
against Mr. Bunch. [For it is plain that a high-handed proceeding being
deemed advisable with a view to gratify the American Public, Mr. Bunch
has merely been selected as a safer object of attack than the British or
French Government.] I can not help saying that never were more serious
charges, etc.," and second:--
"When Mr. Seward had finished reading the despatch I remained silent. [I
allowed the pain which the contents of it had caused me to be apparent
in my countenance, but I said nothing. From my knowledge of Mr. Seward's
character, I was sure that at the moment nothing which I could say would
make so much impression upon him as my maintaining an absolute silence.]
After a short pause, etc." (F.O., America, Vol. 773. No. 607. Lyons to
Russell, Oct. 28, 1861).]
[Footnote 381: Russell Papers. Lyons to Russell, Oct. 28, 1861.]
[Footnote 382: Lyons Papers. Russell to Lyons, Nov. 2, 1861.]
[Footnote 383: Palmerston MS. Russell to Palmerston, Nov. 12. 1861. He
added, "The dismissal of Bunch seems to me a singular mixture of the
bully and coward."]
[Footnote 384: _Parliamentary Papers, 1862, Lords_, Vol. XXV.
"Correspondence on the Withdrawal of Bunch's Exequatur." No. 26. Russell
to Adams, Dec. 9, 1861.]
[Footnote 385: Bonham, _British Consuls in the Confederacy_, p. 45.
Columbia University, _Studies in History, Economics and Public Law_,
XI-III. No. 3. Bonham shows that Bunch was more pro-Southern than Lyons
thought. Lyons had suggested that Bunch be permitted to remain privately
at Charleston. (_Parliamentary Papers_, 1862, _Lords_, Vol. XXV.
"Correspondence on the Withdrawal of Bunch's Exequatur." No. 29. Lyons
to Russell, Dec. 31, 1861.) That Bunch was after all regarded by the
United States as a scapegoat may be argued from the "curious
circumstance that in 1875, Mr. Bunch, being then British Minister
resident at Bogota, acted as arbitrator in a case between the United
States and Colombia." (Moore, _Int. Law Digest_, V, p. 22.)]
[Footnote 386: Bancroft, _Seward, II_, p. 203, says that if Great
Britain ever attempted another negotiation "that British representatives
were careful to preserve perfect secrecy." I have found no evidence of
any similar communication with the South.]
[Footnote 387: As early as April, 1861, Stoeckl reported Mercier as
urging Lyons and Stoeckl to secure from their respective Governments
authority to recognize the South whenever they thought "the right time"
had come. Lyons did not wish to have this responsibility, arguing that
the mere fact of such a decision being left to him would embarrass him
in his relations with the North. Stoeckl also opposed Mercier's idea,
and added that Russia could well afford to wait until England and France
had acted. Russia could then also recognize the South without offending
the North. (Russian Archives. Stoeckl to F.O., April 2-14, 1861.
No. 863.)]
[Footnote 388: Russell Papers. Lyons to Russell, Oct. 4, 1861.]
[Footnote 389: Palmerston MS. Russell to Palmerston, Oct. 8, 1861. On
Oct. 7, Lyons wrote to Head, "If we can get through the winter and
spring without American cotton, and keep the peace, we shall attain a
great object." (Lyons Papers.)]
[Footnote 390: F.O., America, 772. No. 585. Lyons to Russell, Oct. 21,
1861.]
[Footnote 391: _Ibid._, Vol. 773. No. 606. Lyons to Russell.
Confidential. Oct. 28, 1861.]
[Footnote 392: Walpole, _Russell_, II, 344.]
[Footnote 393: See _ante_, p. 194.]
[Footnote 394: "The Americans certainly seem inclined to pick a quarrel
with us; but I doubt their going far enough even to oblige us to
recognize the Southern States. A step further would enable us to open
the Southern ports, but a war would nevertheless be a great calamity."
(Maxwell, _Clarendon_, II, 245. Granville to Clarendon. No exact date is
given but the context shows it to have been in October, 1861.)]
[Footnote 395: Ashley, _Palmerston_, II, 218-19. On October 30, Russell
wrote to Gladstone expressing himself as worried about cotton but
stating that the North was about to try to take New Orleans and thus
release cotton. (Gladstone Papers).]
[Footnote 396: Bancroft, _Seward_, II, p. 219. Bancroft cites also a
letter from Seward to his wife showing that he appreciated thoroughly
the probability of a foreign war if France should press on in the
line taken.]
[Footnote 397: F.O., America, Vol. 773. No. 623. Confidential. Lyons to
Russell, Nov. 4, 1861.]
[Footnote 398: _Ibid._, No. 634. Confidential. Lyons to Russell, Nov. 8,
1861. In truth Lyons felt something of that suspicion of France
indicated by Cowley, and for both men these suspicions date from the
moment when France seemed lukewarm in support of England in the matter
of Bunch.]