Report, 1901, as being a class of Canarese cultivators and
cattle-breeders. Concerning the Heggades of South Canara,
Mr. H. A. Stuart writes [163] that they "are classified as
shepherds, but the present occupation of the majority of them is
cultivation. Their social position is said to be somewhat inferior to
that of the Bants. They employ Brahmins as their priests. In their
ceremonies, the rich follow closely the Brahminical customs. On the
second day of their marriage, a pretence of stealing a jewel from
the person of the bride is made. The bridegroom makes away with the
jewel before dawn, and in the evening the bride's party proceeds to
the house where the bridegroom is to be found. The owner of the house
is told that a theft has occurred in the bride's house and is asked
whether the thief has taken shelter in his house. A negative answer
is given, but the bride's party conducts a regular search. In the
meanwhile a boy is dressed to represent the bridegroom. The searching
party mistake this boy for the bridegroom, arrest him, and produce
him before the audience as the culprit. This disguised bridegroom,
who is proclaimed to be the thief, throws his mask at the bride,
when it is found to the amusement of all present that he is not the
bridegroom. The bride's party then, confessing their inability to find
the bridegroom, request the owner of the house to produce him. He is
then produced, and conducted in procession to the bride's house."
Some Bants who use the title Heggade wear the sacred thread, follow
the hereditary profession of temple functionaries, and are keepers
of the demon shrines which are dotted all over South Canara.
Of the Heggades who have settled in the Coorg country, the
Rev. G. Richter states [164] that "they conform, in superstitions and
festivals, to Coorg custom, but are excluded from the community of the
Coorgs, in whose presence they are allowed to sit only on the floor,
whilst the former occupy a chair, or, if they are seated on a mat,
the Heggades must not touch it." In the Mysore and Coorg Gazetteer,
Heggade is defined by Mr. L. Rice as the headman of a village, the
head of the village police, to whom, in some parts of the Province,
rent-free lands are assigned for his support.
Heggade is sometimes used as a caste name by Kurubas, and occurs as
an exogamous sept of Stanikas.
Hegganiga.--A sub-division of Ganigas, who use two oxen for their
oil-pressing mills.
Helava.--Helava, meaning lame person, is the name of a class of
mendicants, who, in Bellary, Mysore, and other localities, are the
custodians of village histories. They generally arrive at the villages
mounted on a bullock, and with their legs concealed by woollen
blankets. They go from house to house, giving the history of the
different families, the names of heroes who died in war, and so forth.
Hijra (eunuchs).--See Khoja.
Hire (big).--A sub-division of Kurni.
Hittu (flour).--A gotra of Kurni.
Holadava.--A synonym of Gatti.
Holeya.--The bulk of the Holeyas are, in the Madras Presidency, found
in South Canara, but there are a considerable number in Coimbatore and
on the Nilgiris (working on cinchona, tea, and coffee estates). In the
Manual of the South Canara district it is noted that "Holeyas are the
field labourers, and former agrestic serfs of South Canara, Pulayan
being the Malayalam and Paraiyan the Tamil form of the same word. The
name is derived by Brahmins from hole, pollution, and by others from
hola, land or soil, in recognition of the fact that, as in the case of
the Paraiyan, there are customs remaining which seem to indicate that
the Holeyas were once masters of the land; but, whatever the derivation
may be, it is no doubt the same as that of Paraiyan and Pulayan. The
Holeyas are divided into many sub-divisions, but the most important
are Mari, Mera, and Mundala or Bakuda. The Mera Holeyas are the most
numerous, and they follow the ordinary law of inheritance through
males, as far as that can be said to be possible with a class of people
who have absolutely nothing to inherit. Of course, demon propitiation
(bhuta worship) is practically the exclusive idea of the Holeyas,
and every one of the above sub-divisions has four or five demons to
which fowls, beaten rice, cocoanuts and toddy, are offered monthly
and annually. The Holeyas have, like other classes of South Canara, a
number of balis (exogamous septs), and persons of the same bali cannot
intermarry. Though the marriage tie is as loose as is usual among the
depressed and low castes of Southern India, their marriage ceremony is
somewhat elaborate. The bridegroom's party goes to the bride's house
on a fixed day with rice, betel leaf and a few areca nuts, and waits
the whole night outside the bride's hut, the bridegroom being seated
on a mat specially made by the bride. On the next morning the bride
is made to sit opposite the bridegroom, with a winnowing fan between
them filled with betel leaf, etc. Meanwhile the men and women present
throw rice over the heads of the couple. The bride then accompanies
the bridegroom to his hut, carrying the mat with her. On the last day
the couple take the mat to a river or tank where fish may be found,
dip the mat into the water, and catch some fish, which they let go
after kissing them. A grand feast completes the marriage. Divorce is
easy, and widow marriage is freely practiced. Holeyas will eat flesh
including beef, and have no caste scruples regarding the consumption
of spirituous liquor. Both men and women wear a small cap made of
the leaf of the areca palm." The Holeyas who were interviewed by us
all said that they do not go through the ceremony of catching fish,
which is performed by Shivalli Brahmans and Akkasales.
"All Tulu Brahmin chronicles," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes [165] "agree
in ascribing the creation of Malabar and Canara, or Kerala, Tuluva,
and Haiga to Parasu Rama, who reclaimed from the sea as much land as
he could cover by hurling his battle-axe from the top of the Western
Ghauts. A modified form of the tradition states that Parasu Rama
gave the newly reclaimed land to Naga and Machi Brahmins, who were
not true Brahmins, and were turned out or destroyed by fishermen and
Holeyas, who held the country till the Tulu Brahmins were introduced
by Mayur Varma (of the Kadamba dynasty). All traditions unite in
attributing the introduction of the Tulu Brahmins of the present day
to Mayur Varma, but they vary in details connected with the manner
in which they obtained a firm footing in the land. One account says
that Habashika, chief of the Koragas, drove out Mayur Varma, but was
in turn expelled by Mayur Varma's son, or son-in-law, Lokaditya of
Gokarnam, who brought Brahmins from Ahi-Kshetra, and settled them in
thirty-two villages. Another makes Mayur Varma himself the invader
of the country, which till then had remained in the possession of the
Holeyas and fishermen who had turned out Parasu Rama's Brahmins. Mayur
Varma and the Brahmins whom he had brought from Ahi-Kshetra were again
driven out by Nanda, a Holeya chief, whose son Chandra Sayana had,
however, learned respect for Brahmins from his mother, who had been a
dancing-girl in a temple. His admiration for them became so great that
he not only brought back the Brahmins, but actually made over all his
authority to them, and reduced his people to the position of slaves. A
third account makes Chandra Sayana, not a son of a Holeya king,
but a descendant of Mayur Varma and a conqueror of the Holeya king."
In Coorg, the Rev. G. Richter writes, [166] "the Holeyas are found in
the Coorg houses all over the country, and do all the menial work for
the Coorgs, by whom, though theoretically freemen under the British
Government, they were held as gleboe adscripti in a state of abject
servitude until lately, when, with the advent of European planters,
the slave question was freely discussed, and the 'domestic institution'
practically abolished. The Holeyas dress indifferently, are of dirty
habits, and eat whatever they can get, beef included. Their worship
is addressed to Eiyappa Devaru and Chamundi, or Kali goddess once
every month; and once every year they sacrifice a hog or a fowl."
Of the Holeyas of the Mysore province, the following account is given
in the Mysore Census Reports, 1891 and 1901. "The Holeyas number
502,493 persons, being 10.53 per cent. of the total population. They
constitute, as their name implies, the back-bone of cultivation in the
country. Hola is the Kanarese name for a dry-crop field, and Holeya
means the man of such field. The caste has numerous sub-divisions,
among which are Kannada, Gangadikara, Maggada (loom), and Morasu. The
Holeyas are chiefly employed as labourers in connection with
agriculture, and manufacture with hand-looms various kinds of coarse
cloth or home-spun, which are worn extensively by the poorer classes,
notwithstanding that they are being fast supplanted by foreign cheap
fabrics. In some parts of the Mysore district, considerable numbers
of the Holeyas are specially engaged in betel-vine gardening. As
labourers they are employed in innumerable pursuits, in which manual
labour preponderates. The Aleman sub-division furnishes recruits
as Barr sepoys. It may not be amiss to quote here some interesting
facts denoting the measure of material well-being achieved by,
and the religious recognition accorded to the outcastes at certain
first-class shrines in Mysore. At Melkote in the Mysore district,
the outcastes, i.e., the Holeyas and Madigs, are said to have been
granted by the great Visishtadvaita reformer, Ramanujacharya, the
privilege of entering the Vishnu temple up to the sanctum sanctorum,
along with Brahmans and others, to perform worship there for three days
during the annual car procession. The following anecdote, recorded by
Buchanan, [167] supplies the raison d'être for the concession, which
is said to have also been earned by their forebears having guarded the
sacred murti or idol. On Ramanujacharya going to Melkota to perform
his devotions at that celebrated shrine, he was informed that the
place had been attacked by the Turk King of Delhi, who had carried
away the idol. The Brahman immediately set out for that capital, and
on arrival found that the King had made a present of the image to his
daughter, for it is said to be very handsome, and she asked for it
as a plaything. All day the princess played with the image, and at
night the god assumed his own beautiful form, and enjoyed her bed,
for Krishna is addicted to such forms of adventures. Ramanujacharya,
by virtue of certain mantras, obtained possession of the image,
and wished to carry it off. He asked the Brahmans to assist him,
but they refused; on which the Holeyas volunteered, provided the
right of entering the temple was granted to them. Ramanujacharya
accepted their proposal, and the Holeyas, having posted themselves
between Delhi and Melkota, the image of the god was carried down in
twenty-four hours. The service also won for the outcastes the envied
title of Tiru-kulam or the sacred race. In 1799, however, when the
Dewan (prime minister) Purnaiya visited the holy place, the right of
the outcastes to enter the temple was stopped at the dhvaja stambham,
the consecrated monolithic column, from which point alone can they
now obtain a view of the god. On the day of the car procession, the
Tiru-kulam people, men, women and children, shave their heads and
bathe with the higher castes in the kalyani or large reservoir, and
carry on their head small earthen vessels filled with rice and oil,
and enter the temple as far as the flagstaff referred to above, where
they deliver their offerings, which are appropriated by the Dasayyas,
who resort simultaneously as pilgrims to the shrine. Besides the
privilege of entering the temple, the Tiru-kula Holeyas and Madigs
have the right to drag the car, for which service they are requited by
getting from the temple two hundred seers of ragi (grain), a quantity
of jaggery (crude sugar), and few bits of the dyed cloth used for
decorating the pandal (shed) which is erected for the procession. At
the close of the procession, the representatives of the aforesaid
classes receive each a flower garland at the hands of the Sthanik or
chief worshipper, who manages to drop a garland synchronously into
each plate held by the recipients, so as to avoid any suspicion of
undue preference. In return for these privileges, the members of the
Tiru-kulam used to render gratuitous services such as sweeping the
streets round the temple daily, and in the night patrolling the whole
place with drums during the continuance of the annual procession,
etc. But these services are said to have become much abridged and
nearly obsolete under the recent police and municipal régime. The
privilege of entering the temple during the annual car procession
is enjoyed also by the outcastes in the Vishnu temple at Belur in
the Hassan district. It is, however, significant that in both the
shrines, as soon as the car festival is over, i.e., on the 10th day,
the concession ceases, and the temples are ceremonially purified.
"In the pre-survey period, the Holeya or Madig Kulvadi, in the maidan
or eastern division, was so closely identified with the soil that his
oath, accompanied by certain formalities and awe-inspiring solemnities,
was considered to give the coup de grâce to long existing and vexatious
boundary disputes. He had a potential voice in the internal economy
of the village, and was often the fidus Achates of the patel (village
official). In the malnad, however, the Holeya had degenerated into the
agrestic slave, and till a few decades ago under the British rule,
not only as regards his property, but also with regard to his body,
he was not his own master. The vargdar or landholder owned him as
a hereditary slave. The genius of British rule has emancipated him,
and his enfranchisement has been emphasized by the allurements of the
coffee industry with its free labour and higher wages. It is, however,
said that the improvement so far of the status of the outcastes in
the malnad has not been an unmixed good, inasmuch as it is likewise
a measure of the decadence of the supari (betel) gardens. Be that as
it may, the Holeya in the far west of the province still continues
in many respects the bondsman of the local landholder of influence;
and some of the social customs now prevailing among the Holeyas there,
as described hereunder, fully bear out this fact.
"In most of the purely malnad or hilly taluks, each vargdar, or
proprietor of landed estate, owns a set of servants called Huttalu
or Huttu-Alu and Mannalu or Mannu-Alu. The former is the hereditary
servitor of the family, born in servitude, and performing agricultural
work for the landholder from father to son. The Mannalu is a serf
attached to the soil, and changes with it. These are usually of the
Holeya class, but in some places men of the Hasalar race have been
entertained. To some estates or vargs only Huttu-alus are attached,
while Mannu-alus work on others. Notwithstanding the measure of
personal freedom enjoyed by all men at the present time, and the
unification of the land tenures in the province under the revenue
survey and settlement, the traditions of birth, immemorial custom,
ignorance, and never-to-be-paid-off loads of debt, tend to preserve
in greater or less integrity the conditions of semi-slavery under
which these agrestic slaves live. It is locally considered the acme
of unwisdom to loosen the immemorial relations between capital and
labour, especially in the remote backwoods, in which free labour
does not exist, and the rich supari cultivation whereof would be
ruined otherwise. In order furthermore to rivet the ties which bind
these hereditary labourers to the soil, it is alleged that the local
capitalists have improvised a kind of Gretna Green marriage among
them. A legal marriage of the orthodox type contains the risk of a
female servant being lost to the family in case the husband happened
not to be a Huttalu or Mannalu. So, in order to obviate the possible
loss, a custom prevails according to which a female Huttalu or
Mannalu is espoused in what is locally known as the manikattu form,
which is neither more nor less than licensed concubinage. She may
be given up after a time, subject to a small fine to the caste, and
anybody else may then espouse her on like conditions. Not only does
she then remain in the family, but her children will also become the
landlord's servants. These people are paid with a daily supply of
paddy or cooked food, and a yearly present of clothing and blankets
(kamblis). On special occasions, and at car feasts, they receive in
addition small money allowances.
"In rural circles, in which the Holeyas and Madigs are kept at arm's
length by the Bramanical bodies, and are not allowed to approach
the sacerdotal classes beyond a fixed limit, the outcastes maintain
a strict semi-religious rule, whereby no Brahman can enter the
Holeya's quarters without necessitating a purification thereof. They
believe that the direst calamities will befall them and theirs if
otherwise. The ultraconservative spirit of Hindu priestcraft casts
into the far distance the realization of the hope that the lower
castes will become socially equal even with the classes usually termed
Sudras. But the time is looming in the near distance, in which they
will be on a level in temporal prosperity with the social organisms
above them. Unlike the land tenures said to prevail in Chingleput
or Madras, the Mysore system fully permits the Holeyas and Madigs
to hold land in their own right, and as sub-tenants they are to be
found almost everywhere. The highest amount of land assessment paid
by a single Holeya is Rs. 279 in the Bangalore district, and the
lowest six pies in the Kolar and Mysore districts. The quota paid by
the outcastes towards the land revenue of the country aggregates no
less than three lakhs of rupees, more than two-thirds being paid by
the Holeyas, and the remainder by the Madigs. These facts speak for
themselves, and afford a reliable index to the comparative well-being
of these people. Instances may also be readily quoted, in which
individual Holeyas, etc., have risen to be money-lenders, and enjoy
comparative affluence. Coffee cultivation and allied industries have
thrown much good fortune into their lap. Here and there they have also
established bhajane or prayer houses, in which theistic prayers and
psalms are recited by periodical congregation. A beginning has been
made towards placing the facilities of education within easy reach
of these depressed classes."
In connection with the Holeyas of South Canara, it is recorded [168]
that "the ordinary agricultural labourers of this district are Holeyas
or Pariahs of two classes, known as Mulada Holeyas and Salada Holeyas,
the former being the old hereditary serfs attached to Muli wargs
(estates), and the latter labourers bound to their masters' service by
being in debt to them. Nowadays, however, there is a little difference
between the two classes. Neither are much given to changing masters,
and, though a Mulada Holeya is no longer a slave, he is usually as much
in debt as a Salada Holeya, and can only change when his new master
takes the debt over. To these labourers cash payments are unknown,
except occasionally in the case of Salada Holeyas, where there is a
nominal annual payment to be set off against interest on the debt. In
other cases interest is foregone, one or other of the perquisites
being sometimes docked as an equivalent. The grain wage consists of
rice or paddy (unhusked rice), and the local seer is, on the average,
as nearly as possible one of 80 tolas. The daily rice payments to men,
women, and children vary as follows:--
Men from 1 seer to 2 seers.
Women from 2/3 seer to 2 seers.
Children from 3/8 seer to 1 seer.
"In addition to the daily wages, and the midday meal of boiled rice
which is given in almost all parts, there are annual perquisites or
privileges. Except on the coast of the Mangalore taluk and in the
Coondapoor taluk, every Holeya is allowed rent free from 1/8 to 1/3
acre of land, and one or two cocoanut or palmyra trees, with sometimes
a jack or mango tree in addition. The money-value of the produce of
this little allotment is variously estimated at from 1 to 5 rupees
per annum. Throughout the whole district, cloths are given every
year to each labourer, the money value being estimated at 1 rupee per
adult, and 6 annas for a child. It is also customary to give a cumbly
(blanket) in the neighbourhood of the ghauts, where the damp and cold
render a warm covering necessary. On three or four important festivals,
presents of rice and other eatables, oil and salt are given to each
labourer, or, in some cases, to each family. The average value of these
may be taken at 1 rupee per labourer, or Rs. 4 per family. Presents
are also made on the occasion of a birth, marriage, or funeral, the
value of which varies very much in individual cases. Whole families
of Holeyas are attached to the farms, but, when their master does not
require their services, he expects them to go and work elsewhere in
places where such work is to be got. In the interior, outside work is
not to be had at many seasons, and the master has to pay them even if
there is not much for them to do, but, one way or another, he usually
manages to keep them pretty well employed all the year round."
In a note on the Kulwadis, Kulvadis or Chalavadis of the Hassan
district in Mysore, Captain J. S. F. Mackenzie writes [169] that
"every village has its Holigiri--as the quarter inhabited by the
Holiars is called--outside the village boundary hedge. This, I thought,
was because they are considered an impure race, whose touch carries
defilement with it. Such is the reason generally given by the Brahman,
who refuses to receive anything directly from the hands of a Holiar,
and yet the Brahmans consider great luck will wait upon them if they
can manage to pass through the Holigiri without being molested. To this
the Holiars have a strong objection, and, should a Brahman attempt
to enter their quarters, they turn out in a body and slipper him,
in former times it is said to death. Members of the other castes may
come as far as the door, but they must not enter the house, for that
would bring the Holiar bad luck. If, by chance, a person happens to
get in, the owner takes care to tear the intruder's cloth, tie up
some salt in one corner of it, and turn him out. This is supposed
to neutralize all the good luck which might have accrued to the
trespasser, and avert any evil which might have befallen the owner of
the house. All the thousand-and-one castes, whose members find a home
in the village, unhesitatingly admit that the Kulwadi is de jure the
rightful owner of the village. He who was is still, in a limited sense,
'lord of the village manor.' If there is a dispute as to the village
boundaries, the Kulwadi is the only one competent to take the oath as
to how the boundary ought to run. The old custom for settling such
disputes was as follows. The Kulwadi, carrying on his head a ball
made of the village earth, in the centre of which is placed some
water, passes along the boundary. If he has kept the proper line,
everything goes well; but should he, by accident, even go beyond
his own proper boundary, then the ball of earth, of its own accord,
goes to pieces, the Kulwadi dies within fifteen days, and his house
becomes a ruin. Such is the popular belief. Again, the skins of all
animals dying within the village boundaries are the property of the
Kulwadi, and a good income he makes from this source. To this day a
village boundary dispute is often decided by this one fact. If the
Kulwadis agree, the other inhabitants of the villages can say no
more. When--in our forefathers' days, as the natives say--a village
was first established, a stone called 'karu kallu' is set up. To this
stone the Patel once a year makes an offering. The Kulwadi, after the
ceremony is over, is entitled to carry off the rice, etc., offered. In
cases where there is no Patel, the Kulwadi goes through the yearly
ceremony. But what I think proves strongly that the Holia was the
first to take possession of the soil is that the Kulwadi receives,
and is entitled to receive, from the friends of any person who dies
in the village, a certain fee or as my informant forcibly put it,
'They buy from him the ground for the dead.' This fee is still called
in Canarese nela haga, from nela earth, and haga, a coin worth 1
anna 2 pies. In Munzerabad the Kulwadi does not receive this fee
from those ryots who are related to the headman. Here the Kulwadi
occupies a higher position. He has, in fact, been adopted into the
Patel's family, for, on a death occurring in such family, the Kulwadi
goes into mourning by shaving his head. He always receives from the
friends the clothes the deceased wore, and a brass basin. The Kulwadi,
however, owns a superior in the matter of burial fees. He pays yearly
a fowl, one hana (4 annas 8 pies), and a handful of rice to the agent
of the Sudgadu Siddha, or lord of the burning ground (q.v.)."
A Kulwadi, whom I came across, was carrying a brass ladle bearing the
figure of a couchant bull (Basava) and a lingam under a many-headed
cobra canopy. This ladle is carried round, and filled with rice, money,
and betel, on the occasion of marriages in those castes, of which the
insignia are engraved on the handle. These insignia were as follows:--
Weavers--Shuttle and brush.
Bestha--Fish.
Uppara--Spade and basket for collecting salt.
Korama--Baskets and knife for splitting canes and bamboos.
Idiga--Knife, and apparatus for climbing palm-trees.
Hajam--Barber's scissors, razor, and sharpening stone.
Ganiga--Oil-press.
Madavali--Washerman's pot, fire-place, mallet, and stone.
Kumbara--Potter's wheel, pots, and mallet.
Vakkaliga--Plough.
Chetti--Scales and basket.
Kuruba--Sheep-shears.
A small whistle, called kola-singanatha, made of gold, silver, or
copper, is tied round the neck of some Holeyas, Vakkaligas, Besthas,
Agasas and Kurubas, by means of threads of sheep's wool intertwined
sixteen times. All these castes are supposed to belong to the family
of the God Bhaira, in whose name the whistle is tied by a Bairagi at
Chunchingiri near Nagamangala. It is usually tied in fulfilment of
a vow taken by the parents, and the ceremony costs from a hundred to
two hundred rupees. Until the vow is fulfilled, the person concerned
cannot marry. At the ceremony, the Bairagi bores a hole in the right
ear-lobe of the celebrant with a needle called diksha churi, and from
the wound ten drops of blood fall to the ground (cf. Jogi Purusha). He
is then bathed before the whistle is tied round his neck. As the result
of wearing the whistle, the man attains to the rank of a priest in
his caste, and is entitled to receive alms and meals on festive and
ceremonial occasions. He blows his whistle, which emits a thin squeak,
before partaking of food, or performing his daily worship.
It is noted in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, that the marriage of the
Holeyas is "nothing but a feast, at which the bridegroom ties the bottu
(marriage badge) round the bride's neck. The wife cannot be divorced
except for adultery. Widows are prohibited from remarrying, but the
caste winks at a widow's living with a man." In an account given to
me of marriage among the Gangadikara Holeyas, I was told that, if a
girl reaches puberty without being married, she may live with any man
whom she likes within the caste. If he pays later on the bride price
of twelve rupees, the marriage ceremonies take place, and the issue
becomes legitimate. On the first day of these ceremonies, the bride
is taken to the house of her husband-elect. The parties of the bride
and bridegroom go, accompanied by music, to a river or tank, each with
four new earthen pots, rice, betel, and other things. The pots, which
are decorated with flowers of the areca palm, are filled with water,
and set apart in the houses of the contracting couple. This ceremonial
is known as bringing the god. At night the wrist-threads (kankanam),
made of black and white wool, with turmeric root and iron ring tied
on them, are placed round the wrists of the bride and bridegroom. On
the following day, cotton thread is passed round the necks of three
brass vessels, and also round the head of the bridegroom, who sits
before the vessels with hands folded, and betel leaves stuck between
his fingers. Married women anoint him with oil and turmeric, and he
is bathed. He is then made to stand beneath a tree, and a twig of the
jambu (Eugenia Jambolana) tree is tied to the milk-post. A similar
ceremony is performed by the bride. The bridegroom is conducted to
the marriage booth, and he and the bride exchange garlands and put
gingelly (Sesamum) and jirige (cummin) on each other's heads. The
bottu is passed round to be blessed, and tied by the bridegroom on
the bride's neck. This is followed by the pouring of milk over the
hands of the contracting couple. On the third day, the wrist-threads
are removed, and the pots thrown away.
The Holeyas have a large number of exogamous septs, of which the
following are examples:--
Ane, elephant. Hasubu, pack-sack.
Male, garland. Malige, jasmine.
Nerali, Eugenia Jambolana. Tene, Setaria italica.
Hutta, ant-hill. Chatri, umbrella.
Halu, milk. Mola, hare.
Kavane, sling. Jenu, honey.
It is recorded in the Mysore Census Report, 1901, that "351 out of
the entire population of 577,166 have returned gotras, the names
thereof being Harichandra, Kali, Yekke, and Karadi. In thus doing,
it is evident that they are learning to venerate themselves, like
others in admittedly higher grades of society."
Some Holeya families are called Hale Makkalu, or old children of the
Gangadikara Vakkaligas, and have to do certain services for the latter,
such as carrying the sandals of the bridegroom, acting as messenger
in conveying news from place to place, carrying fire before corpses
to the burning-ground, and watching over the burning body. It is said
that, in the performance of these duties, the exogamous septs of the
Holeya and Vakkaliga must coincide.
In the Census Report, 1901, Balagai, Bakuda, Begara or Byagara,
Kusa (or Uppara) Maila, and Ranivaya (belonging to a queen) are
recorded as sub-sects of the Holeyas. Of these, Balagai is a synonym,
indicating that the Holeyas belong to the right-hand section. The
Bakudas are said to resent the application of that name to them, and
call themselves Aipattukuladavaru, or the people of fifty families,
presumably from the fact that they are divided into fifty balis or
families. These balis are said to be named after deceased female
ancestors. Begara or Byagara is a synonym, applied to the Holeyas
by Kanarese Lingayats. Maila means dirt, and probably refers to the
washerman section, just as Mailari (washerman) occurs among the Malas.
The Tulu-speaking Holeyas must not be confounded with the
Canarese-speaking Holeyas. In South Canara, Holeya is a general name
applied to the polluting classes, Nalkes, Koragas, and the three
divisions of Holeyas proper, which differ widely from each other in
some respects. These divisions are--
(1) Bakuda or Mundala--A stranger, asking a woman if her husband
is at home, is expected to refer to him as her Bakuda, and
not as her Mundala.
(2) Mera or Mugayaru, which is also called Kaipuda.
(3) Mari or Marimanisaru.
Of these, the first two sections abstain from beef, and consequently
consider themselves superior to the Mari section.
The Bakudas follow the aliya santana law of succession (in the female
line), and, if a man leaves any property, it goes to his nephew. They
will not touch dead cows or calves, or remove the placenta when a
cow calves. Nor will they touch leather, especially in the form of
shoes. They will not carry cots on which rice sheaves are thrashed,
chairs, etc., which have four legs, but, when ordered to do so, either
break off one leg, or add an extra leg by tying a stick to the cot
or chair. The women always wear their cloth in one piece, and are
not allowed, like other Holeyas, to have it made of two pieces. The
Bakudas will not eat food prepared or touched by Bilimaggas, Jadas,
Paravas or Nalkes. The headman is called Mukhari. The office is
hereditary, and, in some places, is, as with the Guttinaya of the
Bants, connected with his house-site. This being fixed, he should
remain at that house, or his appointment will lapse, except with the
general consent of the community to his retaining it. In some places,
the Mukhari has two assistants, called Jammana and Bondari, of whom
the latter has to distribute toddy at assemblies of the caste. On all
ceremonial occasions, the Mukhari has to be treated with great respect,
and even an individual who gets possessed by the bhutha (devil)
has to touch him with his kadasale (sword). In cases of adultery,
a purificatory ceremony, called gudi suddha, is performed. The erring
woman's relations construct seven small huts, through which she has to
pass, and they are burned down. The fact of this purificatory ceremony
taking place is usually proclaimed by the Bondari, and the saying is
that 280 people should assemble. They sprinkle water brought from a
temple or sthana (devil shrine) and cow's urine over the woman just
before she passes through the huts. A small quantity of hair from her
head, a few hairs from the eyelids, and nails from her fingers are
thrown into the huts. In some places, the delinquent has to drink a
considerable quantity of salt-water and cow-dung water.
Her relatives have to pay a small money fine to the village deity. The
ordeal of passing through huts is also practiced by the Koragas of
South Canara. "The suggestion," Mr. R. E. Enthoven writes, "seems
to be a rapid representation of seven existences, the outcaste
regaining his (or her) status after seven generations have passed
without further transgression. The parallel suggested is the law of
Manu that seven generations are necessary to efface a lapse from the
law of endogamous marriage."
The special bhuthas of the Bakudas are Kodababbu and Kamberlu (or
Kangilu), but Jumadi, Panjurli, and Tanimaniya are also occasionally
worshipped. For the propitiation of Kodababbu, Nalkes are engaged
to put on the disguise of this bhutha, whereas Bakudas themselves
dress up for the propitiation of Kamberlu in cocoanut leaves tied
round the head and waist. Thus disguised, they go about the streets
periodically, collecting alms from door to door. Kamberlu is supposed
to cause small-pox, cholera, and other epidemic diseases.
On the day fixed for the betrothal ceremony, among the Bakudas, a
few people assemble at the home of the bride-elect, and the Mukharis
of both parties exchange betel or beat the palms of their hands,
and proclaim that all quarrels must cease, and the marriage is
to be celebrated. Toddy is distributed among those assembled. The
bride's party visit the parents of the bridegroom, and receive then
or subsequently a white cloth, four rupees, and three bundles of
rice. On the wedding day, those who are present seat themselves in
front of the house where the ceremony is to take place, and are given
betel to chew. A new mat is spread, and the bride and bridegroom
stand thereon. If there is a Kodababbu sthana in the vicinity, the
jewels belonging thereto are worn by the bridegroom, who also wears
a red cap, which is usually kept in the sthana, and carries in his
hand the sword (kadasale) belonging thereto. The Mukhari or Jammana
asks if the five groups of people, from Barkur, Mangalore, Shivalli,
Chithpadi, Mudanidambur, and Udayavara, are present. Five men come
forward, and announce that this is so, and say "all relationship
involving prohibited degrees may snap, and cease to exist." A tray of
rice and a lamp are placed before the contracting couple, and those
present throw rice over their heads. All then go to the toddy shop,
and have a drink. They then return to the house and partake of a meal,
at which the bridegroom and his bestman (maternal uncle's son) are
seated apart. Cooked rice is heaped up on a leaf before the bridegroom,
and five piles of fish curry are placed thereon. First the bridegroom
eats a portion thereof, and the remainder is finished off by the
bestman. The bridal couple then stand once more on the mat, and the
Mukhari joins their hands, saying "No unlawful marriage should take
place. Prohibited relationship must be avoided." He sprinkles water
from culms of Cynodon Dactylon over the united hands.
The body of a dead Bakuda is washed with hot water, in which mango
(Mangifera indica) bark is steeped. The dead are buried. The day for
the final death ceremonies (bojja) is usually fixed by the Mukhari
or Jammana. On that day, cooked food is offered to the deceased, and
all cry "muriyo, muriyo." The son, after being shaved, and with his
face veiled by a cloth, carries cooked rice on his head to a small
hut erected for the occasion. The food is set down, and all present
throw some of it into the hut.
The Mera or Mugayar Holeyas, like the Bakudas, abstain from eating
beef, and refuse to touch leather in any form. They have no objection
to carrying four-legged articles. Though their mother tongue is Tulu,
they seem to follow the makkala santana law of inheritance (in the male
line). Their headman is entitled Kuruneru, and he has, as the badge
of office, a cane with a silver band. The office of headman passes to
the son instead of to the nephew. Marriage is called Badathana, and
the details of the ceremony are like those of the Mari Holeyas. The
dead are buried, and the final death ceremonies (bojja or savu) are
performed on the twelfth or sixteenth day. A feast is given to some
members of the community, and cooked food offered to the deceased at
the house and near the grave.
The Mari or Marimanisaru Holeyas are sometimes called Karadhi
by the Bakudas. Like certain Malayalam castes, the Holeyas have
distinct names for their homes according to the section. Thus,
the huts of the Mari Holeyas are called kelu, and those of the
Mera Holeyas patta. The headmen among the Mari Holeyas are called
Mulia, Boltiyadi, and Kallali. The office of headman follows in
the female line of succession. In addition to various bhuthas, such
as Panjurli and Jumadi, the Mari Holeyas have two special bhuthas,
named Kattadhe and Kanadhe, whom they regard as their ancestors. At
times of festivals, these ancestors are supposed to descend on earth,
and make their presence known by taking possession of some member
of the community. Men who are liable to be so possessed are called
Dharipuneyi, and have the privilege of taking up the sword and bell
belonging to the bhuthasthana when under possession.
Marriage among the Mari Holeyas is called porathavu. At the betrothal
ceremony, the headmen of the contracting parties exchange betel leaves
and areca nuts. The bride-price usually consists of two bundles of
rice and a bundle of paddy (unhusked rice). On the wedding day the
bridegroom and his party go to the home of the bride, taking with
them a basket containing five seers of rice, two metal bangles, one
or two cocoanuts, a comb, and a white woman's cloth, which are shown
to the headman of the bride's party. The two headmen order betel leaf
and areca nuts to be distributed among those assembled. After a meal,
a mat is spread in front of the hut, and the bride and bridegroom stand
thereon. The bridegroom has in his hand a sword, and the bride holds
some betel leaves and areca nuts. Rice is thrown over their heads,
and presents of money are given to them. The two headmen lift up the
hands of the contracting couple, and they are joined together. The
bride is lifted up so as to be a little higher than the bridegroom,
and is taken indoors. The bridegroom follows her, but is prevented
from entering by his brother-in-law, to whom he gives betel leaves
and areca nuts. He then makes a forcible entrance into the hut.
When a Mari Holeya girl reaches puberty, she is expected to remain
within a hut for twelve days, at the end of which time the castemen
are invited to a feast. The girl is seated on a pattern drawn on the
floor. At the four corners thereof, vessels filled with water are
placed. The girl's mother holds over her head a plantain leaf, and
four women belonging to different balis (septs) pour water thereon
from the vessels. These women and the girl then sit down to a meal,
and eat off the same leaf.
Among the Mari Holeyas, the dead are usually buried, and the final
death ceremonies are performed on the twelfth day. A pit is dug near
the grave, into which an image of the deceased, made of rice straw,
is put. The image is set on fire by his son or nephew. The ashes are
heaped up, and a rude hut is erected round them by fixing three sticks
in the ground, and covering them with a cloth. Food is offered on a
leaf, and the dead person is asked to eat it.
The Kusa Holeyas speak Canarese. They object to carrying articles
with four legs, unless the legs are crossed. They do not eat beef,
and will not touch leather. They consider themselves to be superior
to the other sections of Holeyas, and use as an argument that their
caste name is Uppara, and not Holeya. Why they are called Uppara
is not clear, but some say that they are the same as the Upparas
(salt workers) of Mysore, who, in South Canara, have descended in
the social scale. The hereditary occupation of the Upparas is making
salt from salt earth (ku, earth). The headman of the Kusa Holeyas
is called Buddivant. As they are disciples of a Lingayat priest at
the mutt at Kudli in Mysore, they are Saivites. Every family has to
pay the priest a fee of eight annas on the occasion of his periodical
visitations. The bhuthas specially worshipped by the Kusa Holeyas are
Masti and Halemanedeyya, but Venkataramana of Tirupati is by some
regarded as their family deity. Marriage is both infant and adult,
and widows are permitted to remarry, if they have no children.
At Tumkur, in the Mysore Province, I came across a settlement of people
called Tigala Holeya, who do not intermarry with other Holeyas, and
have no exogamous septs or house-names. Their cranial measurements
approach more nearly to those of the dolichocephalic Tamil Paraiyans
than those of the sub-brachycephalic Holeyas; and it is possible
that they are Tamil Paraiyans, who migrated, at some distant date,
to Mysore.
==================+============+===========+=========
---- | Cephalic | Cephalic | Cephalic
| length. | breadth. | index.
------------------+------------+-----------+---------
| cm. | cm. |
| | |
Tamil Paraiyan | 18.6 | 13.7 | 73.6
Tigala Holeya | 18.5 | 13.9 | 75.1
Holeya | 17.9 | 14.1 | 79.1
==================+============+===========+=========
Holodia Gudiya.--A name for the agricultural section of the Oriya
Gudiyas.
Holuva (holo, plough).--A synonym of Pentiya, and the name of a
section of Oriya Brahmans, who plough the land.
Hon.--Hon, Honnu, and Honne, meaning gold, have been recorded as
gotras or exogamous septs of Kurni, Odde, and Kuruba.
Honne (Calophyllum inophyllum or Pterocarpus Marsupium).--An exogamous
sept of Halepaik and Moger. The Halepaiks sometimes call the sept
Sura Honne.
Honnungara (gold ring).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.
Huli (tiger).--An exogamous sub-sept of Kappiliyan.
Hullu (grass).--A gotra of Kurni.
Hunise (tamarind).--An exogamous sub-sept of Kappiliyan.
Hutta (ant-hill).--An exogamous sept of Gangadikara Holeya.
Huvvina (flowers).--An exogamous sept of Odde and Vakkaliga.
I
Ichcham (date-palm: Phoenix sylvestris).--Ichcham or Ichanjanar is
recorded, in the Tanjore Manual, as a section of Shanan. The equivalent
Ichang occurs as a tree or kothu of Kondaiyankottai Maravans.
Idacheri.--An occupational name for a section of Nayars, who make
and sell dairy produce. The word corresponds to Idaiyan in the Tamil
country.
Idaiyan.--The Idaiyans are the great pastoral or shepherd caste of the
Tamil country, but some are landowners, and a few are in Government
employ. Those whom I examined at Coimbatore were engaged as milkmen,
shepherds, cultivators, gardeners, cart-drivers, shopkeepers,
constables, family doctors, and mendicants.
It is recorded in the Tanjore Manual that "the Rev. Mr. Pope says that
Ideir are so-called from idei, middle, being a kind of intermediate
link between the farmers and merchants." Mr. Nelson [170] considers
this derivation to be fanciful, and thinks that "perhaps they are so
called from originally inhabiting the lands which lay midway between
the hills and the arable lands, the jungly plains, suited for pasturage
[i.e., the middle land out of the five groups of land mentioned in
Tamil works, viz., Kurinji, Palai, Mullai, Marutam, Neytal]. [171]
The class consists of several clans, but they may be broadly divided
into two sections, the one more thoroughly organised, the other
retaining most of the essential characteristics of an aboriginal
race. The first section follow the Vaishnava sect, wear the namam,
and call themselves Yadavas. Those belonging to the second section
stick to their demon worship, and make no pretensions to a descent from
the Yadava race. They daub their foreheads with the sacred cow-dung
ashes, and are regarded, apparently from this circumstance alone,
to belong to the Saiva sect."
In the Madras Census Report, 1871, it is noted that milkmen and
cowherds appear to hold a social position of some importance,
and even Brahmans do not disdain to drink milk or curds from their
hands. Further, the Census Superintendent, 1901, writes that "the
Idaiyans take a higher social position than they would otherwise do,
owing to the tradition that Krishna was brought up by their caste, and
to the fact that they are the only purveyors of milk, ghi (clarified
butter), etc., and so are indispensable to the community. All Brahmans,
except the most orthodox, will accordingly eat butter-milk and butter
brought by them. In some places they have the privilege of breaking
the butter-pot on the Gokulashtami, or Krishna's birthday, and get
a new cloth and some money for doing it. They will eat in the houses
of Vellalas, Pallis, and Nattamans."
The Idaiyans claim that Timma Raja, the prime minister of Krishna
Deva Raya of Vijayanagar, who executed various works in the Chingleput
district, was an Idaiyan by caste.
The Idaiyans have returned a large number of divisions, of which the
following may be noted:--
Kalkatti and Pasi. The women, contrary to the usual Tamil custom,
have black beads in their tali-string. The practice is apparently
due to the influence of Telugu Brahman purohits, as various Telugu
castes have glass beads along with the bottu (marriage badge). In
like manner, the married Pandamutti Palli women wear a necklace of
black beads. According to a legend, pasi is a pebble found in rivers,
from which beads are made. A giant came to kill Krishna when he was
playing with the shepherd boys on the banks of a river. He fought
the giant with these pebbles, and killed him.
Pal, milk. Corresponds to the Halu (milk) division of the Canarese
Kuruba shepherd caste.
Pendukkumekki, denoting those who are subservient to their women. A
man, on marriage, joins his wife's family, and he succeeds to the
property, not of his father, but of his father-in-law.
Siviyan or Sivala. An occupational name, meaning palanquin-bearer.
Sangukatti, or those who tie the conch or chank shell (Turbinella
rapa). It is narrated that Krishna wanted to marry Rukmani, whose
family insisted on marrying her to Sishupalan. When the wedding was
about to take place, Krishna carried off Rukmani, and placed a bangle
made of chank shell on her wrist.
Samban, a name of Siva. Most members of this division put on the
sacred ashes as a sectarian mark. It is said that the Yadavas were in
the habit of making offerings to Devendra, but Krishna wanted them
to worship him. With the exception of a few Yadavas and Paraiyans
who were also employed in grazing cattle, all the shepherds refused
to do so. It is stated that "in ancient times, men of the Idaiyan
caste ranked only a little above Paraiyans, and that the Idaicheri,
or Idaiyan suburb, was always situated close to the Paraicheri,
or Paraiyan's suburb, in every properly constituted village." [172]
Pudunattu or Puthukkanattar, meaning people of the new country. The
Idaiyans claim that, when Krishna settled in Kishkindha, he peopled
it with members of their caste.
Perun (big) Tali, and Siru (small) Tali, indicating those whose
married women wear a large or small tali.
Panjaram or Pancharamkatti. The name is derived from the peculiar
gold ornament called panjaram or pancharam shaped like a many-rayed
sun, and having three dots on it, which is worn by widows. It is
said that in this division "widow marriage is commonly practiced,
because Krishna used to place a similar ornament round the necks of
the Idaiyan widows of whom he became enamoured, to transform them
from widows into married women, to whom pleasure was not forbidden,
and that this sub-division is the result of these amours." [173]
Maniyakkara. Derived from mani, a bell, such as is tied round the
necks of cattle, sheep and goats.
Kalla. Most numerous in the area inhabited by the Kallan
caste. Possibly an offshoot of this caste, composed of those who
have taken to the occupation of shepherds. Like the Kallans, this
sub-division has exogamous septs or kilais, e.g., Deva (god), Vendhan
(king).
Sholia. Territorial name denoting inhabitants of the Chola country.
Anaikombu, or elephant tusk, which was the weapon used by Krishna
and the Yadavas to kill the giant Sakatasura.
Karutthakadu, black cotton country. A sub-division found mostly in
Madura and Tinnevelly, where there is a considerable tract of black
cotton soil.
The Perumal Madukkarans or Perumal Erudukkarans (see Gangeddu), who
travel about the country exhibiting performing bulls, are said to
belong to the Pu (flower) Idaiyan section of the Idaiyan caste. This
is so named because the primary occupation thereof was, and in some
places still is, making garlands for temples.
In the Gazetteer of the Madura district, it is recorded that "Podunattu
(Pudunattu?) Idaiyans have a tradition that they originally belonged
to Tinnevelly, but fled to this district secretly one night in a body
in the time of Tirumala Nayakkan, because the local chief oppressed
them. Tirumala welcomed them, and put them under the care of the
Kallan headman Pinnai Devan, decreeing that, to ensure that this
gentleman and his successors faithfully observed the charge, they
should always be appointed by an Idaiyan. That condition is observed
to this day. In this sub-division a man has the same right to marry
his paternal aunt's daughter as is possessed by the Kallans. But,
if the woman's age is much greater than the boy's, she is usually
married instead to his cousin, or some one else on that side of the
family. A Brahman officiates at weddings, and the sacred fire is used,
but the bridegroom's sister ties the tali (marriage badge). Divorce
and the remarriage of widows are prohibited. The dead, except
infants, are burnt. Caste affairs are settled by a headman called
the Nattanmaikaran, who is assisted by an accountant and a peon. All
three are elected. The headman has the management of the caste fund,
which is utilised in the celebration of festivals on certain days in
some of the larger temples of the district. Among these Podunattus,
an uncommon rule of inheritance is in force. A woman who has no male
issue at the time of her husband's death has to return his property to
his brother, father, or maternal uncle, but is allotted maintenance,
the amount of which is fixed by a caste panchayat (council). Among the
Valasu and Pendukkumekki sub-divisions, another odd form of maintenance
subsists. A man's property descends to his sons-in-law, who live with
him, and not to his sons. The sons merely get maintenance until they
are married."
In the Madras Census Report, 1901, Pondan or Pogandan is recorded as
a sub-caste of Idaiyans, who are palanquin-bearers to the Zamorin
of Calicut. In this connection, it is noted by Mr. K. Kannan Nayar
[174] that "among the Konar (cowherds) of Poondurai near Erode (in the
Coimbatore district), who, according to tradition, originally belonged
to the same tribe as the Gopas living in the southern part of Kerala,
and now forming a section of the Nayars, the former matrimonial
customs were exactly the same as those of the Nayars. They, too,
celebrated tali-kettu kalyanam, and, like the Nayars, did not make
it binding on the bride and bridegroom of the ceremony to live as
husband and wife. They have now, however, abandoned the custom,
and have made the tying of the tali the actual marriage ceremony."
The typical panchayat (village council) system exists among the
Idaiyans, and the only distinguishing feature is the existence of a
headman, called Kithari or Kilari, whose business it is to look after
the sheep of the village, to arrange for penning them in the fields. In
some places the headman is called Ambalakkaran. In bygone days,
those who were convicted of adultery were tied to a post, and beaten.
In some places, when a girl reaches puberty, her maternal uncle, or
his sons, build a hut with green cocoanut leaves, which she occupies
for sixteen days, when purificatory ceremonies are performed.
The marriage ceremonies vary according to locality, and the following
details of one form therefore, as carried out at Coimbatore, may be
cited. When a marriage between two persons is contemplated, a red and
white flower, tied up in separate betel leaves, are thrown before the
idol at a temple. A little child is told to pick up one of the leaves,
and, if she selects the one containing the white flower, the omens are
considered auspicious, and the marriage will be arranged. On the day
of the betrothal, the future bridegroom's father and other relations
go to the girl's house with presents of a new cloth, fruits, and
ornaments. The bride price (pariyam) is paid, and betel exchanged. The
bridegroom-elect goes to the girl's cousins (maternal uncle's sons),
who have a right to marry her, and presents them with four annas and
betel. The acceptance of these is a sign that they consent to the
marriage. On the marriage day, the bridegroom plants the milk-post,
after it has been blessed by a Brahman purohit, and is shaved by a
barber. The bride and her female relations fetch some earth, and a
platform is made out of it in the marriage pandal (booth). The Brahman
makes fire (homam), and places a cowdung Pillayar (Ganesa) in the
pandal. The bride then husks some rice therein. The relations of the
bride and bridegroom fetch from the potter's house seven pots called
adukupanai, two large pots, called arasanipanai, and seven earthen
trays, and place them in front of the platform. The pots are filled
with water, and a small bit of gold is placed in each. The bridegroom
goes to a Pillayar shrine, and, on his return, the bride's brother
washes his feet, and puts rings on his second toes. The kankanams
(wrist-threads) are tied on the wrists of the contracting couple,
and the bridegroom takes his seat within the pandal, to which the
bride is carried in the arms of one of her maternal uncles, while
another carries a torch light placed on a mortar. The bride takes her
seat by the side of the bridegroom, and the light is set in front
of them. The tali is taken round to be blessed by those assembled,
and handed to the bridegroom, who ties it on the bride's neck. The
couple then put a little earth in each of the seven trays, and sow
therein nine kinds of grain. Two vessels, containing milk and whey,
are placed before them, and the relations pour a little thereof
over their heads. The right hand of the bridegroom is placed on the
left hand of the bride, and their hands are tied together by one of
the bride's maternal uncle's sons. The bride is then carried into
the house in the arms of an elder brother of the bridegroom. At the
threshold she is stopped by the maternal uncle's sons, who may beat
the man who is carrying her. The bridegroom pays them each four annas,
and he and the bride are allowed to enter the house. On the night of
the wedding day, they are shut up in a room. During the following
days the pots are worshipped. On the seventh day, the ends of the
cloths of the newly married couple are tied together, and they bathe
in turmeric water. The wrist-threads are removed, they rub oil over
each other's heads, and bathe in a tank. The bride serves food to the
bridegroom, and their relations eat off the same leaf, to indicate
the union between the two families. Into one of the large pots a gold
and silver ring, and into the other an iron style and piece of palm
leaf are dropped. The couple perform the pot-searching ceremony,
and whichever gets hold of the gold ring or style is regarded as
the more clever of the two. The bridegroom places his right foot,
and the bride her left foot on a grindstone, and they look at the
star Arundathi. The stone represents Ahalliya, the wife of the sage
Gautama, who was cursed by her husband for her misconduct with Indra,
and turned into a stone, whereas Arundathi was the wife of Vasishta and
a model of chastity. The newly married couple, by placing their feet
on the stone, indicate their intention of checking unchaste desires,
and by looking at Arundathi, of remaining faithful to each other. The
bride decorates a small grindstone with a cloth and ornaments, and
takes it round to all her relations who are present, and who bless
her with a hope that she will have many children.
In the Marava country, a grown-up Idaiyan girl is sometimes married
to a boy of ten or twelve. Among some Idaiyans, it is customary for
the tali to be tied by the sister of the bridegroom, and not by the
bridegroom, who must not be present when it is done.
It is said that, in some places, like the Gollas, when an Idaiyan
bridegroom sets out for the house of his bride, he is seized
by his companions, who will not release him till he has paid a
piece of gold. In the Madura Manual it is noted that "at an Idaiyan
wedding, on the third day, when the favourite amusement of sprinkling
turmeric-water over the guests is concluded, the whole party betake
themselves to the village tank (pond). A friend of the bridegroom
brings a hoe and a basket, and the young husband fills three baskets
with earth from the bottom of the tank, while the wife takes them
away, and throws the earth behind. They then say 'We have dug a ditch
for charity.' This practice may probably be explained by remembering
that, in arid districts, where the Idaiyans often tend their cattle,
the tank is of the greatest importance."
It is said that the Siviyan and Pendukkumekki sub-divisions take low
rank, as the remarriage of widows is freely permitted among them. In
the Ramnad territory of the Madura district, the marriage of widows
is attributed to compulsion by a Zamindar. According to the story,
the Zamindar asked an Idaiyan whether he would marry a widow. The
reply was that widows are aruthukattadhavar, i.e., women who will
not tie the tali string again, after snapping it (on the husband's
decease). This was considered impertinent by the Zamindar, as marriage
of widows was common among the Maravars. To compel the Idaiyans to
resort to widow marriage, he took advantage of the ambiguity of the
word aruthukattadhavar, which would also mean those who do not tie
up in a bundle after cutting or reaping. At the time of the harvest
season, the Zamindar sent his servants to the Idaiyans with orders
that they were not to tie up the rice plants in sheaves. This led
to severe monetary loss, and the Idaiyans consented reluctantly to
widow remarriage.
On the death of a married Idaiyan, at Coimbatore, the corpse is
placed in a seated posture. A measure of rice, a lighted lamp, and a
cocoanut are placed near it, and burning fire-wood is laid at the door
of the house. When the relations and friends have arrived, the body is
removed from the house, and placed in a pandal, supported behind by a
mortar. The male relations put on the sacred thread, and each brings
a pot of water from a tank. The widow rubs oil over the head of the
corpse, and some one, placing a little oil in the hands thereof, rubs
it over her head. On the way to the burning-ground, a barber carries
a fire-brand and a pot, and a washerman carries the mat, cloths, and
other articles used by the deceased. When the idukadu, a spot made to
represent the shrine of Arichandra who is in charge of the burial or
burning ground, is reached, the polluted articles are thrown away,
and the bier is placed on the ground. A Paraiyan makes a cross-mark
at the four corners of the bier, and the son, who is chief mourner,
places a small coin on three of the marks, leaving out the one at
the north-east corner. The Paraiyan takes these coins and tears a
bit of cloth from the winding-sheet, which is sent to the widow. At
the burning-ground, the relations place rice, water, and small coins
in the mouth of the corpse. The coins are the perquisite of the
Paraiyan. The son, who is clean-shaved, carries a pot of water on his
shoulder thrice round the pyre, and, at each turn, the barber makes a
hole in it with a chank shell, when the head is reached. Finally the
pot is broken near the head. The sacred threads are thrown by those
who wear them on the pyre, and the son sets fire to it, and goes away
without looking back. The widow meanwhile has broken her tali string,
and thrown it into a vessel of milk, which is set on the spot where the
deceased breathed his last. The son, on his return home after bathing,
steps across a pestle placed at the threshold. Arathi (wave offering)
is performed, and he worships a lighted lamp within the house. On
the following day, rice and Sesbania grandiflora are cooked, and
served to the relatives by the widow's brothers. Next day, milk, ghi
(clarified butter), curds, tender cocoanuts, nine kinds of grain,
water, and other articles required for worship, are taken to the
burning-ground. The smouldering ashes are extinguished with water,
and the fragments of the bones are collected, and placed on a leaf. A
miniature plough is made, and the spot on which the body was burned
is ploughed, and the nine kinds of grain are sown. On his return
home, a turban is placed on the head of the son who acted as chief
mourner by his maternal uncles. A new cloth is folded, and on it a
betel leaf is placed, which is worshipped for sixteen days. On the
sixteenth day, a Brahman makes a human figure with holy grass, which
has to be worshipped by the chief mourner not less than twenty-five
times, and he must bathe between each act of worship. The bones are
then carried in a new earthen pot, and floated on a stream. At night,
food is cooked, and, with a new cloth, worshipped. Rice is cooked at
the door. A cock is tied to a sacrificial post, called kazhukumaram,
set up outside the house, to which the rice is offered. One end
of a thread is tied to the post, and the other end to a new cloth,
which is worshipped inside the house. The thread is watched till it
shakes, and then broken. The door is closed, and the cock is stuck
on the pointed tip of the post, and killed. An empty car is carried
in procession through the streets, and alms are given to beggars. A
widow should remain gosha (in seclusion) for twelve months after her
husband's death. When a grown-up, but unmarried male or female dies,
a human figure, made out of holy grass, is married to the corpse,
and some of the marriage rites are performed.
The Idaiyans are Vaishnavites, and the more civilised among them
are branded like Vaishnava Brahmans. Saturday is considered a holy
day. Their most important festival is Krishna Jayanti, or Sri Jayanti,
in honour of Krishna's birthday. They show special reverence for the
vessels used in dairy operations.
The proverb that the sense of an Idaiyan is on the back of his neck,
for it was there that he received the blows, refers to "the story
of the shepherd entering the gate of his house with a crook placed
horizontally on his shoulders, and finding himself unable to get in,
and his being made able to do so by a couple of blows on his back,
and the removal of the crook at the same time. Another proverb is
that there is neither an Andi among Idaiyans, nor a Tadan among the
potters. The Andi is always a Saivite beggar, and, the Idaiyans being
always Vaishnavites, they can never have in their midst a beggar of
the Saivite sect, or vice versâ. Being extremely stupid, whenever
any dispute arises among them, they can never come to any definite
settlement, or, as the proverb says, the disputes between Idaiyans
are never easily settled. Keeping and rearing cattle, grazing and
milking them, and living thereby, are their allotted task in life,
and so they are never good agriculturists. This defect is alluded to
in the proverb that the field watered by the Idaiyan, or by a member
of the Palli caste, must ever remain a waste." [175]