The shepherd can get some fool to serve him.
Like a shepherd who would not give anything, but showed an ewe
big with young.
The shepherd destroyed half, and the fool half.
In 1904, an elementary school for Idaiyans, called the Yadava school,
was established at Madura.
The usual title of the Idaiyans is Konan or Kon meaning King, but,
in the Census Report, 1901, the titles Pillai and Kariyalan are also
recorded. In the Census Report, 1891, Idaiya is given as a sub-division
of Vakkaiga; and, in the Salem Manual, Idaiyan appears as a synonym
of Shanan.
For the following note on the Idaiyans who have settled in Travancore,
I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. They consist of two
well-defined sections, namely, the Tamil-speaking Idaiyans, who are
but recent immigrants, and largely found in Tevala, Agastisvaram
and Shenkotta, and the Malayalam-speaking branch, who are early
settlers residing chiefly in Kartikapalli and other taluks of Central
Travancore. The Idaiyans are not largely found in Travancore, because
a branch of the indigenous Sudra community, the Idacheri Nayars, are
engaged in the same occupation. They are divided into two classes,
viz., Kangayan (shepherds) and Puvandans, who neither interdine nor
intermarry. The latter appear to be divided into four classes, Pasi,
Gopalan, Nambi, and Valayitayan. Puvandan is another form of the
word Pondan, which means a palanquin-bearer. It is well known that,
in the Tamil country, this was one of the duties of the Idaiyans,
as is evident from a sub-division called Sivi or Siviyar (palanquin)
existing among them. In the early settlement records of Travancore,
they are referred to as Sibis. Many fancy, though incorrectly, that
the word means one who collects flowers. As the Sibis were experts in
palanquin-bearing, they must have been brought from the Tamil country
to serve the mediæval Rajas. At the present day, besides pursuing their
traditional occupation, they also engage in agriculture and trade. The
position of the Puvandans in society is not low. They are entitled
to the services of the Brahman's washerman and barber, and they may
enter temples, and advance as far as the place to which Nayars go,
except in some parts of Central Travancore. They are flesh-eaters, and
the drinking of intoxicating liquor is not prohibited. On ceremonial
occasions, women wear the Tamil Idaiya dress, while at other times
they adopt the attire of Nayar women. Their ornaments are foreign,
and clearly indicate that they are a Tamil caste. The marriage badge
is called sankhu tali, and a small conch-shaped ornament forms its
most conspicuous feature. Besides the ordinary Hindu deities, they
worship Matam, Yakshi, and Maruta. At weddings, the Idaiyan bridegroom
holds a sword in his left hand, while he takes hold of the bride by
the right hand. Funeral ceremonies are supervised by a barber, who
officiates as priest. Corpses are either burnt or buried. Though they
appear to observe only eleven days' death pollution, they cannot enter
a temple until the expiry of sixteen days. An anniversary ceremony in
memory of the deceased is performed on the new-moon day in the month of
Karkatakam (July-August), and, on this day, most members of the caste
go to Varkalai to perform the rite. Many purely Tamil names are still
preserved in the caste, such as Tambi, Chami, Bhagavati, and Chattu.
Idakottu (those who break).--An exogamous sept of Oddes, who, during
their work as navvies, break stones.
Idangai (left-hand).--Recorded, at times of census, as a division
of Deva-dasis, who do service for castes belonging to the left-hand
section.
Idiga.--The Telugu toddy-drawers, whose hereditary occupation is the
extraction of the juice of the date and palmyra palms, go by different
names in different localities. Those, for example, who live in the
Salem, North Arcot and Chingleput districts, are called Idigas or
Indras. In the Northern Circars and the Nellore district, they are
known as Gamallas or Gamandlas, and in the Cuddapah district as Asilis.
It is recorded, in the North Arcot Manual, that "Idiga is one of the
toddy-drawing castes of the Telugu country, the name being derived
from Telugu idchu, to draw. The Idigas are supposed to be a branch
of the Balija tribe, separated on account of their occupation. They
are chiefly Vaishnavites, having Satanis as their priests. They are
divided into two classes, the Dandu (army) [177] Idigas and the Balija
Idigas, of whom the former used originally to distil arrack, but,
now that the manufacture is a monopoly, they usually sell it. The
Balija Idigas extract toddy, the juice of the palm tree. They differ
from the Shanans in some of their professional customs, for, while
the Tamilians in climbing tie their knives behind them, the Telugus
tie them on the right thigh. Tamilian drawers extract the juice from
palmyras and cocoanuts, but rarely from the date, and the Telugus from
the palmyras and dates, but never from cocoanuts. The chief object
of their worship is Yellamma, the deity who presides over toddy and
liquor. On every Sunday, the pots containing liquor are decorated
with flowers, saffron, etc., and offerings are made to them."
In the Madras Census Report, 1901, it is stated that "it is said that
the Idigas are the descendants of Balijas from Rajahmundry in Godavari
district, and that their occupation separated them into a distinct
caste. They are divided into two endogamous sections called either
Dandu and Palli, or Patha (old) and Kotta (new). The headman of the
caste is called Gaudu. They employ Brahmans as purohits for their
ceremonies, and these Brahmans are received on terms of equality by
other Brahmans. They bury their dead, and observe pollution for twelve
days, during which they abstain from eating flesh. The consumption
of alcohol is strictly prohibited, and is severely punished by the
headman of the caste. They eat with all Balijas, except the Gazulu
section. Their titles are Aiya, Appa, and Gaudu."
It is noted by Mr. F. Fawcett that "in the northern districts, among
the Telugu population, the toddy-drawers use a ladder about eight
or nine feet in length, which is placed against the tree, to avoid
climbing a third or fourth of it. While in the act of climbing up or
down, they make use of a wide band, which is passed round the body
at the small of the back, and round the tree. This band is easily
fastened with a toggle and eye. The back is protected by a piece of
thick soft leather. It gives great assistance in climbing, which it
makes easy. All over the southernmost portion of the peninsula, among
the Shanans and Tiyans, the ladder and waist-band are unknown. They
climb up and down with their hands and arms, using only a soft grummel
of coir (cocoanut fibre) to keep the feet near together."
The Idigas claim to be descended from Vyasa, the traditional compiler
of the Mahabharata. In a note by Mr. F. R. Hemingway on the Idigas of
the Godavari district, they are said to worship a deity, to whom they
annually offer fowls on New Year's day, and make daily offerings of
a few drops of toddy from the first pot taken from the tree. In this
district they are commonly called Chetti.
The insigne of the Idigas, as recorded at Conjeeveram, is a
ladder. [178]
Idiya (pounder).--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as
a division of Konkani Sudras. The Idiyans prepare rice in a special
manner. Paddy is soaked in water, and roasted over a fire. While
hot, it is placed in a mortar, and pounded with a pestle. This rice
is called avil, which is said to be largely used as a delicacy in
Travancore, and to be employed in certain religious ceremonies.
The Idiyans are stated to have left their native land near Cochin,
and settled in Travancore at the invitation of a former sovereign. On
arrival in the land of their adoption, they were given, free of tax,
cocoanut gardens and rice land. In return, they were required to
supply, free of charge, the palace of the Maharajah and the temple
of Sri Padmanabhaswami at Trivandrum with as much beaten rice (avil)
as might be required from time to time.
Iga (fly).--An exogamous sept of Mutracha. The equivalent Igala occurs
as an exogamous sept of Yanadi.
Ilai (leaf).--Ilai or Ele has been recorded as a sub-division of
Tigalas and Toreyas who cultivate the betel vine (Piper betle). Elai
Vaniyan occurs as a synonym of Senaikkudaiyans, who are betel leaf
sellers in Tinnevelly.
Ilaiyattakudi.--A sub-division of Nattukottai Chetti.
Ilakutiyan.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a
sub-division of Nayar.
Ilamagan.--The Ilamagans are described by Mr. Francis [179] as "a
cultivating caste found chiefly in the Zamindari taluk of Tiruppattur
in Madura. The word literally means a young man, but the young is
interpreted by other castes in the sense of inferior. One says that it
is made up of the sons of Vallamban females and Vellala males, another
that it is a mixture of outcasted Valaiyans, Kallans and Maravans, and
a third that it is descended from illegitimate children of the Vellalas
and Pallis. Like the Kallans and Valaiyans, the members of the caste
stretch the lobes of their ears, and leave their heads unshaven. The
caste is divided into two or three endogamous sections of territorial
origin. They do not employ Brahmans as purohits; their widows may marry
again; their dead are usually buried; and they will eat pork, mutton,
fowls, and fish. They are thus not high in the social scale, and are,
in fact, about on a par with the Kallans. The headmen of the caste are
called Ambalam." It is suggested, in the Census Report, 1891, that,
from the fact that Ilamagan appears as a sub-division of the Maravans,
it may perhaps be inferred that the two castes are closely allied.
Ilampi.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a
sub-division of Nayar.
Ilayatu.--See Elayad.
Illa (of a house).--An exogamous sept of Yanadi.
Illam.--Defined by Mr. Wigram [180] as meaning the house of an ordinary
Nambudri Brahman. It is recorded, in the Travancore Census Report,
1901, as a sub-division of Nayar. The name Illam Vellala has been
assumed by some Panikkans in the Tamil country, whose exogamous septs
are called Illam. In Travancore, Ilakkar or Illathu, meaning those
attached to Brahman houses, is said to be an occupational sub-division
of Nayars. Ilakkar further occurs as an exogamous sept of Mala Arayans,
known as the Three Thousand.
Illuvellani.--The name, derived from illu, house, and vellani, those
who do not go out, of a sub-division of Kammas, whose wives are kept
gosha (in seclusion).
Inaka Mukku Bhatrazu.--Beggars attached to Padma Sales.
Inangan.--See Enangan.
Ina Pulaya.--A sub-division of Pulayans of Travancore.
Indla (house).--An exogamous sept of Chenchu and Mutracha.
Indra.--See Idiga.
Inichi (squirrel).--A gotra of Kurni.
Inravar.--A Tamil form of Indra.
Ippi (Bassia longifolia: mahua).--An exogamous sept of Panta
Reddi. Members of the Ippala gotra of the Besthas may not touch or
use the ippa (or ippi) tree.
Iranderudhu (two bullocks).--A sub-division of Vaniyans, who use two
bullocks for their oil-mills.
Irani (earthen vessel used at marriages).--A gotra of Kurni.
Irani.--A territorial name, meaning Persian, of the Shiah section
of the Moghal tribe of Muhammadans. The Iranis or Beluchis are
described by Mr. Paupa Rao Naidu [181] as a troublesome nomad tribe
"committing crime all over India openly from the houses and shops
of villages and towns, mostly in broad daylight, with impunity, and
escaping punishment except in rare cases. Their ostensible profession
is merchandise, dealing in the following articles:--ponies, knives,
scissors, padlocks, false stones, false pearls, trinkets of several
kinds, toys, beads, quicksilver, and false coins of different kinds.
Their camp generally consists of a few small tents, a few ponies,
pack saddles to secure their culinary utensils, their dirty clothes,
the leather or gunny bags containing their articles of merchandise;
a few fighting cocks, and cages of birds. They are very fond of cock
fighting, even on wagers of 10 to 50 rupees on each. They train these
cocks specially brought up to fight." For information concerning the
criminal methods of the Iranis, I would refer the reader to Mr. Paupa
Rao Naidu's account thereof.
Iranyavarma.--The name of one of the early Pallava kings, returned
at times of census as a caste name by some wealthy Pallis, who also
gave themselves the title of Solakanar, or descendants of Chola Kings.
Irattai Sekkan.--A sub-division of Vaniyans, who use two bullocks
for their oil-mills.
Iraya.--A name for Cherumans, in Malabar, who are permitted to come
as far as the eaves (ira) of their employers' houses.
Irchakkollan (timber sawyer).--A synonym, in Travancore, of Tacchan
(carpenter) Kammalan.
Irkuli.--Irkuli or Irangolli Vellala, said to mean Vellalas who killed
dampness, is a name assumed by some Vannans.
Irpina (comb).--An exogamous sept of Kamma.
Irulas of the Nilgiris. In the Kotagiri bazaar, which is an excellent
hunting-ground for the anthropologist, may be seen gathered together
on market-day Kotas, Badagas, Kanarese, Irulas, Kurumbas, and an
occasional Toda from the Kodanad mand. A tribal photograph was taken
there, with the result that a deputation subsequently waited on me
with a petition to the effect that "We, the undersigned, beg to submit
that your honour made photos of us, and has paid us nothing. We,
therefore, beg you to do this common act of justice." The deputation
was made happy with a pourboire.
In my hunt after Irulas, which ended in an attack of malarial
fever, it was necessary to invoke the assistance and proverbial
hospitality of various planters. On one occasion news reached me
that a gang of Irulas, collected for my benefit under a promise
of substantial remuneration, had arrived at a planter's bungalow,
whither I proceeded. The party included a man who had been "wanted"
for some time in connection with the shooting of an elephant on
forbidden ground. He, suspecting me of base designs, refused to be
measured, on the plea that he was afraid the height-measuring standard
was the gallows. Nor would he let me take his photograph, fearing
(though he had never heard of Bertillonage) lest it should be used
for the purpose of criminal identification. Unhappily a mischievous
rumour had been circulated that I had in my train a wizard Kurumba,
who would bewitch the Irulas, in order that I might abduct them
(for what purpose was not stated).
As the Badagas are the fairest, so the Irulas are the darkest-skinned
of the Nilgiri tribes, on some of whom, as has been said, charcoal
would leave a white mark. The name Irula, in fact, means darkness or
blackness (irul), whether in reference to the dark jungles in which the
Irulas, who have not become domesticated by working as contractors or
coolies on planters' estates, dwell, or to the darkness of their skin,
is doubtful. Though the typical Irula is dark-skinned and platyrhine,
I have noted some who, as the result of contact metamorphosis,
possessed skins of markedly paler hue, and leptorhine noses.
The language of the Irulas is a corrupt form of Tamil. In their
religion they are worshippers of Vishnu under the name of Rangasvami,
to whom they do puja (worship) at their own rude shrines, or at the
Hindu temple at Karaimadai, where Brahman priests officiate. "An
Irula pujari," Breeks writes, [182] "lives near the Irula temples,
and rings a bell when he performs puja to the gods. He wears the Vishnu
mark on his forehead. His office is hereditary, and he is remunerated
by offerings of fruit and milk from Irula worshippers. Each Irula
village pays about two annas to the pujari about May or June. They say
that there is a temple at Kallampalla in the Sattiyamangalam taluk,
north of Rangasvami's peak. This is a Siva temple, at which sheep
are sacrificed. The pujari wears the Siva mark. They don't know the
difference between Siva and Vishnu. At Kallampalla temple is a thatched
building, containing a stone called Mariamma, the well-known goddess
of small-pox, worshipped in this capacity by the Irulas. A sheep is
led to this temple, and those who offer the sacrifice sprinkle water
over it, and cut its throat. The pujari sits by, but takes no part
in the ceremony. The body is cut up, and distributed among the Irulas
present, including the pujari."
In connection with the shrine on Rangasvami peak, the following note
is recorded in the Gazetteer of the Nilgiris. "It is the most sacred
hill on all the plateau. Hindu legend says that the god Rangasvami
used to live at Karaimadai on the plains between Mettupalaiyam and
Coimbatore, but quarrelled with his wife, and so came and lived here
alone. In proof of the story, two footprints on the rock not far
from Arakod village below the peak are pointed out. This, however,
is probably an invention designed to save the hill folk the toilsome
journey to Rangasvami's car festival at Karaimadai, which used once
to be considered incumbent upon them. In some places, the Badagas
and Kotas have gone even further, and established Rangasvami Bettus
of their own, handy for their own particular villages. On the real
Rangasvami peak are two rude walled enclosures sacred to the god
Ranga and his consort, and within these are votive offerings (chiefly
iron lamps and the notched sticks used as weighing machines), and two
stones to represent the deities. The hereditary pujari is an Irula,
and, on the day fixed by the Badagas for the annual feast, he arrives
from his hamlet near Nandipuram, bathes in a pool below the summit,
and marches to the top shouting 'Govinda! Govinda!' The cry is taken
up with wild enthusiasm by all those present, and the whole crowd,
which includes Badagas, Irulas, and Kurumbas, surrounds the enclosures,
while the Irula priest invokes the deities by blowing his conch and
beating his drum, and pours oblations over, and decorates with flowers,
the two stones which represent them. That night, two stone basins on
the summit are filled with ghee and lighted, and the glare is visible
for miles around. The ceremonies close with prayers for good rain and
fruitfulness among the flocks and herds, a wild dance by the Irula,
and the boiling (called pongal, the same word as pongal the Tamil
agricultural feast) of much rice in milk. About a mile from Arakod
is an overhanging rock called the kodai-kal or umbrella stone, under
which is found a whitish clay. This clay is used by the Irulas for
making the Vaishnava marks on their foreheads at this festival."
The following account of an Irula temple festival is given by
Harkness. [183] "The hair of the men, as well as of the women and
children, was bound up in a fantastic manner with wreaths of plaited
straw. Their necks, ears, and ankles were decorated with ornaments
formed of the same material, and they carried little dried gourds,
in which nuts or small stones had been inserted. They rattled them as
they moved, and, with the rustling of their rural ornaments, gave a
sort of rhythm to their motion. The dance was performed in front of
a little thatched shed, which, we learnt, was their temple. When it
was concluded, they commenced a sacrifice to their deity, or rather
deities, of a he-goat and three cocks. This was done by cutting the
throats of the victims, and throwing them down at the feet of the idol,
the whole assembly at the same time prostrating themselves. Within the
temple there was a winnow, or fan, which they called Mahri--evidently
the emblem of Ceres; and at a short distance, in front of the former,
and some paces in advance one of the other, were two rude stones,
which they call, the one Moshani, the other Konadi Mari, but which
are subordinate to the fan occupying the interior of the temple."
A village near a coffee estate, which I inspected, was, at the time
of my visit, in the possession of pariah dogs and nude children,
the elder children and adults being away at work. The village was
protected against nocturnal feline and other feral marauders by
a rude fence, and consisted of rows of single-storied huts, with
verandah in front, made of split bamboo and thatched, detached huts,
an abundance of fowl-houses, and cucurbitaceous plants twining up rough
stages. Surrounding the village were a dense grove of plantain trees,
castor-oil bushes, and cattle pens.
When not engaged at work on estates or in the forest, the Irulas
cultivate, for their own consumption, ragi (Eleusine Coracana),
samai (Panicum miliare), tenai (Setaria italica), tovarai (Cajanus
indicus), maize, plantains, etc. They also cultivate limes, oranges,
jak fruit (Artocarpus integrifolia), etc. They, like the Kotas, will
not attend to cultivation on Saturday or Monday. At the season of
sowing, Badagas bring cocoanuts, plantains, milk and ghi (clarified
butter), and give them to the Irulas, who, after offering them before
their deity, return them to the Badagas.
"The Irulas," a recent writer observes, "generally possess a small
plot of ground near their villages, which they assiduously cultivate
with grain, although they depend more upon the wages earned by
working on estates. Some of them are splendid cattle-men, that is,
in looking after the cattle possessed by some enterprising planter,
who would add the sale of dairy produce to the nowadays pitiable
profit of coffee planting. The Irula women are as useful as the men
in weeding, and all estate work. In fact, planters find both men and
women far more industrious and reliable than the Tamil coolies."
"By the sale of the produce of the forests," Harkness writes, "such
as honey and bees wax, or the fruit of their gardens, the Irulas are
enabled to buy grain for their immediate sustenance, and for seed. But,
as they never pay any attention to the land after it is sown, or indeed
to its preparation further than by partially clearing it of the jungle,
and turning it up with the hoe; or, what is more common, scratching it
into furrows with a stick, and scattering the grain indiscriminately,
their crops are, of course, stunted and meagre. When the corn is ripe,
if at any distance from the village, the family to whom the patch or
field belongs will remove to it, and, constructing temporary dwellings,
remain there so long as the grain lasts. Each morning they pluck as
much as they think they may require for the use of that day, kindle
a fire upon the nearest large stone or fragment of rock, and, when it
is well heated, brush away the embers, and scatter the grain upon it,
which, soon becoming parched and dry, is readily reduced to meal,
which is made into cakes. The stone is now heated a second time, and
the cakes are put on it to bake. Or, where they have met with a stone
which has a little concavity, they will, after heating it, fill the
hollow with water, and, with the meal, form a sort of porridge. In this
way the whole family, their friends, and neighbours, will live till the
grain has been consumed. The whole period is one of merry-making. They
celebrate Mahri, and invite all who may be passing by to join in the
festivities. These families will, in return, be invited to live on
the fields of their neighbours. Many of them live for the remainder
of the year on a kind of yam, which grows wild, and is called Erula
root. To the use of this they accustom their children from infancy."
Some Irulas now work for the Forest Department, which allows them
to live on the borders of the forest, granting them sites free,
and other concessions. Among the minor forest produce, which they
collect, are myrabolams, bees-wax, honey, vembadam bark (Ventilago
Madraspatana), avaram bark (Cassia auriculata), deer's horns,
tamarinds, gum, soapnuts, and sheekoy (Acacia concinna). The forests
have been divided into blocks, and a certain place within each block
has been selected for the forest depot. To this place the collecting
agents--mostly Sholagars and Irulas--bring the produce, and then it
is sorted, and paid for by special supervisors. [184] The collection
of honey is a dangerous occupation. A man, with a torch in his hand,
and a number of bamboo tubes suspended from his shoulders, descends
by means of ropes or creepers to the vicinity of the comb. The sight
of the torch drives away the bees, and he proceeds to fill the bamboos
with the comb, and then ascends to the top of the rock. [185]
The Irulas will not (so they say) eat the flesh of buffaloes or cattle,
but will eat sheep and goat, field-rats, fowls, deer, pig (which they
shoot), hares (which they snare with skilfully made nets), jungle-fowl,
pigeons, and quail (which they knock over with stones).
They informed Mr. Harkness that, "they have no marriage contract, the
sexes cohabiting almost indiscriminately; the option of remaining in
union, or of separating, resting principally with the female. Some
among them, the favourites of fortune, who can afford to spend
four or five rupees on festivities, will celebrate their union by
giving a feast to all their friends and neighbours; and, inviting
the Kurumbars to attend with their pipe and tabor, spend the night
in dance and merriment. This, however, is a rare occurrence." The
marriage ceremony, as described to me, is a very simple affair. A
feast is held, at which a sheep is killed, and the guests make a
present of a few annas to the bridegroom, who ties up the money in
a cloth, and, going to the bride's hut, conducts her to her future
home. Widows are permitted to marry again.
When an Irula dies, two Kurumbas come to the village, and one shaves
the head of the other. The shorn man is fed, and presented with
a cloth, which he wraps round his head. This quaint ceremonial is
supposed, in some way, to bring good luck to the departed. Outside the
house of the deceased, in which the corpse is kept till the time of the
funeral, men and women dance to the music of the Irula band. The dead
are buried in a sitting posture, with the legs crossed tailorwise. Each
village has its own burial-ground. A circular pit is dug, from the
lower end of which a chamber is excavated, in which the corpse, clad
in its own clothes, jewelry, and a new cloth, is placed with a lamp
and grain. The pit is then filled in, and the position of the grave
marked by a stone. On the third day a sheep is said to be killed,
and a feast held. The following description of an annual ceremony
was given to me. A lamp and oil are purchased, and rice is cooked in
the village. They are then taken to the shrine at the burial-ground,
offered up on stones, on which some of the oil is poured, and puja
is done. At the shrine, a pujari, with three white marks on the
forehead, officiates. Like the Badaga Devadari, the Irula pujari at
times becomes inspired by the god.
Writing concerning the Kurumbas and Irulas, Mr. Walhouse says [186]
that "after every death among them, they bring a long water-worn stone
(devva kotta kallu), and put it into one of the old cromlechs sprinkled
over the Nilgiri plateau. Some of the larger of these have been found
piled up to the cap-stone with such pebbles, which must have been the
work of generations. Occasionally, too, the tribes mentioned make
small cromlechs for burial purposes, and place the long water-worn
pebbles in them."
The following sub-divisions of the tribe have been described to
me:--Poongkaru, Kudagar (people of Coorg), Kalkatti (those who tie
stone), Vellaka, Devala, and Koppilingam. Of these, the first five
are considered to be in the relation of brothers, so far as marriage
is concerned, and do not intermarry. Members of these five classes
must marry into the Koppilingam sub-division. At the census, 1901,
Kasuva or Kasuba was returned as a sub-caste. The word means workmen,
in allusion to the abandonment of jungle life in favour of working
on planters' estates, and elsewhere.
It is recorded by Harkness that "during the winter, or while they
are wandering about the forests in search of food, driven by hunger,
the families or parties separate from one another. On these occasions
the women and young children are often left alone, and the mother,
having no longer any nourishment for her infant, anticipates its
final misery by burying it alive. The account here given was in every
instance corroborated, and in such a manner as to leave no doubt in
our minds of its correctness."
The following notes are abstracted from my case-book.
Man, æt. 30. Sometimes works on a coffee estate. At present engaged in
the cultivation of grains, pumpkins, jak-fruit, and plantains. Goes
to the bazaar at Mettupalaiyam to buy rice, salt, chillies, oil,
etc. Acquires agricultural implements from Kotas, to whom he pays
annual tribute in grains or money. Wears brass earrings obtained from
Kotas in exchange for vegetables and fruit. Wears turban and plain
loin-cloth, wrapped round body and reaching below the knees. Bag
containing tobacco and betel slung over shoulder. Skin very dark.
Woman, æt. 30. Hair curly, tied in a bunch behind round a black cotton
swab. Wears a plain waist-cloth, and print body-cloth worn square
across breasts and reaching below the knees. Tattooed on forehead. A
mass of glass bead necklaces. Gold ornament in left nostril. Brass
ornament in lobe of each ear. Eight brass bangles on right wrist;
two brass and six glass bangles on left wrist. Five brass rings on
right first finger; four brass and one tin ring on right forefinger.
Woman, æt. 25. Red cadjan (palm leaf) roll in dilated lobes of
ears. Brass and glass bead ornament in helix of right ear. Brass
ornament in left nostril. A number of bead necklets, one with young
cowry shells pendent, another consisting of a heavy roll of black
beads. The latter is very characteristic of Irula female adornment. One
steel bangle, eight brass bangles, and one chank-shell bangle on right
wrist; three lead, six glass bangles, and one glass bead bangle on
left wrist. One steel and one brass ring on left little finger.
Woman, æt. 35. Wears loin-cloth only. Breasts fully exposed. Cap of
Badaga pattern on head.
Girl, æt. 8. Lobe of each ear being dilated by a number of wooden
sticks like matches.
Average stature 159.8 cm.; nasal index 85 (max. 100).
Irulas of Chingleput, North and South Arcot. The Irulas, or Villiyans
(bowmen), who have settled in the town of Chingleput, about fifty miles
distant from Madras, have attained to a higher degree of civilisation
than the jungle Irulas of the Nilgiris, and are defined, in the
Census Report, 1901, as a semi-Brahmanised forest tribe, who speak
a corrupt Tamil.
In a note on the Irulas, Mackenzie writes as follows. [187] "After
the Yuga Pralayam (deluge, or change from one Yuga to another) the
Villars or Irulans, Malayans, and Vedans, supposed to be descendants of
a Rishi under the influence of a malignant curse, were living in the
forests in a state of nature, though they have now taken to wearing
some kind of covering--males putting on skins, and females stitched
leaves. Roots, wild fruits, and honey constitute their dietary, and
cooked rice is always rejected, even when gratuitously offered. They
have no clear ideas about God, though they offer rice (wild variety)
to the goddess Kanniamma. The legend runs that a Rishi, Mala Rishi
by name, seeing that these people were much bothered by wild beasts,
took pity on them, and for a time lived with them. He mixed freely
with their women, and as the result, several children were born,
who were also molested by wild animals. To free them from these, the
Rishi advised them to do puja (worship) to Kanniamma. Several other
Rishis are also believed to have lived freely in their midst, and,
as a result, several new castes arose, among which were the Yanadis,
who have come into towns, take food from other castes, eat cooked
rice, and imitate the people amidst whom they happen to live." In
which respects the Irula is now following the example of the Yanadi.
Many of the Chingleput Irulas are very dark-skinned, with narrow
chests, thin bodies, and flabby muscles, reminding me, in their
general aspect, of the Yanadis of Nellore. Clothing is, in the men,
reduced to a minimum--dhuti, and languti of dirty white cotton cloth,
or a narrow strip of gaudy Manchester piece-good. The hair is worn
long and ragged, or shaved, with kudimi, in imitation of the higher
classes. The moustache is slight, and the beard billy-goaty. Some of
the men are tattooed with a blue dot on the glabella, or vertical
mid-frontal line. For ornaments they have a stick in the helix,
or simple ornament in the ear-lobe.
Their chief source of livelihood is husking paddy (rice), but they
also gather sticks for sale as firewood in return for pice, rice, and
sour fermented rice gruel, which is kept by the higher classes for
cattle. This gruel is also highly appreciated by the Yanadis. While
husking rice, they eat the bran, and, if not carefully watched,
will steal as much of the rice as they can manage to secrete about
themselves. As an addition to their plain dietary they catch field
(Jerboa) rats, which they dig out with long sticks, after they have
been asphyxiated with smoke blown into their tunnels through a small
hole in an earthen pot filled with dried leaves, which are set on
fire. When the nest is dug out, they find material for a meat and
vegetable curry in the dead rats, with the hoarded store of rice or
other grain. They feast on the bodies of winged white-ants (Termites),
which they search with torch-lights at the time of their seasonal
epidemic appearance. Some years ago a theft occurred in my house at
night, and it was proved by a plaster cast of a foot-print in the mud
produced by a nocturnal shower that one of my gardeners, who did not
live on the spot, had been on the prowl. The explanation was that he
had been collecting as a food-stuff the carcases of the winged ants,
which had that evening appeared in myriads.
Some Irulas are herbalists, and are believed to have the powers
of curing certain diseases, snake-poisoning, and the bites of rats
and insects.
Occasionally the Irulas collect the leaves of the banyan, Butea
frondosa, or lotus, for sale as food-platters, and they will eat
the refuse food left on the platters by Brahmans and other higher
classes. They freely enter the houses of Brahmans and non-Brahman
castes, and are not considered as carrying pollution.
They have no fixed place of abode, which they often change. Some
live in low, palmyra-thatched huts of small dimensions; others under
a tree, in an open place, in ruined buildings, or the street pials
(verandah) of houses. Their domestic utensils consist of a few pots,
one or two winnows, scythes, a crow-bar, a piece of flint and steel for
making fire, and a dirty bag for tobacco and betel. In making fire,
an angular fragment of quartz is held against a small piece of pith,
and dexterously struck with an iron implement so that the spark falls
on the pith, which can be rapidly blown into a blaze. To keep the
children warm in the so-called cold season (with a minimum of 58°
to 60°), they put their babies near the fire in pits dug in the ground.
For marital purposes they recognise tribal sub-divisions in a
very vague way. Marriage is not a very impressive ceremonial. The
bridegroom has to present new cloths to the bride, and his future
father- and mother-in-law. The cloth given to the last-named is called
the pal kuli (milk money) for having nursed the bride. Marriage is
celebrated on any day, except Saturday. A very modest banquet, in
proportion to their slender means, is held, and toddy provided, if
the state of the finances will run to it. Towards evening the bride
and bridegroom stand in front of the house, and the latter ties the
tali, which consists of a bead necklace with a round brass disc. In
the case of a marriage which took place during my visit, the bride
had been wearing her new bridal cloth for a month before the event.
The Irulas worship periodically Kanniamma, their tribal deity, and
Mari, the general goddess of epidemic disease. The deity is represented
by five pots arranged in the form of a square, with a single pot in the
centre, filled with turmeric water. Close to these a lamp is lighted,
and raw rice, jaggery (crude sugar), rice flour, betel leaves and
areca nuts are offered before it. Mari is represented by a white rag
flag dyed with turmeric, hoisted on a bamboo in an open space near
their dwellings, to which fowls, sheep, and other cooked articles,
are offered.
The dead are buried lying flat on the face, with the head to the
north, and the face turned towards the east. When the grave has been
half filled in, they throw into it a prickly-pear (Opuntia Dillenii)
shrub, and make a mound over it. Around this they place a row or two
of prickly-pear stems to keep off jackals. No monumental stone is
placed over the grave.
By means of the following table a comparison can be readily made
between the stature and nasal index of the jungle Sholagas and Nilgiri
Irulas, and of the more civilised Irulas of Chingleput and Uralis
of Coimbatore:--
===================+==========+============+============+============
| Stature, |Nasal index,|Nasal index,|Nasal index,
| average. | average. | maximum. | minimum.
-------------------+----------+------------+------------+------------
Sholagas | 159.3 | 85·1 | 107·7 | 72·8
Irulas, Nilgiris | 159·8 | 84·9 | 100 | 72·3
Irulas, Chingleput | 159·9 | 80·3 | 90·5 | 70
Uralis | 159·5 | 80·1 | 97·7 | 65·3
===================+==========+============+============+============
The table shows clearly that, while all the four tribes are of short
and uniform stature, the nasal index, both as regards average,
maximum and minimum, is higher in the Sholagas and Irulas of the
Nilgiri jungles than in the more domesticated Irulas of Chingleput
and Uralis. In brief, the two former, who have mingled less with
the outside world, retain the archaic type of platyrhine nose to
a greater extent than the two latter. The reduction of platyrhiny,
as the result of civilisation and emergence from the jungle to the
vicinity of towns, is still further brought out by the following
figures relating to the two classes of Irulas, and the Kanikars of
Travancore, who still live a jungle life, and those who have removed
to the outskirts of a populous town:--
===========================+===============================
| Nasal index.
---- |----------+----------+---------
| Average. | Maximum. | Minimum.
---------------------------+----------+----------+---------
Irulas, jungle | 84.9 | 100 | 72.3
Kanikars, jungle | 84.6 | 105 | 72.3
Kanikars, domesticated | 81.2 | 90.5 | 70.8
Irulas, domesticated | 80.3 | 90.5 | 70
===========================+==========+==========+=========
The Irulas of North Arcot are closely related to those of
Chingleput. Concerning them, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes as follows. [188]
"Many members of this forest tribe have taken to agriculture in
the neighbouring villages, but the majority still keep to the hills,
living upon roots and wild animals, and bartering forest produce for a
few rags or a small quantity of grain. When opportunity offers, they
indulge in cattle theft and robbery. They disclaim any connection
with the Yanadis, whom they hate. Their aversion is such that they
will not even allow a Yanadi to see them eating. They offer worship to
the Sapta Kannikais or seven virgins, whom they represent in the form
of an earthenware oil-lamp, which they often place under the bandari
(Dodonoea viscosa ?), which is regarded by them as sacred. These lamps
are made by ordinary village potters, who, however, are obliged to
knead the clay with their hands, and not with their feet. Sometimes
they place these representatives of their goddess in caves, but,
wherever they place them, no Pariah or Yanadi can be allowed to
approach. The chief occasion of worship, as with the Kurumbas and
Yanadis, is at the head-shaving ceremony of children. All children at
these times, who are less than ten years old, are collected, and the
maternal uncle of each cuts off one lock of hair, which is fastened to
a ragi (Ficus religiosa) bough. They rarely contract marriages, the
voluntary association of men and women being terminable at the will
of either. The more civilised, however, imitate the Hindu cultivating
castes by tying a gold bead, stuck on a thread, round the bride's
neck, but the marriage tie thus formed is easily broken. They always
bury their dead. Some Irulas are credited with supernatural powers,
and are applied to by low Sudras for advice. The ceremony is called
suthi or rangam. The medium affects to be possessed by the goddess,
and utters unmeaning sounds, being, they say, unconscious all the
while. A few of his companions pretend to understand with difficulty
the meaning of his words, and interpret them to the inquirer. The
Irulas never allow any sort of music during their ceremonies,
nor will they wear shoes, or cover their body with more than the
scantiest rag. Even in the coldest and dampest weather, they prefer
the warmth of a fire to that of a cumbly (blanket). They refuse even
to cover an infant with a cloth, but dig a small hollow in the ground,
and lay the newly-born babe in it upon a few leaves of the bandari."
There are two classes of Irulas in the North Arcot district, of
which one lives in towns and villages, and the other leads a jungle
life. Among the latter, as found near Kuppam, there are two distinct
divisions, called Iswaran Vagaira and Dharmaraja. The former set up
a stone beneath a temporary hut, and worship it by offering cooked
rice and cocoanuts on unam (Lettsomia elliptica) leaves. The god
Dharmaraja is represented by a vessel instead of a stone, and the
offerings are placed in a basket. In the jungle section, a woman may
marry her deceased husband's brother. The dead are buried face upwards,
and three stones are set up over the grave.
The Irulas of South Arcot, Mr. Francis writes, [189] "are chiefly
found about the Gingee hills, talk a corrupt Tamil, are very dark
skinned, have very curly hair, never shave their heads, and never
wear turbans or sandals. They dwell in scattered huts--never more than
two or three in one place--which are little, round, thatched hovels,
with a low doorway through which one can just crawl, built among
the fields. They subsist by watching crops, baling water from wells,
and, when times are hard, by crime of a mild kind. In Villupuram and
Tirukkoyilur taluks, and round Gingee, they commit burglaries in
a mild and unscientific manner if the season is bad, and they are
pressed by want, but, if the ground-nut crop is a good one, they
behave themselves. They are perhaps the poorest and most miserable
community in the district. Only one or two of them own any land, and
that is only dry land. They snare hares now and again, and collect
the honey of the wild bees by letting themselves down the face of
cliffs at night by ladders made of twisted creepers. Some of them are
prostitutes, and used to display their charms in a shameless manner
at the Chettipalaiyam market near Gingee, decked out in quantities of
cheap jewellery, and with their eyelids darkened in clumsy imitation of
their sisters of the same profession in other castes. There is little
ceremony at a wedding. The old men of the caste fix the auspicious
day, the bridegroom brings a few presents, a pandal (booth) is made,
a tali is tied, and there is a feast to the relations. The rites at
births and deaths are equally simple. The dead are usually buried,
lying face upwards, a stone and some thorns being placed over the
grave to keep off jackals. On the eleventh day after the death, the
eldest son ties a cloth round his head--a thing which is otherwise
never worn--and a little rice is coloured with saffron (turmeric)
and then thrown into water. This is called casting away the sin, and
ill-luck would befall the eldest son if the ceremony were omitted. The
Irulans pay homage to almost all the gramadevatas (village deities),
but probably the seven Kannimars are their favourite deities."
As already indicated, the Irulas, like the Yerukalas, indulge in
soothsaying. The Yerukala fortune-teller goes about with her basket,
cowry shells, and rod, and will carry out the work of her profession
anywhere, at any time, and any number of times in a day. The Irula, on
the contrary, remains at his home, and will only tell fortunes close to
his hut, or near the hut where his gods are kept. In case of sickness,
people of all classes come to consult the Irula fortune-teller,
whose occupation is known as Kannimar varniththal. Taking up his
drum, he warms it over the fire, or exposes it to the heat of the
sun. When it is sufficiently dry to vibrate to his satisfaction,
Kannimar is worshipped by breaking a cocoanut, and burning camphor and
incense. Closing his eyes, the Irula beats the drum, and shakes his
head about, while his wife, who stands near him, sprinkles turmeric
water over him. After a few minutes, bells are tied to his right
wrist. In about a quarter of an hour he begins to shiver, and breaks
out in a profuse perspiration. This is a sure sign that he is possessed
by Kanniamman. His wife unties his kudumi (tuft of hair), the shaking
of the head becomes more violent, he breathes rapidly, and hisses like
a snake. His wife praises Kannimar. Gradually the man becomes calmer,
and addresses those around him as if he were the goddess, saying,
"Oh! children. I have come down on my car, which is decorated with
mango flowers, margosa and jasmine. You need fear nothing so long
as I exist, and you worship me. This country will be prosperous,
and the people will continue to be happy. Ere long my precious car,
immersed in the tank (pond) on the hill, will be taken out, and after
that the country will become more prosperous," and so on. Questions
are generally put to the inspired man, not directly, but through
his wife. Occasionally, even when no client has come to consult him,
the Irula will take up his drum towards dusk, and chant the praises
of Kannimar, sometimes for hours at a stretch, with a crowd of Irulas
collected round him.
The name Shikari (hunter) is occasionally adopted as a synonym for
Irula. And, in South Arcot, some Irulas call themselves Ten (honey)
Vanniyans or Vana (forest) Pallis.
Irula (darkness or night).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.
Irumpu (iron) Kollan.--A sub-division of Kollan.
Irunul (two strings).--A division of Marans in Travancore, in which
the remarriage of widows is permitted.
Iruvu (black ant).--An exogamous sept of Kuruba.
Isan (god).--A title of Koliyan.
Iswaran Vagaira.--A division of the Irulas of North Arcot. The name
denotes that they belong to the Iswara (Siva) section.
Ite.--The Itevandlu are a class of Telugu jugglers and acrobats, who
"exhibit shows, such as wrestling, climbing high posts, rope-walking,
etc. The women, like Dommara females, act as common prostitutes." [190]
Itattara.--Recorded, in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a
sub-division of Nayar.
Izhava.--The Izhavans or Ilavans, and Tiyans, are the Malayalam
toddy-drawing castes of Malabar, Cochin and Travancore. The etymology
of the name Izhavan is dealt with in the article on Tiyans.
For the following note on the Izhavas of Travancore, I am, when not
otherwise recorded, indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Aiyar. These people
are known as Izhavas in South and parts of Central Travancore, and
Chovas in parts of Central and North Travancore. They constitute
17 per cent. of the total population of the State. Izhava is said
to mean those belonging to Izham, a corruption of Simhalam, one
of the old names of Ceylon. Jaffna, in the north of that island,
appears to have been specially known by the name of Izham, and from
this place the Izhavas are believed to have originally proceeded to
Malabar. Chova is supposed to be a corruption of Sevaka, or servant. In
some old boat songs current in Malabar, it occurs in the less corrupt
form of Chevaka. According to a legend, a Pandyan princess named
Alli married Narasimha, a Rajah of the Carnatic. The royal couple
migrated to Ceylon, and there settled themselves as rulers. On the line
becoming extinct, however, their relatives and adherents returned to
the continent, where they were accorded only a very low position in
society. It is said that they were the ancestors of the Izhavas. In
support of this theory, it is urged that, in South Travancore, the
Izhavas are known by the title of Mudaliyar, which is also the surname
of a division of the Vellalas at Jaffna; that the Vattis and Mannans
call them Mudaliyars; and that the Pulayas have ever been known to
address them only as Muttatampurans. But it may be well supposed that
the title may have been conferred upon some families of the caste in
consideration of meritorious services on behalf of the State. One of
the chief occupations, in which the Izhavas first engaged themselves,
was undoubtedly the cultivation of palm trees. In the famous grant
of 824 A.D., it is distinctly mentioned that they had a headman of
their guild, and their duty was planting up waste lands. They had two
special privileges, known as the foot-rope right and ladder right,
which clearly explain the nature of their early occupation. The
Syrian Christians appear to have a tradition that the Izhavas were
invited to settle on the west coast at their suggestion. The Izhavas
are said to have brought to Kerala a variety each of the areca palm,
champak, and lime tree, to whose vernacular names the word Izham is
even to-day invariably prefixed. In the middle ages, they were largely
employed as soldiers by the rulers of Malabar. Titles and privileges
were distributed among these soldiers. Canter Visscher, writing about
the Rajah of Ambalapuzha in the middle of the eighteenth century,
[191] observes that "the Rajah of Porkkad has not many Nayars, in the
place of whom he is served by Chegos," and that "in times of civil war
or rebellion, the Chegos are bound to take up arms for their lawful
sovereign." The Panikkans of Ambanat house in the Ambalapuzha taluk
were the leaders of the Izhava force, and many powers and privileges
were conferred upon this family by the Chembakasseri (Ambalapuzha)
princes. Even so late as the days of Maharaja Rama Verma, who died
in 973 M.E., large numbers of Izhavas were employed as soldiers
of the State, if we may believe the account of Friar Bartolomeo,
[192] who is generally a very accurate writer. The South Travancore
Izhavas used to divide themselves into two parties on the occasion
of the Onam festival, and fight at Kaithamukku near Trivandrum. Any
young man who did not attend this camp of exercise had a piece of
wood tied as a wedding ornament round his neck, was led in procession
thrice round the village, and transported to the sea-coast.
The Izhavas proper are divided into three sub-sections called
Pachchili, Pandi, and Malayalam. The Pachchilis live in the tract of
land called Pachchalur in the Neyyattinkara taluk between Tiruvellam
and Kovalam. They are only a handful in number. The Pandis are
largely found in Trivandrum and Chirayinkil. Most of them take the
title of Panikkan. The Malayala Izhavas are sub-divided into four
exogamous groups or illams, named Muttillam, Madampi or Pallichal,
Mayanatti, and Chozhi. Pallichal is a place in the Neyyattinkara
taluk, and Mayannat in Quilon. The members of the Chozhi illam are
believed to have been later settlers. There is another division of
these Izhavas called Patikramams, based on a more or less geographical
distinction. These are also four in number, and called Pallikkattara,
Palattara, Irunkulamgara, and Tenganad, their social precedence being
in this order. Pallikkattara is in Chirayinkil, Palattara in Quilon,
Irunkulamgara in Trivandrum, and Tenganad in Neyyattinkara. The
Palattara section is the most orthodox, and rigorously preserves its
endogamous character, though some of the titular dignitaries among
the Chovas of Central Travancore have found it possible to contract
alliances with them. The divisions of the Illam and Patikkramam are
absent among the Chovas. Among these, however, there is a division
into Sthani or Melkudi, Tanikudi, and Kizhkudi, the first denoting
the titular head, the second the ordinary class, and the third
those under communal degradation. Among the last are included the
toddy-drawing families, Vaduvans, and Nadis. Vaduvans are the slaves of
the Izhavas, and, in ancient days, could be regularly bought and sold
by them. Nadis live in Kartikapalli and some other parts of Central
Travancore. They are people who have been outcasted from the community
for various offences by the headmen, and cannot enter the kitchen of
the ordinary Izhavas. They are served for ceremonial purposes not by
the regular priests of the Izhavas, but by a distinct outcaste sect
like themselves, known as Nadikuruppus. The Izhavattis, who are the
priests of the caste, form a distinct sect with special manners and
customs. Channan, a corruption of the Tamil word, Chanror or chiefmen,
is the most important of the titles of the Izhavas. This title was
conferred upon distinguished members of the caste as a family honour
by some of the ancient sovereigns of the country. Panikkan comes next
in rank, and is derived from pani, work. Tantan, from danda meaning
punishment or control, is a popular title in some parts. Asan, from
Acharya, a teacher, is extremely common. The recipients of this honour
were instructors in gymnastics and military exercises to Nayar and
Izhava soldiers in bygone times, and even now ruins of old kalaris
or exercise grounds attached to their houses are discernible in many
places. Some Izhavas in South Travancore appear to be honoured with
the title of Mudaliyar. Many families were invested with similar
honours by the ancient ruling houses of Ambalapuzha, Kayenkulam,
and Jayasimhanad (Quilon). Even now, some titles are conferred by the
Rajah of Idappalli. The wives of these dignitaries are respectively
known as Channatti, Panikkatti, etc.
The houses of the Izhavas resemble those of the Nayars in form. Each
house is a group of buildings, the most substantial of which, known as
the arappura, stands in the centre. On the left side is the vadakkettu
or woman's apartment, including the kitchen. There is a court-yard
in front of the arappura, and a little building called kizhakkettu
enclosing it on the eastern side. Houses invariably face the east. The
main entrance stands a little to the south of the kizhakkettu, to the
south of which again is the tozhuttu or cow-shed. These buildings, of
course, are found only in rich houses, the poor satisfying themselves
with an arappura, a vatakketu, and a tozhuttu. A tekketu is to be seen
to the south of the arappura in some cases. This is erected mainly
to perpetuate the memory of some deceased member of the family known
for learning, piety, or bravery. A pitha or seat, a conch, a cane,
and a small bag containing ashes, are secured within. It is kept
scrupulously free from pollution, and worship is offered on fixed days
to the ancestors. The tekketu is enclosed on all the three sides,
except the east. This description of houses in South Travancore,
as far as Trivandrum, applies also to buildings erected to the north
as far as Quilon, though tekketus are not so largely found as in the
south. In some parts here, the southern room of the main buildings is
consecrated to the memory of ancestors. In Central Travancore there
are big kalaris to the south of the arappura in most of the ancient
houses, and antique weapons and images of tutelary divinities are
carefully preserved therein.
In dress and ornament, the Izhavas closely resemble the Nayars. The
tattu form of dress is not prevalent among Izhava women. In the wearing
of the cloth, the left side comes inside instead of the right in the
case of South Travancore Izhava women, though this rule is not without
its exceptions. In South Travancore, the ornaments of women differ
considerably from those of the north. Here they wear the pampadam or
Tamil Sudra women's ear ornament, and adorn the wrists with a pair
of silver bangles. The nose ornaments mukkuthi and gnattu have only
recently begun to be worn, and are not very popular in Central and
North Travancore. This is a point in which Izhavas may be said to
differ from the South Travancore Nayar matrons. The ear ornament
of elderly Izhava women in North Travancore is of an antique type
called atukkam-samkhu-chakkravum. Women in the rural parts wear a
curious neck ornament called anti-minnu. Of late, all ornaments of
Nayar women are being worn by fashionable Izhava females. But Izhava
and Nayar women can be distinguished by the tie of the hair lock,
the Izhava women usually bringing it to the centre of the forehead,
while the Nayars place it on one side, generally the left. Tattooing
was once prevalent in South Travancore, but is gradually losing
favour. It was never in vogue in North Travancore.
The Izhavas eat both fish and flesh. Rabbits, deer, pigs, sheep,
porcupines, fowls, doves, guinea-fowls, peacocks, and owls are
believed to make popular dishes. The sweetmeat called ariyunta,
and the curry known as mutirakkary, are peculiar to the Izhavas,
and prepared best by them.
The most important occupation of the Izhavas till recently was
the cultivation of palm trees, and the preparation of toddy and
arrack. Barbosa, writing in the sixteenth century, states that "their
principal employment is to till the palm trees, and gather their
fruits; and to carry everything for hire from one point to another,
because they are not in the habit of transporting them with beasts
of burden, as there are none; and they hew stone, and gain their
livelihood by all kinds of labour. Some of them bear the use of arms,
and fight in the wars when it is necessary. They carry a staff in
their hand of a fathom's length as a sign of their lineage." With the
progress of culture and enlightenment, the occupation of extracting
liquor from the cocoanut palm has ceased to be looked upon with favour,
and such families as are now given to that pursuit have come to be
regarded as a low division of the Chovas. In some parts of Travancore,
the latter do not even enjoy the privilege of commensality with the
other Izhavas. Agriculture is a prominent profession, and there are
several wealthy and influential landlords in the community. There
is also a fair percentage of agricultural labourers. A preliminary
rite, called pozhutana sowing, is performed by farmers, who throw
three handfuls of rice seed on a clay image representing Ganesa,
and pray that their fields may yield a good harvest. Before the time
of reaping, on an auspicious morning, a few sheaves are brought,
and hung up in some prominent place in the house. This ceremony is
known as nira, and is common to all Hindu castes. At the end of it,
the inmates of the house partake of puttari or new rice.
There are a few other customary rites observed by agriculturists,
viz.:--
(1) Metiyittu-varuka, or throwing the grains of the first sheaf
upon another, and covering it with its straw, this being afterwards
appropriated by the chief agricultural labourer present.
(2) Koytu-pitichcha-katta-kotukkuka, or handing over the first sheaves
of grain fastened together with Strychnos Nux-vomica leaves to the
owner of the field, who is obliged to preserve them till the next
harvest season.
(3) Kotuti, or offering of oblations of a few grains dipped in toddy
to the spirits of agricultural fields, the Pulaya priest crying aloud
'Poli, va, poli, va,' meaning literally May good harvest come.
As manufacturers, the Izhavas occupy a position in Travancore. They
produce several kinds of cloth, for local consumption in the main,
and make mats, tiles, and ropes, with remarkable skill. They are
also the chief lemon-grass oil distillers of Travancore. In the
professions of medicine and astrology, the Izhavas have largely engaged
themselves. While it must be confessed that many of them are utter
strangers to culture, there are several who have received a sound
education, especially in Sanskrit. On the whole, the Izhavas may be
said to be one of the most industrious and prosperous communities on
the west coast.
The Izhavas form a pious and orthodox Hindu caste. Though they
cannot enter the inner court-yard of temples, they attend there in
considerable numbers, and make their pious offerings. Over several
temples the Travancore Izhavas have a joint right with the Nayars. In
illustration, the shrines of Saktikulamgara in Karunagappali, and
Chettikulangara in Mavelikara, may be mentioned. Over these and other
temples, the rights that have been enjoyed from time immemorial by
certain Izhava families are respected even at the present day. In
most places, the Izhavas have their own temples, with a member of
their own or the Izhavatti caste as priest. As no provision had been
made in them for daily worship, there was no necessity in early times
for the regular employment of priests. The deity usually worshipped
was Bhadrakali, who was believed to help them in their military
undertakings. The offerings made to her involved animal sacrifices. The
temples are generally low thatched buildings with a front porch, an
enclosure wall, and a grove of trees. There are many instances, in
which the enclosure wall is absent. The Bhadrakali cult is gradually
losing favour under the teaching of a Vedantic scholar and religious
reformer named Nanan Asan. In many Central and South Travancore
shrines, images of Subramania have been set up at his instance,
and daily worship is offered by bachelor priests appointed by the
castemen. An association for the social, material, and religious
amelioration of the community, called Narayana Dharma Paripalana
Yogam, has been started. Its head-quarters is at Aruvippuram in the
Nayyatinkara taluk. Every morning, the sun is specially worshipped
by the cultured class. In ancient times, the adoration of Anchu
Tampurakkal or the five deities, now identified with the Pandavas
of the Mahabharata, prevailed among these people. This worship is
found among the Pulayas also. At Mayyanad in Quilon, there is still
an Izhava temple dedicated to these five lords. Women visit shrines on
all Mondays and Fridays, with a view to worshipping Gauri, the consort
of Siva. Male Izhavas devote the first and last days of a month, as
also that on which the star of their nativity falls, to religious
worship. The Izhavas of Central Travancore pay homage to a spirit
called Kayalil Daivam, or the deity of backwaters. When a village
becomes infected with small-pox or cholera, offerings are made to
the Bhadrakali shrine in that locality. The most important offering
goes by the name of Kalam Vaikkuka, or pot placing. A woman of the
house of the local Panikkan or chief member fasts, and, bearing a
pot containing five nalis (a small measure) of paddy (unhusked rice),
proceeds to all the other Izhava houses in the village, accompanied
by musical instruments. One woman from every house marches to the
shrine with her offering of paddy and a chuckram (nearly half an
anna). The priest receives the offerings, converts the paddy into
rice, and, depositing a portion of it in each of the pots, hands them
back to the votaries on the morning of the next day. Another ceremony
performed on such occasions is called Desakuruti, when women fast, and,
taking all the food-stuffs necessary, proceed to the temple. After the
sacrifice of a goat and fowls by the priest, they make an offering of
the food to the deity before dinner. Tukkam, or suspension, is another
propitiatory ceremony. A religious observance, known as Mamachchirappu,
finds favour with the Izhavas of Central Travancore in the month of
Vrischikam (November-December). Every Izhava bathes in the evening,
addresses the deities by their names for about an hour, and then
makes an offering of tender cocoanuts, fruits, and fried grain. This
takes place according to the convenience of each family from twelve
to forty-one days.
In connection with the tukkam ceremony, Mr. L. K. Anantha Krishna
Aiyar writes as follows. [193] "There are two kinds of hook-swinging,
namely Garuda (Brahmini kite) and thoni (boat) tukkam. The ceremony
is performed in fulfilment of a vow, to obtain some favour of the
deity Kali, before whose presence it is carried out. The performer
of the ceremony should bathe early in the morning, and be in a state
of preparation either for a year or for forty-one days by worshipping
the deity Bhagavati. He must strictly abstain from meat, all kinds of
intoxicating liquors, and association with women. During the morning
hours, the performer dresses himself in a garment tucked into the
waist-band, rubs his body with oil, and is shampooed particularly on
the back, a portion of the flesh in the middle of which is stretched
for the insertion of a hook. He is also taught by his instructor to
perform various feats called payitta. This he continues till the
festival, when he has to swing in fulfilment of the vow. In kite
swinging, a kind of car, resting on two axles provided with four
wheels, is employed. On it, there is a horizontal beam resting on
two vertical supports. A strong rope tied to a ring attached to the
beam is connected with the hook which passes through the flesh of the
back. Over the beam there is a kutaram (tent), which is tastefully
decorated. Inside it, two or three persons can swing at a time. There
is a different arrangement in some places. Instead of the beam and
the supports, there is a small pole, on which rests a horizontal beam
provided with a metallic ring at one end. The beam acts as a lever, so
that one end of it can be either raised or lowered, so as to give some
rest to the swinger. The rope tied to the ring is connected with the
hook and the waist-band. For boat swinging, the same kind of vehicle,
without wheels, is in use. For kite swinging, the performer has his
face painted green. He has to put on artificial lips and wings in
imitation of those of the kite, and wears long locks of hair like those
of an actor in a Kathakali. As he swings, the car is taken three, five,
seven, nine, or eleven times round the temple. In boat swinging, the
car is likewise carried round the temple, with the swinger performing
his feats, as in the case of kite swinging, to the accompaniment of
music. He has to put on the same kind of dress, except the lips and
wings. In pillayeduthutukkam, or swinging with a child in fulfilment
of a vow, the child is taken to the temple by his parents, who pay
to the temple authorities thirty-four chuckrams in Travancore, and
sixty-four puthans [194] in Cochin. The child is then handed over to
the swinger, who carries the child as he swings. These performances
are sometimes made at the expense of the temple, but more generally of
persons who make the outlay in fulfilment of a vow. In the latter case,
it costs as much as Rs. 150 for the kite swinger, but only Rs. 30 for
the boat swinger. During the festival, they are fed in the temple,
owing to their being in a state of vow. It is the Nayars, Kammalars,
Kuruppans, and Izhavas, who perform the swinging in fulfilment of a
vow. In the fight between the goddess Kali and the demon Darika, the
latter was completely defeated, and the former, biting him on the back,
drank his blood to gratify her feelings of animosity. Hook-swinging
symbolises this incident, and the bloodshed by the insertion of the
hook through the flesh is intended as an offering to the goddess."
Of the hook-swinging ceremony as performed a few years ago at the
Kollangadu temple in Travancore, an excellent account is given by
the Rev. T. Knowles, [195] from which the following précis has been
compiled. In front of the temple was a booth containing the image of
the goddess Bhadrakali, a cruel deity, who is supposed to delight in
blood. At a little distance was the car. The bottom part of this was
very much like a lorry used when transporting large logs of timber
by means of elephants. There were four solid wheels of thick timber,
with a frame work, like a railway waggon on a small scale. To this
were attached two thick cable ropes. Joined to the sides of the car
were two upright posts, about 15 feet high, strengthened with stays
and cross-pieces. On the top was a piece of thick timber with a hole
in it, and the bottom rounded, which fitted into a cross-piece,
and allowed the long beam on which the men were swung to move up
or down. This beam was 35 or 40 feet long, and about 9 inches in
diameter. It was placed through the hole in the piece of timber
on the top of the upright frame, and balanced in the middle like a
huge see-saw. At one end of the hole was a covered canopy, and at
the other long ropes were fastened, which trailed on the ground. The
whole arrangement of the car was such that, by lowering one end of the
long beam to the ground, and fastening a man to it, and then pulling
down the other end by the ropes, the man could be raised into the
air to a height of some 40 feet or more. The whole car could then be
dragged by the thick cable ropes round the temple. While the subject
was being prepared for swinging, a mat was stretched above his head,
partly to do him honour, partly to protect him from the sun. His
head and neck were richly ornamented, and below he was bedecked with
peacock's feathers, and clad in a loin-cloth, which would bear some,
if not all the weight of his body. Amid the firing of mortars, beating
of tom-toms, the screeching of flutes, and the shouts of the crowd,
the canopied end of the long beam was lowered, and the devotee, lying
prone on the ground, was fastened to the beam by means of ropes passing
under his arms and around his chest. To some of the ropes, hooks were
fastened. The priests took hold of the fleshy part of the man's back,
squeezed up the flesh, and put some four hooks at least through it. A
rudely fashioned sword and shield were then given to the man, and he
was swung up into the air, waving the sword and shield, and making
convulsive movements. Slowly the people dragged the car round the
temple, a distance not quite as far as round St. Paul's cathedral. Some
of the men were suspended while the car was dragged round three or
four times. The next devotee was fastened in the same way to the beam,
but, instead of a sword and shield, the priests gave him an infant in
his arms, and devotee and infant were swung up in the air, and the car
dragged round the temple as before. Some children were brought forward,
whose parents had made vows about them. The little ones were made to
prostrate themselves before the image of Kali. Then the fleshy parts
of their sides were pinched up, and some wires put through. This done,
the wires were placed in the hands of the relatives, and the children
were led round and round the temple, as though in leading strings. It
is on record that, when the devotee has been specially zealous, the
whole machine has been moved to a considerable distance while he was
suspended from it, to the admiration of the gaping multitudes."
In connection with the religion of the Ilavars, the Rev. S. Mateer
writes as follows. [196] "Demon worship, especially that of Bhadrakali,
a female demon described as a mixture of mischief and cruelty, is
the customary cultus of the caste, with sacrifices and offerings and
devil-dancing like the Shanars. Shastavu and Virabhadran are also
venerated, and the ghosts of ancestors. Groves of trees stand near
the temples, and serpent images are common, these creatures being
accounted favourites of Kali. They carry their superstitions and fear
of the demons into every department and incident of life. In some
temples and ceremonies, as at Paroor, Sarkarei, etc., they closely
associate with the Sudras. The Ilavar temples are generally low,
thatched buildings, with front porch, a good deal of wooden railing
and carving about them, an enclosure wall, and a grove or a few trees,
such as Ficus religiosa, Plumeria, and Bassia. At the Ilavar temple
near Chakki in the outskirts of Trevandrum, the goddess Bhadrakali
is represented as a female seated on an image, having two wings,
gilt and covered with serpents. Twice a year, fowls and sheep are
sacrificed by an Ilavan priest, and offerings of grain, fruit,
and flowers are presented. The side-piercing ceremony is also
performed here. A temple at Mangalattukonam, about ten miles south
of Trevandrum, at which I witnessed the celebration of the annual
festival on the day following Meena Bharani, in March or April,
may be taken as a fair example of the whole. In connection with
this temple may be seen a peculiar wooden pillar and small shrine
at the top, somewhat like a pigeon-house. This is called a tani
maram, and is a kind of altar, or residence, for the demon Madan,
resembling the temporary shrines on sticks or platforms erected by
the Pulayars. On it are carvings of many-headed serpents, etc., and
a projecting lamp for oil. For the festival, the ground around the
temple was cleared of weeds, the outhouses and sheds decorated with
flowers, and on the tani maram were placed two bunches of plantains,
at its foot a number of devil-dancing sticks. Close by were five or
six framework shrines, constructed of soft palm leaves and pith of
plantain tree, and ornamented with flowers. These were supposed to be
the residence of some minor powers, and in them were placed, towards
night, offerings of flowers, rice, plantains, cocoanuts, and blood. The
Ilavars who assemble for the festival wear the marks of Siva, a dot and
horizontal lines on the forehead, and three horizontal lines of yellow
turmeric on the chest. They begin to gather at the temple from noon,
and return home at night. The festival lasts for five days. Some of
the neighbouring Sudras and Shanars also attend, and some Pulayars,
who pay one chuckram for two shots of firework guns in fulfilment of
their vows. Offerings here are generally made in return for relief
from sickness or trouble of some kind. The pujari, or priest, is an
Ilavan, who receives donations of money, rice, etc. A kind of mild
hook-swinging ceremony is practised. On the occasion referred to, four
boys, about fifteen or sixteen years of age, were brought. They must
partly fast for five days previously on plain rice and vegetable curry,
and are induced to consent to the operation, partly by superstitious
fear, and partly by bribes. On the one hand they are threatened with
worse danger if they do not fulfil the vows made by their parents to
the devi (deity); on the other hand, if obedient, they receive presents
of fine clothes and money. Dressed in handsome cloths and turbans,
and adorned with gold bracelets and armlets, and garlands of flowers,
the poor boys are brought to present a little of their blood to the
sanguinary goddess. Three times they march round the temple; then
an iron is run through the muscles of each side, and small rattans
inserted through the wounds. Four men seize the ends of the canes,
and all go round in procession, with music and singing and clapping of
hands, five or seven times, according to their endurance, till quite
exhausted. The pujari now dresses in a red cloth, with tinsel border,
like a Brahman, takes the dancing-club in hand, and dances before the
demon. Cocks are sacrificed, water being first poured upon the head;
when the bird shakes itself, the head is cut off, and the blood poured
round the temple. Rice is boiled in one of the sheds in a new pot, and
taken home with the fowls by the people for a feast in the house. At
Mayanadu, the Bhagavathi of the small temple belonging to the Ilavars
is regarded as the sister of the one worshipped in the larger temple
used by the Sudras, and served by a Brahman priest; and the cars of the
latter are brought annually to the Ilavar's temple, and around it three
times before returning to their own temple. At the Ilavar's temple,
the same night, the women boil rice in new earthen pots, and the men
offer sheep and fowls in sacrifice. In further illustration of the
strange superstitious practices of this tribe, two more incidents may
be mentioned. An Ilavatti, whose child was unwell, went to consult an
astrologer, who informed her that the disease was caused by the spirit
of the child's deceased grandmother. For its removal he would perform
various incantations, for which he required the following, viz.:--water
from seven wells, dung from five cowsheds, a larva of the myrmeleon,
a crab, a frog, a green snake, a viral fish, parched rice, ada cake,
cocoanut, chilly, and green palm leaves. An Ilavan, who had for some
time been under Christian instruction, was led away by a brother, who
informed him that, if he built a small temple for the worship of Nina
Madan, and offered sacrifices, he should find a large copper vessel
full of gold coins hid underground, and under the charge of this
demon. The foolish man did so, but did not find a single cash. Now
the lying brother avers that the demon will not be satisfied unless
a human sacrifice is offered, which, of course, is impossible."
The headmen of the Izhava caste are the Channans and Panikkans,
invested with these titles by the Sovereigns of this State who have
been already referred to. The limits of their jurisdiction were
generally fixed in the charters received from them by their rulers,
and even to-day their authority remains supreme in all social
matters. The priests, it may be noted, are only a minor class,
having no judicial functions. Chief among the offences against
the caste rules may be mentioned non-observance of pollution,
illicit connection, non-performance of the tali-kettu before the
age of puberty, non-employment of the village barber and washerman,
non-celebration of ceremonies in one's own village, and so on. The
headman comes to know of these through the agency of the village
barber or washerman, and also a class of secondary dignitaries known
as Kottilpattukar or Naluvitanmar. In every village, there are four
families, invested with this authority in olden times by the rulers of
the State on payment of fifty-nine fanams to the royal treasury. They
are believed to hold a fourth of the authority that pertains to the
chieftain of the village. If, on enquiry, an offence is proved,
a fine is imposed on the offender, which he is obliged to pay to
the local shrine. If the offence is grave, a feast has to be given
by him to the villagers. In cases of failure, the services of the
village priest and washerman, and also the barber, are refused, and
the culprit becomes ostracised from society. The headman has to be
paid a sum of ten chuckrams on all occasions of ceremonies, and the
Naluvitanmar four chuckrams each. There is a movement in favour of
educating the priests, and delegating some of the above powers to them.
Three forms of inheritance may be said to prevail among the Izhavas
of Travancore, viz.: (1) makkathayam (inheritance from father to son)
in the extreme south; (2) marumakkatayam (through the female line) in
all taluks to the north of Quilon; (3) a mixture of the two between
Neyyatinkara and that taluk. According to the mixed mode, one's own
children are not left absolutely destitute, but some portion of
the property is given them for maintenance, in no case, however,
exceeding a half. In families observing the marumakkatayam law,
male and female heirs own equal rights. Partition, though possible
when all consent, rarely takes place in practice, the eldest male
member holding in his hands the management of the whole property. In
Quilon and other places, the widow and her children are privileged
to remain in her husband's house for full one year after his death,
and enjoy all the property belonging to him.
On the subject of inheritance, the Rev. S. Mateer writes as
follows. "The nepotistic law of inheritance is, to a considerable
extent, followed by this caste. Those in the far south being
more closely connected with the Tamil people, their children
inherit. Amongst the Ilavars in Trevandrum district, a curious attempt
is made to unite both systems of inheritance, half the property
acquired by a man after his marriage, and during the lifetime of
his wife, going to the issue of such marriage, and half to the man's
nepotistic heirs. In a case decided by the Sadr Court, in 1872, the
daughter of an Ilavan claimed her share in the movable and immovable
property of her deceased father, and to have a sale made by him while
alive declared null and void to the extent of her share. As there was
another similar heir, the Court awarded the claimant a half share, and
to this extent the claim was invalidated. Their rules are thus stated
by G. Kerala Varman Tirumulpad:--'If one marries and gives cloth to
an Ilavatti (female), and has issue, of the property acquired by him
and her from the time of the union, one-tenth is deducted for the
husband's labour or individual profit; of the remainder, half goes
to the woman and her children, and half to the husband and his heirs
(anandaravans). The property which an Ilavan has inherited or earned
before his marriage devolves solely to his anandaravans, not to his
children. If an Ilavatti has continued to live with her husband, and
she has no issue, or her children die before obtaining any share of the
property, when the husband dies possessing property earned by both,
his heirs and she must mutually agree, or the castemen decide what
is fair for her support; and the husband's heir takes the remainder.'"
The marriage of Izhava girls consists of two distinct rites, one
before they attain puberty called tali-kettu, and the other generally
after that period, but in some cases before, called sambandham. It is,
however, necessary that the girl must have her tali tied before some
one contracts sambandham with her. The tali-tier may be, but often
is not, as among the Nayars, the future husband of the girl. But,
even for him, the relation will not be complete without a formal
cloth presentation. The legitimate union for a person is with his
maternal uncle's or paternal aunt's daughter. Generally there is a
separate ceremony called Grihapravesam, or entrance into the house of
the bridegroom after sambandham. Widows may contract alliances with
other persons after the death of the first husband. In all cases,
the Izhava husband takes his wife home, and considers it infra dig. to
stay in the house of his father-in-law.
The method of celebrating the tali-kettu differs in different
parts of Travancore. The following is the form popular in Central
Travancore. All the elderly members of the village assemble at the
house of the girl, and fix a pillar of jack (Artocarpus integrifolia)
wood at the south-east corner. On the Kaniyan (astrologer) being
three times loudly consulted as to the auspiciousness of the house he
gives an affirmative reply, and the guardian of the girl, receiving a
silver ring from the goldsmith, hands it over to the Vatti (priest),
who ties it on the wooden post. The carpenter, Kaniyan, and goldsmith
receive some little presents. The next item in the programme is the
preparation of the rice necessary for the marriage, and a quantity of
paddy (unhusked rice) is brought by the girl to the pandal ground, and
formally boiled in a pot. The pandal (booth) is generally erected on
the south side of the house. The chartu, or a chit from the Kaniyan,
certifying the auspiciousness of the match and the suitable date for
its formal adoption, is taken by the guardian and four Machchampis or
Inangans to the headman of the latter. These Machchampis are Izhavas
of the village, equal in status to the guardian of the girl. All
the preliminary arrangements are now over, and, on the day previous
to the marriage, the girl bathes, and, wearing the bleached cloths
supplied by the Mannan (washerman), worships the local deity, and
awaits the arrival of the bridegroom. In the evening, the wife of
the Vatti applies oil to her hair, and after a bath the rite known
as Kalati begins, as a preliminary to which a thread passing through
a silver ring is tied round her right wrist. Kalati is recitation of
various songs by the women of the village before the girl. This is
followed by Kanjiramala, or placing the girl before a line of carved
wooden images, and songs by the Vatti women. On the following day, the
girl is introduced, at the auspicious hour, within the katirmandapa or
raised platform decorated with sheaves of corn within the pandal. The
minnu or marriage ornament, prepared by the goldsmith, is handed
over to the priest, along with two cloths to be worn by the bride
and bridegroom. A string is made of thread taken from these cloths,
and the minnu attached to it. The mother-in-law of the bridegroom
now stands ready at the gate, and, on his arrival, places a garland
of flowers round his neck. The new cloths are then presented by
the Vatti and his wife to the bridegroom and bride respectively,
after some tender cocoanut leaves, emblematic of the established
occupation of the caste, are thrust into the bridegroom's waist by
the headman of the village. In former days, a sword took the place
of these leaves. The minnu is then tied round the neck of the bride,
and all parties, including the parent or guardian, give presents to
the bridegroom. The day's ceremony is then over, and the bridegroom
remains at the house of the bride. The string is removed from
the bride's wrist by the Vatti on the fourth day, and the couple
bathe. More than one girl may have the tali tied at the same time,
provided that there are separate bridegrooms for them. Only boys from
the families of Machchampis can become tali-tiers.
The sambandham of North and Central Travancore differs from that
of South Travancore in some material respects. In the former, on
the appointed day, the bridegroom, who is a different person from
the tali-tier, accompanied by his relations and friends, arrives
at the bride's house, and the guardian of the former offers a sum
of money to the guardian of the latter. A suit of clothes, with ten
chuckrams or ten rasis (coins), is presented by the bridegroom to the
bride, who stands in a room within and receives it, being afterwards
dressed by his sister. The money goes by right to her mother, and is
known as Ammayippanam. Now comes the time for the departure of the
bride to her husband's house, when she receives from her guardian a
nut-cracker, lime-can, a dish filled with rice, and a mat. A red cloth
is thrown over her head, and a few members accompany the party for some
distance. In South Travancore, the bridegroom is accompanied, besides
others, by a companion, who asks in the midst of the assembly whether
they assent to the proposed alliance, and, on their favourable reply,
hands over a sum of money as an offering to the local shrine. Another
sum is given for the maintenance of the bride, and, in the presence of
the guardian, a suit of clothes is given to her by the bridegroom. The
wife is, as elsewhere, immediately taken to the husband's house. This
is called Kudivaippu, and corresponds to the Grahapravesam celebrated
by Brahmans.
The following account of marriage among the Izhavas of Malabar is
given in the Gazetteer of that district. "A girl may be married before
puberty, but the consummation is not supposed to be effected till
after puberty, though the girl may live with her husband at once. If
the marriage is performed before puberty, the ceremony is apparently
combined with the tali-kettu kalyanam. The bride is fetched from the
devapura or family chapel with a silk veil over her head, and holding
a betel leaf in her right hand in front of her face. She stands in
the pandal on a plank, on which there is some rice. On her right
stand four enangans of the bridegroom, and on her left four of her
own. The elder of the bridegroom's enangans hands one of the bride's
enangans a bundle containing the tali, a mundu and pava (cloths),
some rice, betel leaves, and a coin called meymelkanam, which should
be of gold and worth at least one rupee. All these are provided by
the bridegroom. He next hands the tali to the bridegroom's sister,
who ties it. After this, all the enangans scatter rice and flowers
over the bride. In this caste, the claim of a man to the hand of his
paternal aunt's daughter is recognised in the ceremony called padikkal
tada (obstruction at the gate), which consists of a formal obstruction
offered by eleven neighbours to the bride's removal, when she is not
so related to her husband They are bought off by a fee of two fanams,
and a packet of betel leaf. The girl is then taken to the bridegroom's
house. If very young, she is chaperoned by a female relative. On the
fourth day there is a feast at the bridegroom's house called nalam
kalyanam and this concludes the ceremonies. Marriage after puberty
is called Pudamari. The ceremonial is the same, but there is no
padikkal tada."
When an Izhava girl reaches puberty, the occasion is one for a four
days' religious ceremonial. On the first day, the Vatti priestess
anoints the girl with oil, and after a bath, dresses her in the cloth
supplied by the Mannatti (washerwoman). She is then laid on a broad
wooden plank, and is supposed not to go out until she bathes on the
fourth day. All the female relations of the family present her with
sweetmeats. On the seventh day, she is again taken to and from the
village tank (pond) with much éclat, and, on her return, she either
treads on cloths spread on the floor, or is carried by an elderly
woman. After this, she husks a quantity of paddy, and cooks the
rice obtained thence. If this ceremony takes place at the house of a
headman, the villagers present him with a vessel full of sugared rice.
A two days' ceremonial, called Pulikudi in north Travancore, and
Vayattu Pongala in the south, which corresponds to the Pumsavana of
Brahmans, is observed at the seventh month of pregnancy. On the first
day, at twilight in the evening, the pregnant woman, preceded by the
priestess, proceeds to the foot of a tamarind tree on the southern
side of the compound. Arriving there, she receives a thread seven
yards in length, to which a silver ring is attached at one end, and,
by means of circumambulation, entwines the tree with the thread. If
the thread is by chance or inadvertence broken during this process,
the popular belief is that either the mother or the child will die
soon. Next day, the thread is unwound from the tree, and a handful of
tamarind leaves is given to the woman by her husband. On re-entering
the house, tamarind juice is poured through the hands of the husband
into those of the wife, who drinks it. The priestess then pours
a quantity of oil on the navel of the woman from a betel leaf,
and, from the manner in which it flows down, it is believed that
she is able to determine the sex of the unborn child. The woman
has to lean against a cutting of an ambazham (Spondias mangifera)
tree while she is drinking the juice, and this cutting has to be
planted in some part of the compound. If it does not grow properly,
the adversity of the progeny is considered to be sealed. The husband
is given a ring and other presents on this occasion. Women bathe on
the third, fifth, and nineteenth day after delivery, and wear the
mattu or changed cloth of the Mannatti, in order to be freed from
pollution. The name-giving ceremony of the child takes place on
the twenty-eighth day. It is decorated with a pair of iron anklets,
and a ribbon passed through a few pieces of iron is tied round its
waist. It is then held standing on a vessel filled with rice, and,
its left ear being closed, a name is muttered by its guardian into the
right ear. The first feeding ceremony is observed in the sixth month,
when the iron ornaments are removed, and replaced by silver and gold
ones. The ear-boring ceremony takes place at an auspicious hour on
some day before the child attains its seventh year.
In former times, only the eldest male member of a family was cremated,
but no such restriction obtains at the present day. When a member
of the community dies, three handfuls of rice are placed in the
mouth of the corpse by the eldest heir after a bath, followed by
the sons, nephews, and grandsons of the deceased. Every relative
throws an unbleached cloth over the corpse, after which it is taken
to the burning-ground, where the pyre is lighted by the heir with
a consecrated torch handed to him by the priest. A wooden plank is
furnished by the carpenter, and an impression of the foot of the
deceased smeared with sandal paste is made on it. The name, and date
of the death of the deceased, are inscribed thereon, and it has to be
carefully preserved in the house of the heir. The record refreshes
his memory on occasions of sradh (memorial service), etc. When the
cremation is half completed, the contents of a tender cocoanut are
placed beside the head of the corpse as an offering, and prayers are
muttered. A pot full of water is then borne by the chief mourner on
his shoulder thrice round the corpse. As he does so, the priest pricks
the pot thrice with an iron instrument. Finally, the pot is broken
on the pyre, and the chief mourner returns home without turning back
and looking at the corpse. On the second day, an oblation of food
(pinda) is offered to the departed. The inmates of the house are fed
with conji (rice gruel) on this day by the relatives. The Sanchayana,
or collection of bones, takes place on the fifth day. Pollution lasts
for fifteen days in Central and North Travancore, but only for ten days
in the south. There are some rites, not observed necessarily by all
members of the caste, on the forty-first day, and at the end of the
first year. Persons who have died of contagious diseases, women who
die after conception or on delivery, and children under five years
of age, are buried. Pollution is observed only for nine days when
children die; and, in the case of men who die of contagious disease,
a special group of ceremonies is performed by the sorcerer. Those
who are under pollution, besides being forbidden to enter shrines
and other sanctuaries, may not read or write, or partake of liquor,
butter, milk, ghi, dhal, or jaggery.
J
Jada.--Jada or Jandra, meaning great men, has been recorded as a
synonym of Devanga and Kurni.
Jaggali.--The Jaggalis are defined, in the Manual of the Ganjam
district, as Uriya workers in leather in Ganjam. It is recorded,
in the Madras Census Report, 1901, that "the traditional occupation
of this caste was apparently leatherworking, but now it is engaged in
cultivation and miscellaneous labour. Its members speak both Oriya and
Telugu. They admit outcastes from other communities to their ranks on
payment of a small fee. Marriage is either infant or adult, and widows
and divorcées may remarry. Satanis are employed as priests. They eat
beef and pork, and drink alcohol. They bury their dead. In some places
they work as syces (grooms), and in others as firewood-sellers and
as labourers. Patro and Behara are their titles." It may, I think,
be accepted that the Jaggalis are Telugu Madigas, who have settled
in Ganjam, and learnt the Oriya language. It is suggested that the
name is derived from the Oriya jagiba, watching, as some are village
crop-watchers.
Jaikonda (lizard).--A sept of Domb.
Jain.--"Few," Mr. T. A. Gopinatha Rao writes, [197] "even among
educated persons, are aware of the existence of Jainas and Jaina
centres in Southern India. The Madras Presidency discloses vestiges
of Jaina dominion almost everywhere, and on many a roadside a stone
Tirthankara, standing or sitting cross-legged, is a common enough
sight. The present day interpretations of these images are the same all
over the Presidency. If the images are two, one represents a debtor
and the other a creditor, both having met on the road, and waiting
to get their accounts settled and cleared. If it is only one image,
it represents a debtor paying penalty for not having squared up his
accounts with his creditor."
It is recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1891, that "out of a
total of 25,716 Jains, as many as 22,273 have returned both caste and
sub-division as Jain. The remainder have returned 22 sub-divisions,
of which some, such as Digambara and Swetambara, are sectarian rather
than caste divisions, but others like Marvadi, Osval, Vellalan, etc.,
are distinct castes. And the returns also show that some Jains have
returned well-known castes as their main castes, for we have Jain
Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Gaudas, Vellalas, etc. The Jain Bants, however,
have all returned Jain as their main caste." At the Madras census,
1901, 27,431 Jains were returned. Though they are found in nearly
every district of the Madras Presidency, they occur in the largest
number in the following:--
South Canara 9,582
North Arcot 8,128
South Arcot 5,896
At the Mysore census, 1901, 13,578 Jains were returned. It is
recorded in the report that "the Digambaras and Swetambaras are the
two main divisions of the Jain faith. The root of the word Digambara
means space clad or sky clad, i.e., nude, while Swetambara means
clad in white. The Swetambaras are found more in Northern India,
and are represented but by a small number in Mysore. The Digambaras
are said to live absolutely separated from society, and from all
worldly ties. These are generally engaged in trade, selling mostly
brass and copper vessels, and are scattered all over the country,
the largest number of them being found in Shimoga, Mysore, and Hassan
districts. Sravana Belagola, in the Hassan district, is a chief seat
of the Jains of the province. Tirthankaras are the priests of the
Jain religion, and are also known as Pitambaras. The Jain Yatis or
clergy here belong to the Digambara sect, and cover themselves with
a yellow robe, and hence the name Pithambara." The Dasa Banajigas of
Mysore style themselves Jaina Kshatriya Ramanujas.
In connection with the terms Digambara and Swetambara, it is noted
by Bühler [198] that "Digambara, that is those whose robe is the
atmosphere, owe their name to the circumstance that they regard
absolute nudity as the indispensable sign of holiness, though the
advance of civilization has compelled them to depart from the practice
of their theory. The Swetambara, that is they who are clothed in
white, do not claim this doctrine, but hold it as possible that the
holy ones who clothe themselves may also attain the highest goal. They
allow, however, that the founder of the Jaina religion and his first
disciples disdained to wear clothes."
The most important Jain settlement in Southern India at the present day
is at Sravana Belagola in Mysore, where the Jains are employed in the
manufacture of metal vessels for domestic use. The town is situated at
the base of two hills, on the summit of one of which, the Indra Betta,
is the colossal statue of Gomatesvara, Gummatta, or Gomata Raya, [199]
concerning which Mr. L. Rice writes as follows. [200] "The image is
nude, and stands erect, facing the north. The figure has no support
above the thighs. Up to that point it is represented as surrounded by
ant-hills, from which emerge serpents. A climbing plant twines itself
round both legs and both arms, terminating at the upper part of the arm
in a cluster of fruit or berries. The pedestal on which the feet stand
is carved to represent an open lotus. The hair is in spiral ringlets,
flat to the head, as usual in Jain images, and the lobe of the ears
lengthened down with a large rectangular hole. The extreme height
of the figure may be stated at 57 feet, though higher estimates have
been given--60 feet 3 inches by Sir Arthur Wellesley (afterwards Duke
of Wellington), and 70 feet 3 inches by Buchanan." Of this figure,
Fergusson writes [201] that nothing grander or more imposing exists
anywhere out of Egypt, and even there no known statue surpasses it
in height, though, it must be confessed, they do excel it in the
perfection of art they exhibit."
Other colossal statues of Gummata are situated on the summit
of hills outside the towns of Karkal and Venur or Yenur in South
Canara. Concerning the former, Dr. E. Hultzsch writes as follows. [202]
"It is a monolith consisting of the figure itself, of a slab against
which it leans, and which reaches up to the wrists, and of a round
pedestal which is sunk into a thousand-petalled lotus flower. The legs
and arms of the figure are entwined with vines (drâkshâ). On both sides
of the feet, a number of snakes are cut out of the slab against which
the image leans. Two inscriptions [203] on the sides of the same slab
state that this image of Bahubalin or Gummata Jinapati was set up by
a chief named Vîra-Pândya, the son of Bhairava, in A.D. 1431-32. An
inscription of the same chief is engraved on a graceful stone pillar
in front of the outer gateway. This pillar bears a seated figure of
Brahmadêva, a chief of Pattipombuchcha, the modern Humcha in Mysore,
who, like Vîra-Pândya, belonged to the family of Jinadatta, built
the Chaturmukha basti in A.D. 1586-87. As its name (chaturmukha, the
four-faced) implies, this temple has four doors, each of which opens
on three black stone figures of the three Tirthankaras Ari, Malli,
and Munisuvrata. Each of the figures has a golden aureole over the
head." According to a legend recorded by Mr. M. J. Walhouse, [204]
the Karkal statue, when finished, was raised on to a train of twenty
iron carts furnished with steel wheels, on each of which ten thousand
propitiatory cocoanuts were broken and covered with an infinity of
cotton. It was then drawn by legions of worshippers up an inclined
plane to the platform on the hill-top where it now stands.
The legend of Kalkuda, who is said to have made the colossal statue
at "Belgula," is narrated at length by Mr. A. C. Burnell. [205]
Told briefly, the story is as follows. Kalkuda made a Gummata two
cubits higher than at Belur. Bairanasuda, King of Karkal, sent for
him to work in his kingdom. He made the Gummatasami. Although five
thousand people were collected together, they were not able to raise
the statue. Kalkuda put his left hand under it, and raised it, and set
it upright on a base. He then said to the king "Give me my pay, and the
present that you have to give to me. It is twelve years since I left
my house, and came here." But the king said "I will not let Kalkuda,
who has worked in my kingdom, work in another country," and cut off
his left hand and right leg. Kalkuda then went to Timmanajila, king
of Yenur, and made a Gummata two cubits higher than that at Karkal.
In connection with the figure at Sravana Belagola, Fergusson suggests
[206] that the hill had a mass or tor standing on its summit, which
the Jains fashioned into a statue.
The high priest of the Jain basti at Karkal in 1907 gave as his
name Lalitha Kirthi Bhattaraka Pattacharya Variya Jiyaswamigalu. His
full-dress consisted of a red and gold-embroidered Benares body-cloth,
red and gold turban, and, as a badge of office, a brush of peacock's
feathers mounted in a gold handle, carried in his hand. On ordinary
occasions, he carried a similar brush mounted in a silver handle. The
abhishekam ceremony is performed at Karkal at intervals of many
years. A scaffold is erected, and over the colossal statue are poured
water, milk, flowers, cocoanuts, sugar, jaggery, sugar-candy, gold
and silver flowers, fried rice, beans, gram, sandal paste, nine kinds
of precious stones, etc.
Concerning the statue at Yenur, Mr. Walhouse writes [207] that "it
is lower than the Kârkala statue (41-1/2 feet), apparently by three
or four feet. It resembles its brother colossi in all essential
particulars, but has the special peculiarity of the cheeks being
dimpled with a deep grave smile. The salient characteristics of all
these colossi are the broad square shoulders, and the thickness and
remarkable length of the arms, the tips of the fingers, like Rob
Roy's, nearly reaching the knees. [One of Sir Thomas Munro's good
qualities was that, like Rama, his arms reached to his knees or,
in other words, he possessed the quality of an Ajanubahu, which is
the heritage of kings, or those who have blue blood in them.] Like
the others, this statue has the lotus enwreathing the legs and arms,
or, as Dr. Burnell suggests, it may be jungle creepers, typical of
wrapt meditation. [There is a legend that Bahubalin was so absorbed
in meditation in a forest that climbing plants grew over him.] A
triple-headed cobra rises up under each hand, and there are others
lower down."
"The village of Mudabidure in the South Canara district," Dr. Hultzsch
writes, "is the seat of a Jaina high priest, who bears the title
Chârukirti-Panditâchârya-Svâmin. He resides in a matha, which is
known to contain a large library of Jaina manuscripts. There are
no less than sixteen Jaina temples (basti) at Mûdabidure. Several
of them are elaborate buildings with massive stone roofs, and are
surrounded by laterite enclosures. A special feature of this style
of architecture is a lofty monolithic column called mânastambha,
which is set up in front of seven of the bastis. In two of them
a flagstaff (dhvajastambha), which consists of wood covered with
copper, is placed between the mânastambha and the shrine. Six of
them are called Settarabasti, and accordingly must have been built
by Jaina merchants (Setti). The sixteen bastis are dedicated to the
following Tîrthankaras:--Chandranatha or Chandraprabha, Nêminâtha,
Pârsvanâtha, Âdinâtha, Mallinâtha, Padmaprabha, Anantanâtha,
Vardhamâna, and Sântinâtha. In two of these bastis are separate
shrines dedicated to all the Tîrthankaras, and in another basti the
shrines of two Yakshis. The largest and finest is the Hosabasti, i.e.,
the new temple, which is dedicated to Chandranâtha, and was built in
A.D. 1429-30. It possesses a double enclosure, a very high mânastambha,
and a sculptured gateway. The uppermost storey of the temple consists
of wood-work. The temple is composed of the shrine (garbagriha),
and three rooms in front of it, viz., the Tîrthakaramandapa, the
Gaddigemandapa, and the Chitramandapa. In front of the last-mentioned
mandapa is a separate building called Bhairâdêvimandapa, which was
built in A.D. 1451-52. Round its base runs a band of sculptures, among
which the figure of a giraffe deserves to be noted. The idol in the
dark innermost shrine is said to consist of five metals (pancha-lôha),
among which silver predominates. The basti next in importance is the
Gurugalabasti, where two ancient talipot (srîtâlam) copies of the
Jaina Siddhânta are preserved in a box with three locks, the keys
of which are in charge of three different persons. The minor bastis
contain three rooms, viz., the Garbhagriha, the Tîrthakaramandapa,
and the Namaskâramandapa. One of the sights of Mûdabidire is the ruined
palace of the Chautar, a local chief who follows the Jaina creed, and
is in receipt of a pension from the Government. The principal objects
of interest at the palace are a few nicely-carved wooden pillars. Two
of them bear representations of the pancha-nârîturaga, i.e., the
horse composed of five women, and the nava-nârî-kunjara, i.e., the
elephant composed of nine women. These are fantastic animals, which are
formed by the bodies of a number of shepherdesses for the amusement
of their Lord Krishna. The Jains are divided into two classes, viz.,
priests (indra) and laymen (srivaka). The former consider themselves as
Brâhmanas by caste. All the Jainas wear the sacred thread. The priests
dine with the laymen, but do not intermarry with them. The former
practice the makkalasantâna, i.e., the inheritance through sons, and
the latter aliya-santâna, i.e., the inheritance through nephews. The
Jainas are careful to avoid pollution from contact with outcastes,
who have to get out of their way in the road, as I noticed myself. A
Jaina marriage procession, which I saw passing, was accompanied by
Hindu dancing-girls. Near the western end of the street in which most
of the Jainas live, a curious spectacle presents itself. From a number
of high trees, thousands of flying foxes (fruit-bat, Pteropus medius)
are suspended. They have evidently selected the spot as a residence,
because they are aware that the Jainas, in pursuance of one of the
chief tenets of their religion, do not harm any animals. Following the
same street further west, the Jaina burial-ground is approached. It
contains a large ruined tank with laterite steps, and a number of
tombs of wealthy Jain merchants. These tombs are pyramidal structures
of several storeys, and are surmounted by a water-pot (kalasa) of
stone. Four of the tombs bear short epitaphs. The Jainas cremate
their dead, placing the corpse on a stone in order to avoid taking
the life of any stray insect during the process."
In their ceremonials, e.g., marriage rites, the Jains of South Canara
closely follow the Bants. They are worshippers of bhuthas (devils),
and, in some houses, a room called padoli is set apart, in which
the bhutha is kept. When they make vows, animals are not killed,
but they offer metal images of fowls, goats, or pigs.
Of the Jains of the North Arcot district, Mr. H. A. Stuart writes
[208] that "more than half of them are found in the Wandiwash taluk,
and the rest in Arcot and Polur. Their existence in this neighbourhood
is accounted for by the fact that a Jain dynasty reigned for many
years in Conjeeveram. They must at one time have been very numerous, as
their temples and sculptures are found in very many places, from which
they themselves have now disappeared. They have most of the Brahman
ceremonies, and wear the sacred thread, but look down upon Brahmans
as degenerate followers of an originally pure faith. For this reason
they object generally to accepting ghee (clarified butter) or jaggery
(crude sugar), etc., from any but those of their own caste. They are
defiled by entering a Pariah village, and have to purify themselves by
bathing and assuming a new thread. The usual caste affix is Nainar,
but a few, generally strangers from other districts, are called Rao,
Chetti, Das, or Mudaliyar.
At Pillapalaiyam, a suburb of Conjeeveram in the Chingleput district,
is a Jain temple of considerable artistic beauty. It is noted by Sir
M. E. Grant Duff [209] that this is "left unfinished, as it would seem,
by the original builders, and adapted later to the Shivite worship. Now
it is abandoned by all its worshippers, but on its front stands the
census number 9-A--emblematic of the new order of things."