6. Brass bead necklet with pendent brass ornament with legend "Best
superior umbrella made in Japan, made for Fazalbhoy Peeroo Mahomed,
Bombay."
A Cheruman, at Calicut, had his hair long and unkempt, as he played
the drum at the temple. Another had the hair arranged in four matted
plaits, for the cure of disease in performance of a vow. A man who
wore a copper cylinder on his loin string, containing a brass strip
with mantrams (consecrated formulæ) engraved on it, sold it to me
for a rupee with the assurance that it would protect me from devils.
Concerning the marriage ceremony of the Cherumans in Malabar,
Mr. Appadorai Iyer writes that "the bridegroom's sister is the
chief performer. It is she who pays the bride's price, and carries
her off. The consent of the parents is required, and is signified
by an interchange of visits between the parents of the bride and
bridegroom. During these visits, rice-water (conji) is sipped. Before
tasting the conji, they drop a fanam (local coin) into the vessel
containing it, as a token of assent to the marriage. When the
wedding party sets out, a large congregation of Cherumans follow,
and at intervals indulge in stick play, the women singing in chorus
to encourage them 'Let us see, let us see the stick play (vadi tallu),
Oh! Cheruman.' The men and women mingle indiscriminately in the dance
during the wedding ceremony. On the return to the bridegroom's hut,
the bride is expected to weep loudly, and deplore her fate. On entering
the bridegroom's hut, she must tread on a pestle placed across the
threshold." During the dance, the women have been described as letting
down their hair, and dancing with a tolerable amount of rhythmic
precision amid vigorous drumming and singing. According to another
account, the bridegroom receives from his brother-in-law a kerchief,
which the giver ties round his waist, and a bangle which is placed on
his arm. The bride receives a pewter vessel from her brother. Next
her cousin ties a kerchief round the groom's forehead, and sticks a
betel leaf in it. The bride is then handed over to the bridegroom.
Of the puberty and marriage ceremonies of the Pulayas of Cochin, the
following detailed account is given by Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer. "When
a Pulaya girl comes of age, she is located in a separate hut. Five
Vallons (headmen), and the castemen of the kara (settlement),
are invited to take part in the performance of the ceremony. A
song, called malapattu, is sung for an hour by a Parayan to the
accompaniment of drum and pipe. The Parayan gets a para of paddy,
and his assistants three annas each. As soon as this is over, seven
cocoanuts are broken, and the water thereof is poured over the head
of the girl, and the broken halves are distributed among the five
Vallons and seven girls who are also invited to be present. Some more
water is also poured on the girl's head at the time. She is lodged
in a temporary hut for seven days, during which food is served to
her at a distance. She is forbidden to go out and play with her
friends. On the morning of the seventh day, the Vallons of the kara
and the castemen are again invited. The latter bring with them some
rice, vegetables, and toddy, to defray the expenses of the feast. At
dawn, the mother of the girl gives oil to the seven Pulaya maidens,
and to her daughter for an oil-bath. They then go to a neighbouring
tank (pond) or stream to bathe, and return home. The girl is then
neatly dressed, and adorned in her best. Her face is painted yellow,
and marked with spots of various colours. She stands before a few
Parayas, who play on their flute and drum, to cast out the demons,
if any, from her body. The girl leaps with frantic movements, if she
is possessed by them. In that case, they transfer them to a tree close
by driving a nail into the trunk after due offerings. If she is not
possessed, she remains unmoved, and the Parayas bring the music to
a close. The girl is again bathed with her companions, who are all
treated to a dinner. The ceremony then comes to an end with a feast
to the castemen. The ceremony described is performed by the Valluva
Pulayas in the southern parts, near and around the suburbs of Cochin,
but is unknown among other sub-tribes elsewhere. The devil-driving by
the Parayas is not attended to. Nor is a temporary hut erected for the
girl to be lodged in. She is allowed to remain in a corner of the hut,
but is not permitted to touch others. She is bathed on the seventh day,
and the castemen, friends and relations, are invited to a feast.
"Marriage is prohibited among members of the same koottam (family
group). In the Chittur taluk, members of the same village do not
intermarry, for they believe that their ancestors may have been the
slaves of some local landlord, and, as such, the descendants of the
same parents. A young man may marry among the relations of his father,
but not among those of his mother. In the Palghat taluk, the Kanakka
Cherumas pride themselves on the fact that they avoid girls within
seven degrees of relationship. The marriage customs vary according
to the sub-division. In the southern parts of the State, Pulaya girls
are married before puberty, while in other places, among the Kanakka
Cherumas and other sub-tribes, they are married both before and after
puberty. In the former case, when a girl has not been married before
puberty, she is regarded as having become polluted, and stigmatised
as a woman whose age is known. Her parents and uncles lose all claim
upon her. They formally drive her out of the hut, and proceed to
purify it by sprinkling water mixed with cow-dung both inside and
outside, and also with sand. She is thus turned out of caste. She
was, in former times, handed over to the Vallon, who either married
her to his own son, or sold her to a slave master. If a girl is too
poor to be married before puberty, the castemen of the kara raise a
subscription, and marry her to one of themselves.
"When a young Pulayan wishes to marry, he applies to his master, who
is bound to defray the expenses. He gives seven fanams [36] to the
bride's master, one fanam worth of cloth to the bride-elect, and about
ten fanams for the marriage feast. In all, his expenses amount to ten
rupees. The ceremony consists in tying a ring attached to a thread
round the neck of the bride. This is provided by her parents. When
he becomes tired of his wife, he may dispose of her to any other
person who will pay the expenses incurred at the marriage. There are
even now places where husband and wife serve different masters, but
more frequently they serve the same master. The eldest male child
belongs to the master of the mother. The rest of the family remain
with the mother while young, but, being the property of the owner,
revert to him when of an age to be useful. She also follows them,
in the event of her becoming a widow. In some places, a man brings
a woman to his master, and says that he wishes to keep her as his
wife. She receives her allowance of rice, but may leave her husband
as she likes, and is not particular in changing one spouse for
another. In other places, the marriage ceremonies of the Era Cherumas
are more formal. The bridegroom's party goes to the bride's hut, and
presents rice and betel leaf to the head of the family, and asks for
the bride. Consent is indicated by the bride's brother placing some
rice and cloth before the assembly, and throwing rice on the headman
of the caste, who is present. On the appointed day, the bridegroom
goes to the hut with two companions, and presents the girl with cloth
and twelve fanams. From that day he is regarded as her husband, and
cohabitation begins at once. But the bride cannot accompany him until
the ceremony called mangalam is performed. The bridegroom's party goes
in procession to the bride's hut, where a feast awaits them. The man
gives sweetmeats to the girl's brother. The caste priest recites the
family history of the two persons, and the names of their masters and
deities. They are then seated before a lamp and a heap of rice in a
pandal (booth). One of the assembly gets up, and delivers a speech on
the duties of married life, touching on the evils of theft, cheating,
adultery, and so forth. Rice is thrown on the heads of the couple,
and the man prostrates himself at the feet of the elders. Next day,
rice is again thrown on their heads. Then the party assembled makes
presents to the pair, a part of which goes to the priest, and a part
to the master of the husband. Divorce is very easy, but the money
paid must be returned to the woman.
"In the Ooragam proverthy of the Trichur taluk, I find that the
marriage among the Pulayas of that locality and the neighbouring
villages is a rude form of sambandham (alliance), somewhat similar to
that which prevails among the Nayars, whose slaves a large majority of
them are. The husband, if he may be so called, goes to the woman's hut
with his wages, to stay therein with her for the night. They may serve
under different masters. A somewhat similar custom prevails among the
Pula Cherumas of the Trichur taluk. The connection is called Merungu
Kooduka, which means to tame, or to associate with.
"A young man, who wishes to marry, goes to the parents of the young
woman, and asks their consent to associate with their daughter. If they
approve, he goes to her at night as often as he likes. The woman seldom
comes to the husband's hut to stay with him, except with the permission
of the thamar (landlord) on auspicious occasions. They are at liberty
to separate at their will and pleasure, and the children born of the
union belong to the mother's landlord. Among the Kanakka Cherumas
in the northern parts of the State, the following marital relations
are in force. When a young man chooses a girl, the preliminary
arrangements are made in her hut, in the presence of her parents,
relations, and the castemen of the village. The auspicious day is
fixed, and a sum of five fanams is paid as the bride's price. The
members assembled are treated to a dinner. A similar entertainment
is held at the bridegroom's hut to the bride's parents, uncles, and
others who come to see the bridegroom. On the morning of the day fixed
for the wedding, the bridegroom and his party go to the bride's hut,
where they are welcomed, and seated on mats in a small pandal put up
in front of the hut. A muri (piece of cloth), and two small mundus
(cloths) are the marriage presents to the bride. A vessel full of
paddy (unhusked rice), a lighted lamp, and a cocoanut are placed in
a conspicuous place therein. The bride is taken to the booth, and
seated by the side of the bridegroom. Before she enters it, she goes
seven times round it, with seven virgins before her. With prayers to
their gods for blessings on the couple, the tali (marriage badge)
is tied round the bride's neck. The bridegroom's sister completes
the knot. By a strange custom, the bride's mother does not approach
the bridegroom, lest it should cause a ceremonial pollution. The
ceremony is brought to a close with a feast to those assembled. Toddy
is an indispensable item of the feast. During the night, they amuse
themselves by dancing a kind of wild dance, in which both men and women
joyfully take part. After this, the bridegroom goes along to his own
hut, along with his wife and his party, where also they indulge in a
feast. After a week, two persons from the bride's hut come to invite
the married couple. The bride and bridegroom stay at the bride's hut
for a few days, and cannot return to his hut unless an entertainment,
called Vathal Choru, is given him.
"The marriage customs of the Valluva Pulayas in the southern parts of
the State, especially in the Cochin and Kanayannur taluks, are more
formal. The average age of a young man for marriage is between fifteen
and twenty, while that of a girl is between ten and twelve. Before
a young Pulayan thinks of marriage, he has to contract a formal and
voluntary friendship with another young Pulayan of the same age and
locality. If he is not sociably inclined, his father selects one for
him from a Pulaya of the same or higher status, but not of the same
illam (family group). If the two parents agree among themselves,
they meet in the hut of either of them to solemnise it. They fix a
day for the ceremony, and invite their Vallon and the castemen of
the village. The guests are treated to a feast in the usual Pulaya
fashion. The chief guest and the host eat together from the same
dish. After the feast, the father of the boy, who has to obtain
a friend for his son, enquires of the Vallon and those assembled
whether he may be permitted to buy friendship by the payment of
money. They give their permission, and the boy's father gives the
money to the father of the selected friend. The two boys then clasp
hands, and they are never to quarrel. The new friend becomes from
that time a member of the boy's family. He comes in, and goes out
of their hut as he likes. There is no ceremony performed at it,
or anything done without consulting him. He is thus an inseparable
factor in all ceremonies, especially in marriages. I suspect that
the friend has some claims on a man's wife. The first observance in
marriage consists in seeing the girl. The bridegroom-elect, his friend,
father and maternal uncle, go to the bride's hut, to be satisfied with
the girl. If the wedding is not to take place at an early date, the
bridegroom's parents have to keep up the claim on the bride-elect by
sending presents to her guardians. The presents, which are generally
sweetmeats, are taken to her hut by the bridegroom and his friends,
who are well fed by the mother of the girl, and are given a few
necessaries when they take leave of her the next morning. The next
observance is the marriage negociation, which consists in giving
the bride's price, and choosing an auspicious day in consultation
with the local astrologer (Kaniyan). On the evening previous to the
wedding, the friends and relations of the bridegroom are treated to a
feast in his hut. Next day at dawn, the bridegroom and his friend,
purified by a bath, and neatly dressed in a white cloth with a
handkerchief tied over it, and with a knife stuck in their girdles,
go to the hut of the bride-elect accompanied by his party, and are
all well received, and seated on mats spread on the floor. Over a
mat specially made by the bride's mother are placed three measures of
rice, some particles of gold, a brass plate, and a plank with a white
and red cover on it. The bridegroom, after going seven times round
the pandal, stands on the plank, and the bride soon follows making
three rounds, when four women hold a cloth canopy over her head,
and seven virgins go in front of her. The bride then stands by the
side of the bridegroom, and they face each other. Her guardian puts
on the wedding necklace a gold bead on a string. Music is played, and
prayers are offered up to the sun to bless the necklace which is tied
round the neck of the girl. The bridegroom's friend, standing behind,
tightens the knot already made. The religious part of the ceremony
is now over, and the bridegroom and bride are taken inside the hut,
and food is served to them on the same leaf. Next the guests are
fed, and then they begin the poli or subscription. A piece of silk,
or any red cloth, is spread on the floor, or a brass plate is placed
before the husband. The guests assembled put in a few annas, and take
leave of the chief host as they depart. The bride is soon taken to
the bridegroom's hut, and her parents visit her the next day, and
get a consideration in return. On the fourth day, the bridegroom and
bride bathe and worship the local deity, and, on the seventh day,
they return to the bride's hut, where the tali (marriage badge)
is formally removed from the neck of the girl, who is bedecked with
brass beads round her neck, rings on her ears, and armlets. The next
morning, the mother-in-law presents her son-in-law and his friend
with a few necessaries of life, and sends them home with her daughter.
"During the seventh month of pregnancy, the ceremony of puli kuti, or
tamarind juice drinking, is performed as among other castes. This is
also an occasion for casting out devils, if any, from the body. The
pregnant woman is brought back to the hut of her own family. The
devil-driver erects a tent-like structure, and covers it with plantain
bark and leaves of the cocoanut palm. The flower of an areca palm
is fixed at the apex. A cocoanut palm flower is cut out and covered
with a piece of cloth, the cut portion being exposed. The woman is
seated in front of the tent-like structure with the flower, which
symbolises the yet unborn child in the womb, in her lap. The water
of a tender cocoanut in spoons made of the leaf of the jack tree
(Artocarpus integrifolia) is poured over the cut end by the Vallon,
guardian, and brothers and sisters present. The devil-driver then
breaks open the flower, and, by looking at the fruits, predicts the
sex of the child. If there are fruits at the end nearest the stem,
the child will live and, if the number of fruits is even, there will
be twins. There will be deaths if any fruit is not well formed. The
devil-driver repeats an incantation, whereby he invokes the aid
of Kali, who is believed to be present in the tent. He fans the
woman with the flower, and she throws rice and a flower on it. He
repeats another incantation, which is a prayer to Kali to cast out
the devil from her body. This magical ceremony is called Garbha Bali
(pregnancy offering). The structure, with the offering, is taken up,
and placed in a corner of the compound reserved for gods. The devotee
then goes through the remaining forms of the ceremony. She pours into
twenty-one leaf spoons placed in front of the tent a mixture of cow's
milk, water of the tender cocoanut, flower, and turmeric powder. Then
she walks round the tent seven times, and sprinkles the mixture on
it with a palm flower. Next she throws a handful of rice and paddy,
after revolving each handful round her head, and then covers the
offering with a piece of cloth. She now returns, and her husband puts
into her mouth seven globules of prepared tamarind. The devil-driver
rubs her body with Phlomis (?) petals and paddy, and thereby finds
out whether she is possessed or not. If she is, the devil is driven
out with the usual offerings. The devil-driver gets for his services
twelve measures and a half of paddy, and two pieces of cloth. The
husband should not, during this period, get shaved.
"When a young woman is about to give birth to a child, she is lodged
in a small hut near her dwelling, and is attended by her mother
and a few elderly women of the family. After the child is born, the
mother and the baby are bathed. The woman is purified by a bath on the
seventh day. The woman who has acted as midwife draws seven lines on
the ground at intervals of two feet from one another, and spreads over
them aloe leaves torn to shreds. Then, with burning sticks in the hand,
the mother with the baby goes seven times over the leaves backwards
and forwards, and is purified. For these seven days, the father should
not eat anything made of rice. He lives on toddy, fruits, and other
things. The mother remains with her baby in the hut for sixteen days,
when she is purified by a bath so as to be free from pollution, after
which she goes to the main hut. Her enangathi (relation by marriage)
sweeps the hut and compound, and sprinkles water mixed with cow-dung
on her body as she returns after the bath. In some places, the bark
of athi (Ficus glomerata) and ithi (Ficus Tsiela?) is well beaten and
bruised, and mixed with water. Some milk is added to this mixture,
which is sprinkled both inside and outside the hut. Only after this do
they think that the hut and compound are purified. Among the Cherumas
of Palghat, the pollution lasts for ten days.
"The ear-boring ceremony is performed during the sixth or seventh
year. The Vallon, who is invited, bores the ears with a sharp
needle. The wound is healed by applying cocoanut oil, and the hole
is gradually widened by inserting cork, a wooden plug, or a roll of
palm leaves. The castemen of the village are invited, and fed. The
landlord gives the parents of the girl three paras of paddy, and this,
together with what the guests bring, goes to defray the expenses
of the ceremony. After the meal they go, with drum-beating, to the
house of the landlord, and present him with a para of beaten rice,
which is distributed among his servants. The ear-borer receives eight
edangazhis of paddy, a cocoanut, a vessel of rice, and four annas.
"A woman found to be having intercourse with a Paraya is outcasted. She
becomes a convert to Christianity or Mahomedanism. If the irregularity
takes place within the caste, she is well thrashed, and prevented from
resorting to the bad practice. In certain cases, when the illicit
connection becomes public, the castemen meet with their Vallon, and
conduct a regular enquiry into the matter, and pronounce a verdict
upon the evidence. If a young woman becomes pregnant before marriage,
her lover, should he be a Pulaya, is compelled to marry her, as
otherwise she would be placed under a ban. If both are married, the
lover is well thrashed, and fined. The woman is taken before a Thandan
(Izhuva headman), who, after enquiry, gives her the water of a tender
cocoanut, which she is asked to drink, when she is believed to be
freed from the sin. Her husband may take her back again as his wife,
or she is at liberty to marry another. The Thandan gets a few annas,
betel leaves and areca nuts, and tobacco. Both the woman's father and
the lover are fined, and the fine is spent in the purchase of toddy,
which is indulged in by those present at the time. In the northern
parts of the State, there is a custom that a young woman before
marriage mates with one or two paramours with the connivance of her
parents. Eventually one of them marries her, but this illicit union
ceases at once on marriage."
Of the death ceremonies among the Cherumas of South Malabar, I gather
that "as soon as a Cheruman dies, his jenmi or landlord is apprised
of the fact, and is by ancient custom expected to send a field spade,
a white cloth, and some oil. The drummers of the community are summoned
to beat their drums in announcement of the sad event. This drumming is
known as parayadikka. The body is bathed in oil, and the near relatives
cover it over with white and red cloths, and take it to the front
yard. Then the relatives have a bath, after which the corpse is removed
to the burying ground, where a grave is dug. All those who have come
to the interment touch the body, which is lowered into the grave after
some of the red cloths have been removed. A mound is raised over the
grave, a stone placed at the head, another at the feet, and a third in
the centre. The funeral cortège, composed only of males, then returns
to the house, and each member takes a purificatory bath. The red cloths
are torn into narrow strips, and a strip handed over as a sacred object
to a relative of the deceased. Meanwhile, each relative having on
arrival paid a little money to the house people, toddy is purchased,
and served to the assembly. The mourners in the house have to fast on
the day of the death. Next morning they have a bath, paddy is pounded,
and gruel prepared for the abstainers. An elder of the community, the
Avakasi, prepares a little basket of green palm leaves. He takes this
basket, and hangs it on a tree in the southern part of the compound
(grounds). The gruel is brought out, and placed on a mortar in the
same part of the compound. Spoons are made out of jack (Artocarpus
integrifolia) leaves, and the elder serves out the gruel. Then the
relatives, who have gathered again, make little gifts of money and
rice to the house people. Vegetable curry and rice are prepared,
and served to the visitors. A quaint ceremony called ooroonulka is
next gone through. A measure of rice and a measure of paddy in husk
are mixed, and divided into two shares. Four quarter-anna pieces are
placed on one heap, and eight on the other. The former share is made
over to the house people, and from the latter the Avakasi removes
four of the coins, and presents one to each of the four leading men
present. These four men must belong to the four several points of the
compass. The remaining copper is taken by the elder. From his share
of rice and paddy he gives a little to be parched and pounded. This
is given afterwards to the inmates. The visitors partake of betel and
disperse, being informed that the Polla or post-obituary ceremony
will come off on the thirteenth day. On the forenoon of this day,
the relatives again gather at the mourning place. The inmates of the
house bathe, and fish and rice are brought for a meal. A little of
the fish is roasted over a fire, and each one present just nibbles at
it. This is done to end pollution. After this the fish may be freely
eaten. Half a seer or a measure of rice is boiled, reduced to a pulpy
mass, and mixed with turmeric powder. Parched rice and the powder
that remains after the rice has been pounded, a cocoanut and tender
cocoanut, some turmeric powder, plantain leaves, and the rice that
was boiled and coloured with turmeric, are then taken to the burial
ground by the Avakasi, a singer known as a Kalladi or Moonpatkaren,
and one or two close relatives of the departed. With the pulped rice
the elder moulds the form of a human being. At the head of the grave
a little mound is raised, cabalistic lines are drawn across it with
turmeric, and boiled rice powder and a plantain leaf placed over
the lines. The cocoanut is broken, and its kernel cut out in rings,
each of which is put over the effigy, which is then placed recumbent
on the plantain leaf. Round the mound, strings of jungle leaves are
placed. Next the elder drives a pole into the spot where the chest of
the dead person would be, and it is said that the pole must touch the
chest. On one side of the pole the tender cocoanut is cut and placed,
and on the other a shell containing some toddy. Then a little copper
ring is tied on to the top of the pole, oil from a shell is poured over
the ring, and the water from the tender cocoanut and toddy are in turn
similarly poured. After this mystic rite, the Kalladi starts a mournful
dirge in monotone, and the other actors in the solemn ceremony join
in the chorus. The chant tells of the darkness and the nothingness
that were before the creation of the world, and unfolds a fanciful
tale of how the world came to be created. The chant has the weird
refrain Oh! ho! Oh! ho. On its conclusion, the effigy is left at the
head of the grave, but the Kalladi takes away the pole with him. The
performers bathe and return to the house of mourning, where the Kalladi
gets into a state of afflation. The spirit of the departed enters into
him, and speaks through him, telling the mourners that he is happy,
and does not want them to grieve over much for him. The Kalladi then
enters the house, and, putting a heap of earth in the corner of the
centre room, digs the pole into it. A light is brought and placed
there, as also some toddy, a tender cocoanut, and parched rice. The
spirit of the deceased, speaking again through the Kalladi, thanks
his people for their gifts, and beseeches them to think occasionally
of him, and make him periodical offerings. The assembly then indulge
in a feed. Rice and paddy are mixed together and divided into two
portions, to one of which eight quarter-annas, and to the other twelve
quarter-annas are added. The latter share falls to the Avakasi, while
from the former the mixture and one quarter-anna go to the Kalladi,
and a quarter-anna to each of the nearest relatives. The basket which
had been hung up earlier in the day is taken down and thrown away,
and the jenmi's spade is returned to him." [37]
It is noted by Mr. Logan that "the Cherumans, like other classes,
observe death pollution. But, as they cannot at certain seasons afford
to be idle for fourteen days consecutively, they resort to an artifice
to obtain this end. They mix cow-dung and paddy, and make it into a
ball, and place the ball in an earthen pot, the mouth of which they
carefully close with clay. The pot is laid in a corner of the hut, and,
as long as it remains unopened, they remain free from pollution, and
can mix among their fellows. On a convenient day they open the pot,
and are instantly seized with pollution, which continues for forty
days. Otherwise fourteen days consecutive pollution is all that is
required. On the forty-first or fifteenth day, as the case may be,
rice is thrown to the ancestors, and a feast follows."
The following account of the death ceremonies is given by
Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer. "When a Pulayan is dead, the castemen in
the neighbourhood are informed. An offering is made to the Kodungallur
Bhagavati, who is believed by the Pulayas to watch over their welfare,
and is regarded as their ancestral deity. Dead bodies are generally
buried. The relatives, one by one, bring a new piece of cloth,
with rice and paddy tied at its four corners, for throwing over the
corpse. The cloth is placed thereon, and they cry aloud three times,
beating their breasts, after which they retire. A few Parayas are
invited to beat drums, and play on their musical instruments--a
performance which is continued for an hour or two. After this, a few
bits of plantain leaves, with rice flour and paddy, are placed near
the corpse, to serve as food for the spirit of the dead. The bier is
carried to the graveyard by six bearers, three on each side. The pit
is dug, and the body covered with a piece of cloth. After it has been
lowered into it, the pit is filled in with earth. Twenty-one small
bits of leaves are placed over the grave, above the spot where the
mouth of the dead man is, with a double-branched twig fixed to the
centre, a cocoanut is cut open, and its water is allowed to flow in
the direction of the twig which represents the dead man's mouth. Such
of the members of the family as could not give him kanji (rice gruel)
or boiled rice before death, now give it to him. The six coffin-bearers
prostrate themselves before the corpse, three on each side of the
grave. The priest then puts on it a ripe and tender cocoanut for the
spirit of the dead man to eat and drink. Then all go home, and indulge
in toddy and aval (beaten rice). The priest gets twelve measures of
rice, the grave-diggers twelve annas, the Vallon two annas, and the
coffin-bearers each an anna. The son or nephew is the chief mourner,
who erects a mound of earth on the south side of the hut, and uses
it as a place of worship. For seven days, both morning and evening,
he prostrates himself before it, and sprinkles the water of a tender
cocoanut on it. On the eighth day, his relatives, friends, the Vallon,
and the devil-driver assemble together. The devil-driver turns round
and blows his conch, and finds out the position of the ghost, whether
it has taken up its abode in the mound, or is kept under restraint by
some deity. Should the latter be the case, the ceremony of deliverance
has to be performed, after which the spirit is set up as a household
deity. The chief mourner bathes early in the morning, and offers
a rice-ball (pinda bali) to the departed spirit. This he continues
for fifteen days. On the morning of the sixteenth day, the members of
the family bathe to free themselves from pollution, and their enangan
cleans the hut and the compound by sweeping and sprinkling water mixed
with cow-dung. He also sprinkles the members of the family, as they
return after the bath. The chief mourner gets shaved, bathes, and
returns to the hut. Some boiled rice, paddy, and pieces of cocoanut,
are placed on a plantain leaf, and the chief mourner, with the members
of his family, calls on the spirit of the dead to take them. Then
they all bathe, and return home. The castemen, who have assembled
there by invitation, are sumptuously fed. The chief mourner allows
his hair to grow as a sign of mourning (diksha), and, after the expiry
of the year, a similar feast is given to the castemen."
The Cherumans are said by Mr. Gopal Panikkar to "worship certain
gods, who are represented by rude stone images. What few ceremonies
are in force amongst them are performed by priests selected from
their own ranks, and these priests are held in great veneration
by them. They kill cocks as offerings to these deities, who are
propitiated by the pouring on some stones placed near them of the
fresh blood that gushes from the necks of the birds." The Cherumans
are further said to worship particular sylvan gods, garden deities,
and field goddesses. In a note on cannibalism, [38] the writer states
that "some sixteen years ago a Nair was murdered in Malabar by some
Cherumans. The body was mutilated, and, on my asking the accused (who
freely confessed their crime) why had this been done? they answered
'Tinnal papam tirum, i.e., if one eats, the sin will cease'." It is
a common belief among various castes of Hindus that one may kill,
provided it is done for food, and this is expressed in the proverb
Konnapavam thinnal thirum, or the sin of killing is wiped away by
eating. The Cheruman reply probably referred only to the wreaking of
vengeance, and consequent satisfaction, which is often expressed by
the lower classes in the words pasi thirndadu, or hunger is satisfied.
Concerning the religion of the Pulayas, Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer writes
as follows. "The Pulayas are animists, but are slowly coming on to
the higher forms of worship. Their gods are Parakutty, Karinkutty,
Chathan, and the spirits of their ancestors. Offerings to these gods
are given on Karkadaka and Makara Sankrantis, Onam, Vishu, and other
auspicious days, when one of the Pulayas present turns Velichapad
(oracle), and speaks to the assembly as if by inspiration. They are
also devout worshippers of Kali or Bhagavati, whose aid is invoked
in all times of danger and illness. They take part in the village
festivals celebrated in honour of her. Kodungallur Bhagavati is their
guardian deity. The deity is represented by an image or stone on a
raised piece of ground in the open air. Their priest is one of their
own castemen, and, at the beginning of the new year, he offers to the
goddess fowls, fruits, and toddy. The Pulayas also believe that spirits
exercise an influence over the members of their families, and therefore
regular offerings are given to them every year on Sankranti days. The
chief festivals in which the Pulayas take part are the following:--
1. Pooram Vela.--This, which may be described as the Saturnalia
of Malabar, is an important festival held at the village Bhagavati
temple. It is a festival, in which the members of all castes below
Brahmans take part. It takes place either in Kumbham (February-March),
or Meenam (March-April). The Cherumas of the northern part, as well
as the Pulayas of the southern parts of the State, attend the festival
after a sumptuous meal and toddy drinking, and join the procession. Toy
horses are made, and attached to long bamboo poles, which are carried
to the neighbourhood of the temple. As they go, they leap and dance
to the accompaniment of pipe and drum. One among them who acts as a
Velichapad (devil-dancer) goes in front of them, and, after a good deal
of dancing and loud praying in honour of the deity, they return home.
2. Vittu Iduka.--This festival consists in putting seeds, or bringing
paddy seeds to the temple of the village Bhagavati. This also is
an important festival, which is celebrated on the day of Bharani,
the second lunar day in Kumbham. Standing at a distance assigned to
them by the village authorities, where they offer prayers to Kali,
they put the paddy grains, which they have brought, on a bamboo mat
spread in front of them, after which they return home. In the Chittur
taluk, there is a festival called Kathiru, celebrated in honour of
the village goddess in the month of Vrischikam (November-December),
when these people start from the farms of their masters, and go in
procession, accompanied with the music of pipe and drum. A special
feature of the Kathiru festival is the presence, at the temple of the
village goddess, of a large number of dome-like structures made of
bamboo and plantain stems, richly ornamented, and hung with flowers,
leaves, and ears of corn. These structures are called sarakootams, and
are fixed on a pair of parallel bamboo poles. These agrestic serfs bear
them in grand processions, starting from their respective farms, with
pipe and drum, shouting and dancing, and with fireworks. Small globular
packets of palmyra leaves, in which are packed handfuls of paddy rolled
up in straw, are also carried by them in huge bunches, along with the
sarakootams. These packets are called kathirkootoos (collection of
ears of corn), and are thrown among the crowd of spectators all along
the route of the procession, and also on arrival at the temple. The
spectators, young and old, scramble to obtain as many of the packets
as possible, and carry them home. They are then hung in front of the
houses, for it is believed that their presence will help in promoting
the prosperity of the family until the festival comes round again next
year. The greater the number of these trophies obtained for a family by
its members, the greater, it is believed, will be the prosperity of the
family. The festival is one of the very few occasions on which Pulayas
and other agrestic serfs, who are supposed to impart, so to speak,
a long distant atmospheric pollution, are freely allowed to enter
villages, and worship in the village temples, which generally occupy
central positions in the villages. Processions carrying sarakootams
and kathirkootoos start from the several farms surrounding the village
early enough to reach the temple about dusk in the evening, when the
scores of processions that have made their way to the temple merge
into one great concourse of people. The sarakootams are arranged in
beautiful rows in front of the village goddess. The Cherumas dance,
sing, and shout to their hearts content. Bengal lights are lighted,
and fireworks exhibited. Kathirkootoos are thrown by dozens and scores
from all sides of the temple. The crowd then disperses. All night,
the Pulayas and other serfs, who have accompanied the procession to
the temple, are, in the majority of cases, fed by their respective
masters at their houses, and then all go back to the farms.
3. Mandalam Vilakku.--This is a forty-one days' festival in Bhagavati
temples, extending from the first of Vrischikam (November-December)
to the tenth of Dhanu (December-January), during which temples are
brightly illuminated both inside and outside at night. There is much
music and drum-beating at night, and offerings of cooked peas or
Bengal gram, and cakes, are made to the goddess, after which they are
distributed among those present. The forty-first day, on which the
festival terminates, is one of great celebration, when all castemen
attend at the temple. The Cherumas, Malayars, and Eravallars attend
the festival in Chittur. They also attend the Konga Pata festival
there. In rural parts of the State, a kind of puppet show performance
(olapava koothu) is acted by Kusavans (potters) and Tamil Chettis,
in honour of the village deity, to which they contribute their share
of subscription. They also attend the cock festival of Cranganore,
and offer sacrifices of fowls."
For the following note on the religion of the Pulayas of Travancore,
I am indebted to Mr. N. Subramani Iyer. "The Pulayas worship
the spirits of deceased ancestors, known as Chavars. The Matan,
and the Anchu Tamprakkal, believed by the better informed section
of the caste to be the five Pandavas, are specially adored. The
Pulayas have no temples, but raise squares in the midst of groves,
where public worship is offered. Each Pulaya places three leaves
near each other, containing raw rice, beaten rice, and the puveri
(flowers) of the areca palm. He places a flower on each of these
leaves, and prays with joined hands. Chavars are the spirits of
infants, who are believed to haunt the earth, harassed by a number of
unsatisfied cravings. This species of supernatural being is held in
mingled respect and terror by Pulayas, and worshipped once a year with
diverse offerings. Another class of deities is called Tevaratumpuran,
meaning gods whom high caste Hindus are in the habit of worshipping
at Parassalay; the Pulayas are given certain special concessions on
festival days. Similar instances may be noted at Ochira, Kumaranallur,
and Nedumangad. At the last mentioned shrine, Mateer writes, [39]
'where two or three thousand people, mostly Sudras and Izhuvas, attend
for the annual festival in March, one-third of the whole are Parayas,
Kuravas, Vedars, Kanikkars, and Pulayas, who come from all parts
around. They bring with them wooden models of cows, neatly hung over,
and covered, in imitation of shaggy hair, with ears of rice. Many
of these images are brought, each in a separate procession from its
own place. The headmen are finely dressed with cloths stained purple
at the edge. The image is borne on a bamboo frame, accompanied by a
drum, and men and women in procession, the latter wearing quantities
of beads, such as several strings of red, then several of white,
or strings of beads, and then a row of brass ornaments like rupees,
and all uttering the Kurava cry. These images are carried round the
temple, and all amuse themselves for the day.' By far the most curious
of the religious festivals of the Pulayas is what is known as the Pula
Saturday in Makaram (January-February) at Sastamkotta in the Kunnattur
taluk. It is an old observance, and is most religiously gone through
by the Pulayas every year. The Valluvan, or caste priest, leads the
assembled group to the vicinity of the banyan tree in front of the
temple, and offerings of a diverse nature, such as paddy, roots,
plantain fruits, game, pulse, coins, and golden threads are most
devoutly made. Pulayas assemble for this ceremony from comparatively
distant places. A deity, who is believed to be the most important
object of worship among the Pulayas, is Utaya Tampuran, by which name
they designate the rising sun. Exorcism and spirit-dancing are deeply
believed in, and credited with great remedial virtues. The Kokkara,
or iron rattle, is an instrument that is freely used to drive out evil
spirits. The Valluvan who offers animal sacrifices becomes immediately
afterwards possessed, and any enquiries may be put to him without it
being at all difficult for him to furnish a ready answer. In North
Travancore, the Pulayas have certain consecrated buildings of their
own, such as Kamancheri, Omkara Bhagavathi, Yakshi Ampalam, Pey Koil,
and Valiyapattu Muttan, wherein the Valluvan performs the functions
of priesthood. The Pulayas believe in omens. To see another Pulaya,
to encounter a Native Christian, to see an Izhuva with a vessel in
the hand, a cow behind, a boat containing rice or paddy sacks, etc.,
are regarded as good omens. On the other hand, to be crossed by a cat,
to see a fight between animals, to be encountered by a person with a
bundle of clothes, to meet people carrying steel instruments, etc.,
are looked upon as very bad omens. The lizard is not believed to be
a prophet, as it is by members of the higher castes."
Concerning the caste government of the Pulayas of Travancore,
Mr. Subramania Iyer writes as follows. "The Ayikkara Yajamanan,
or Ayikkara Tamara (king) is the head of the Pulaya community. He
lives at Vayalar in the Shertalley taluk in North Travancore, and
takes natural pride in a lace cap, said to have been presented to one
of his ancestors by the great Cheraman Perumal. Even the Parayas of
North Travancore look upon him as their legitimate lord. Under the
Tamara are two nominal headmen, known as Tatteri Achchan and Mannat
Koil Vallon. It is the Ayikkara Tamara who appoints the Valluvans, or
local priests, for every kara, for which they are obliged to remunerate
him with a present of 336 chuckrams. The Pulayas still keep accounts in
the earliest Travancorean coins (chuckrams). The Valluvan always takes
care to obtain a written authority from the Tamara, before he begins
his functions. For every marriage, a sum of 49 chuckrams and four
mulikkas [40] have to be given to the Tamara, and eight chuckrams and
one mulikka to the Valluvan. The Valluvan receives the Tamara's dues,
and sends them to Vayalar once or twice a year. Beyond the power of
appointing Valluvans and other office-bearers, the authority of the
Tamara extends but little. The Valluvans appointed by him prefer to
call themselves Head Valluvans, as opposed to the dignitaries appointed
in ancient times by temple authorities and other Brahmans, and have a
general supervising power over the Pulayas of the territory that falls
under their jurisdiction. Every Valluvan possesses five privileges,
viz., (1) the long umbrella, or an umbrella with a long bamboo
handle; (2) the five-coloured umbrella; (3) the bracelet of honour;
(4) a long gold ear-ring; (5) a box for keeping betel leaves. They
are also permitted to sit on stools, to make use of carpets, and to
employ kettle-drums at marriage ceremonials. The staff of the Valluvan
consists of (1) the Kuruppan or accountant, who assists the Valluvan
in the discharge of his duties; (2) the Komarattan or exorciser; (3)
the Kaikkaran or village representative; (4) the Vatikkaran, constable
or sergeant. The Kuruppan has diverse functions to perform, such as
holding umbrellas, and cutting cocoanuts from trees, on ceremonial
occasions. The Vatikkaran is of special importance at the bath that
succeeds a Pulaya girl's first menses. Adultery is looked upon as the
most heinous of offences, and used to be met with condign punishment
in times of old. The woman was required to thrust her hand into a
vessel of boiling oil, and the man was compelled to pay a fine of
336 or 64 chuckrams, according as the woman with whom he connected
himself was married or not, and was cast out of society after a most
cruel rite called Ariyum Pirayum Tittukka, the precise nature of which
does not appear to be known. A married woman is tried by the Valluvan
and other officers, when she shows disobedience to her husband."
It is noted by Mr. Anantha Krishna Iyer, that, "in the Palghat
taluk of South Malabar, it is said that the Cherumas in former times
used to hold grand meetings for cases of theft, adultery, divorce,
etc., at Kannati Kutti Vattal. These assemblies consisted of the
members of their caste in localities between Valayar forests and
Karimpuzha (in Valluvanad taluk), and in those between the northern
and southern hills. It is also said that their deliberations used to
last for several days together. In the event of anybody committing a
crime, the punishment inflicted on him was a fine of a few rupees,
or sometimes a sound thrashing. To prove his innocence, a man had
to swear 'By Kannati Swarupam (assembly) I have not done it.' It was
held so sacred that no Cheruman who had committed a crime would swear
falsely by this assembly. As time went on, they found it difficult
to meet, and so left off assembling together."
In connection with the amusements of the Pulayas, Mr. Anantha Krishna
Iyer writes that "their games appear to be connected in some way with
their religious observances. Their favourite dance is the kole kali,
or club dance. A party of ten or twelve men, provided with sticks,
each a yard in length, stand in a circle, and move round, striking
at the sticks, keeping time with their feet, and singing at the same
time. The circle is alternately widened and narrowed. Vatta kali
is another wild dance. This also requires a party of ten or twelve
men, and sometimes young women join them. The party move in a circle,
clapping their hands while they sing a kind of rude song. In thattinmel
kali, four wooden poles are firmly stuck in the ground, two of which
are connected by two horizontal pieces of wood, over which planks are
arranged. A party of Pulayas dance on the top of this, to the music
of their pipe and drum. This is generally erected in front of the
Bhagavati temple, and the dancing takes place immediately after the
harvest. This is intended to propitiate the goddess. Women perform
a circular dance on the occasions of marriage celebrations."
The Cherumas and Pulayas are, like the Koragas of South Canara, short
of stature, and dark-skinned. The most important measurements of the
Cherumans whom I investigated at Calicut were as follows:--
========================================================
| Stature, cm. | Nasal index. |Cephalic index.
+--------------+---------------+---------------
| Average. | Average. | Average.
---------+--------------+---------------+---------------
Males | 157.5 | 78.1 | 73.9
Females | 147.8 | 77. | 74.8
========================================================
Cheruppu-katti (shoemaker).--Said to be a Malayalam synonym for Madiga.
Chetti.--It is noted in the Census Report, 1891, that "the name Chetti
is used both to denote a distinct caste, and also a title, and people
bearing this title describe themselves loosely as belonging to the
Chetti caste, in the same way as a Vellala will say that he is a
Mudali. This use of Chetti has caused some confusion in the returns,
for the sub-divisions show that many other castes have been included
as well as Chetti proper." Again, in the Census Report, 1901, it
is recorded that "Chetti means trader, and is one of those titular
or occupational terms, which are often loosely employed as caste
names. The weavers, oil pressers, and others use it as a title, and
many more tack it on to their names, to denote that trade is their
occupation. Strictly employed, it is nevertheless, the name of a
true caste." The Chettis are so numerous, and so widely distributed,
that their many sub-divisions differ very greatly in their ways. The
best known of them are the Beri Chettis, the Nagarattu Chettis, the
Kasukkar Chettis, and the Nattukottai Chettis. Of these, the Beri and
Nattukottai Chettis are dealt with in special articles. The following
divisions of Chettis, inhabiting the Madura district, are recorded
in my notes:--
(a) Men with head clean-shaved:--
Ilavagai or Karnakudi.
Sundaraththan.
Ariyur.
Malampatti.
Palayapattu.
Thedakottai.
Periyakottai-vellan.
Puliyangudi.
Vallam or Tiruvappur.
Kurungalur.
(b) Men with kudumi (hair knot):--
Puvaththukudi or Mannagudi.
Kiramangalam.
Vallanattu.
Marayakkara.
Pandukudi or Manjapaththu.
Of these, the Puvaththukudi Chettis, who receive their name from a
village in the Tanjore district, are mostly itinerant petty traders
and money-lenders, who travel about the country. They carry on their
shoulders a bag containing their personal effects, except when they
are cooking and sleeping. I am informed that the Puvaththukudi women
engage women, presumably with a flow of appropriate language ready
for the occasion, to abuse those with whom they have a quarrel. Among
the Puvaththukudi Chettis, marriages are, for reasons of economy,
only celebrated at intervals of many years. Concerning this custom,
a member of the community writes to me as follows. "In our village,
marriages are performed only once in ten or fifteen years. My own
marriage was celebrated in the year Nandana (1892-93). Then seventy
or eighty marriages took place. Since that time, marriages have only
taken place in the present year (1906). The god at Avadaiyar kovil
(temple) is our caste god. For marriages, we must receive from
that temple garlands, sandal, and palanquins. We pay to the temple
thirty-five rupees for every bridegroom through our Nagaraththar
(village headmen). The expenses incurred in connection with the
employment of washermen, barbers, nagasaram (musical instrument)
players, talayaris (watchmen), carpenters, potters, blacksmiths,
gurukkals (priests), and garland-makers, are borne collectively and
shared by the families in which marriages are to take place." Another
Chetti writes that this system of clubbing marriages together is
practised at the villages of Puvaththukudi and Mannagudi, and that
the marriages of all girls of about seven years of age and upwards are
celebrated. The marriages are performed in batches, and the marriage
season lasts over several months.
Palayasengadam in the Trichinopoly district is the head-quarters of a
section of the Chettis called the Pannirendam (twelfth) Chettis. "These
are supposed to be descended from eleven youths who escaped long
ago from Kaveripatnam, a ruined city in Tanjore. A Chola king, says
the legend, wanted to marry a Chetti; whereupon the caste set fire
to the town, and only these eleven boys escaped. They rested on the
Ratnagiri hill to divide their property; but however they arranged it,
it always divided itself into twelve shares instead of eleven. The
god of Ratnagiri then appeared, and asked them to give him one share
in exchange for a part of his car. They did so, and they now call
themselves the twelfth Chettis from the number of the shares, and at
their marriages they carry the bridegroom round in a car. They are
said to be common in Coimbatore district." [41]
At the census, 1871, some of the less fortunate traders returned
themselves as "bankrupt Chettis."
The following castes and tribes are recorded as having assumed the
title Chetti, or its equivalent Setti:--
Balija. Telugu trading caste.
Bant. Tulu cultivating caste.
Bilimagga, Devanga, Patnulkaran, Saliyan, Sedan, Seniyan. All
weaving classes.
Dhobi. Oriya washermen.
Ganiga. Oil pressers.
Gamalla. Telugu toddy-drawers.
Gauda. Canarese cultivators.
Gudigar. Canarese wood-carvers.
Jain.
Janappan. Said to have been originally a section of the Balijas,
and manufacturers of gunny-bags.
Kavarai. Tamil equivalent of Balija.
Komati. Telugu traders.
Koracha. A nomad tribe.
Kudumi. A Travancore caste, which does service in the houses of
Konkani Brahmans.
Mandadan Chetti.
Medara. Telugu cane splitters and mat makers.
Nayar. Occupational title of some Nayars of Malabar.
Pattanavan. Tamil fishermen.
Pattapu. Fishermen in the Telugu country.
Senaikkudaiyan. Tamil betel-vine growers and traders.
Shanan. The great toddy-drawing class of the Tamil country.
Sonar. Goldsmiths.
Toreya. Canarese fishermen.
Uppiliyan. Salt-workers. Some style themselves Karpura (camphor)
Chetti, because they used to manufacture camphor.
Vaniyan. Tamil oil-pressers.
Wynaadan Chetti.