Of proverbs relating to Chettis, [42] the following may be quoted:--_Castes and tribes of Southern India. Vol. 2 of 7

He who thinks before he acts is a Chetti, but he who acts without

thinking is a fool.

When the Chetti dies, his affairs will become public.

She keeps house like a merchant caste woman, i.e., economically.

Though ruined, a Chetti is a Chetti, and, though torn, silk is

still silk.

The Chetti reduced the amount of advance, and the weaver the

quantity of silk in the border of the cloth.

From his birth a Chetti is at enmity with agriculture.

In a note on secret trade languages Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao writes

as follows. [43] "The most interesting of these, perhaps, is that

spoken by petty shopkeepers and cloth merchants of Madras, who

are mostly Moodellys and Chettis by caste. Their business mostly

consists in ready-money transactions, and so we find that they have

a regular table of numerals. Numbers one to ten have been given

definite names, and they have been so long in use that most of them

do not understand the meaning of the terms they use. Thus madi (mind)

stands for one, mind being always represented in the Hindu shastras

as a single thing. Vene (act or deed) stands for two, for vene is

of two kinds only, nalvene and thivene or good and bad acts. Konam

(quality) stands for three, since three different sorts of qualities

are recognised in Hindu metaphysics. These are rajasam, thamasam,

and sathmikam. Shuruthi stands for four, for the Srutis or Vedas are

four in numbers. Sara (arrow) stands for five, after Panchasara, the

five-arrowed, a well-known name of Manmatha, the Indian Cupid. Matha

represents six, after the shan mathams or six systems of Hindu

philosophy. There stands for seven, after the seven oceans recognised

by the Sanskrit geographers. Giri (mountain) represents eight, since

it stands for ashtagiri or the eight mountains of the Hindus. Mani

stands for nine, after navamani, the nine different sorts of precious

stones recognised by the Hindus. Thisai represents ten, from the

ten points of the compass. The common name for rupee is velle or the

white thing. Thangam velle stands for half a rupee, pinji velle for

a quarter of a rupee, and pu velle for an eighth of a rupee. A fanam

(or 1-1/4 annas) is known as shulai. The principal objects with which

those who use this language have to deal with are padi or measure,

velle or rupee, and madi ana, one anna, so that madi padi means one

measure, madi velle one rupee, and madi ana one anna. Similarly with

the rest of the numerals. The merchants of Trichinopoly have nearly

the same table of numerals, but the names for the fractions of a rupee

vary considerably. Mundri ana is, with them, one anna; e ana is two

annas; pu ana is four annas; pani ana is eight annas and muna ana

is twelve annas. Among them also velle stands for a rupee. They have

besides another table of numerals in use, which is curious as being

formed by certain letters of the Tamil alphabet. Thus pina stands

for one, lana for two, laina for three, yana for four, lina for

five, mana for six, vana for seven, nana for eight, thina for nine,

and thuna for ten. These letters have been strung into the mnemonic

phrase Pillayalam Vanthathu, which literally means 'the children have

come'. This table is also used in connection with measures, rupees,

and annas. Dealers in coarse country-made cloths all over Madras

and the Chingleput district have a table of their own. It is a very

complete one from one pie to a thousand rupees. Occasionally Hindu

merchants are found using a secret language based on Hindustani. This

is the case in one part of Madras city. With them pav khane stands

for one anna, ada khane for two annas, pavak ruppe for one rupee,

and so on. Brokers have terms of their own. The Tamil phrase padiya

par, when used by them, means ask less or say less, according as

it is addressed to the purchaser or seller. Similarly, mudukka par

means ask a higher price. When a broker says Sivan thambram, it is to

be inferred that the price given out by the seller includes his own

brokerage. Telugu brokers have similar terms. Among them, the phrase

Malasu vakkadu and Nasi vakkadu denote respectively increase the rate,

and decrease the rate stated."

Chevvula (ears).--An exogamous sept of Boya and Golla.

Cheyyakkaran.--A Malayalam form of the Canarese Servegara.

Chikala (broom).--An exogamous sept of Tottiyan.

Chikka (small).--A sub-division of Kurni.

Chikkudu (Dolichos Lablab).--An exogamous sept of Muka Dora.

Chilakala (paroquet).--An exogamous sept of Boya, Kapu and Yanadi.

Chilla (Strychnos potatorum: clearing-nut tree).--An exogamous sept

of Kuruba, and sub-division of Tottiyan.

Chimala (ant).--An exogamous sept of Boya and Tsakala.

Chimpiga (tailor).--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as

a Lingayat sub-caste of Rangari. In the Mysore Census Report, 1901,

Darjis are classified as follows:--"(1) Darji, Chippiga, or Namdev;

(2) Rangare." The first three, known by the collective name of Darji,

are professional tailors, while the Rangares are also dyers and

calico printers.

Chimpiri (rags).--An exogamous sept of Boya.

Chinerigadu.--A class of mendicants connected with the Padma

Sales. (See Devanga.)

Chinda.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small

caste of Oriya cultivators in Ganjam and Vizagapatam.

Chinese-Tamil Cross.--Halting in the course of an anthropological

expedition on the western side of the Nilgiri plateau, I came across

a small settlement of Chinese, who have squatted for some time on

the slopes of the hills between Naduvatam and Gudalur and developed,

as the result of alliances with Tamil Pariah women, into a colony,

earning a modest livelihood by cultivating vegetables and coffee.

The original Chinese who arrived on the Nilgiris were convicts from the

Straits Settlement, where there was no sufficient prison accommodation,

who were confined in the Nilgiri jail. It is recorded [44] that, in

1868, twelve of the Chinamen "broke out during a very stormy night,

and parties of armed police were sent out to scour the hills for

them. They were at last arrested in Malabar a fortnight later. Some

police weapons were found in their possession, and one of the parties

of police had disappeared--an ominous circumstance. Search was made

all over the country for the party, and at length their four bodies

were found lying in the jungle at Walaghat, half way down the Sispara

ghat path, neatly laid out in a row with their severed heads carefully

placed on their shoulders."

The measurements of a single family are recorded in the following

table:--

========================================================================

---------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+-------

Tamil |Mother of | 18.1 | 13.9 | 76.8 | 4.7 | 3.7 | 78.7

---------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+-------

Chinese |Father of | 18.6 | 14.6 | 78.5 | 5.3 | 3.8 | 71.7

---------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+-------

Chinese- |Girl, | 17.6 | 14.1 | 80.1 | 4.7 | 3.2 | 68.1

---------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+-------

Chinese- |Boy, | 18.1 | 14.3 | 79 | 4.6 | 3.3 | 71.7

---------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+-------

Chinese- |Boy, | 17 | 14 | 82.4 | 4.4 | 3.3 | 72.7

---------+----------+--------+--------+--------+-------+--------+-------

Chinese- |Boy, | 17.1 | 13.7 | 80.1 | 4.1 | 2.8 | 68.3

=========+==========+========+========+========+=======+========+=======

The father was a typical Chinaman, whose only grievance was that,

in the process of conversion to Christianity, he had been obliged

to "cut him tail off." The mother was a typical dark-skinned Tamil

Paraiyan. The colour of the children was more closely allied to the

yellowish tint of the father than to that of the mother; and the

semi-Mongol parentage was betrayed in the slant eyes, flat nose and

(in one case) conspicuously prominent cheek-bones.

To have recorded the entire series of measurements of the children

would have been useless for the purpose of comparison with those of

the parents, and I selected from my repertoire the length and breadth

of the head and nose, which plainly indicate the paternal influence

on the external anatomy of the offspring. The figures given in the

table bring out very clearly the great breadth, as compared with

the length, of the heads of all the children, and the resultant high

cephalic index. In other words, in one case a mesaticephalic (79),

and, in the remaining three cases, a sub-brachycephalic head (80.1;

80.1; 82.4) has resulted from the union of a mesaticephalic Chinaman

(78.5) with a sub-dolichocephalic Tamil Paraiyan (76.8). How great is

the breadth of the head in the children may be emphasised by noting

that the average head-breadth of the adult Tamil Paraiyan man is only

13.7 cm., whereas that of the three boys, aged ten, nine, and five

only, was 14.3, 14, and 13.7 cm. respectively.

Quite as strongly marked is the effect of paternal influence on the

character of the nose; the nasal index, in the case of each child

(68.1; 71.772; 7; 68.3), bearing a much closer relation to that of

the long-nosed father (71.7) than to the typical Paraiyan nasal index

of the broad-nosed mother (78.7).

It will be interesting to note hereafter what is the future of the

younger members of this quaint little colony, and to observe the

physical characters, temperament, fecundity, and other points relating

to the cross breed resulting from the blend of Chinese and Tamil.

Chinna (little).--A sub-division of Boya, Kunnuvan, Konda Dora,

Pattanavan, and Pattapu, and an exogamous sept of Mala. Chinna,

chinnam, and chinnada, denoting gold, occur as exogamous septs of

Kuruba, Padma Sale, Toreya, and Vakkaliga.

Chintala (tamarind: Tamarindus Indica).--An exogamous sept of Ghasi,

Golla, Madiga, and Mala. Chintyakula, or tamarind sept, occurs among

the Komatis; chintaginjala (tamarind seeds) as an exogamous sept of

Padma Sales, and of Panta Reddis, who may not touch or use the seeds;

and Chintakai or Chintakayala (tamarind fruit) as an exogamous sept

of Boyas and Devangas.

Chirla (woman's cloth).--An exogamous sept of Kamma.

Chitikan.--A synonym of Maran, indicating one whose occupation relates

to the funeral pyre. A Chitikan, for example, performs the funeral

rites for the Mussads.

Chiti Karnam.--A name of the Oriya Karnam caste. A vulgar form of

Sresta Karnam (Sreshto Korono).

Chitra Ghasi.--The Chitra Ghasis, for the following note on whom I

am indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao, are a class of artisans, whose

name, meaning Ghasis who make artistic things, bears reference to

their occupation. They are employed in the manufacture of brass and

bell-metal jewelry, such as is largely worn by the tribes inhabiting

the Jeypore Agency tracts, and are generally found attached to Kond

and Savara villages. They are a polluting class, and their dwellings

are consequently situated at some distance from the huts of the

villagers. Their language is a corrupt form of Oriya.

Girls are usually married after puberty. A man can claim his paternal

aunt's daughter in marriage. When such a marriage is contemplated,

his parents take a little rice and a pot of liquor to the home of

the paternal aunt. If they are accepted, it is taken as a sign

that the match is agreed to, and the jholla tonka (bride-price)

of twelve rupees is paid. After some time has elapsed, the bride is

conducted to the home of her future husband, and the marriage is there

celebrated. A younger brother may marry the widow of an elder brother,

and, if such a woman contracts a marriage with some other man, her

second husband has to give a cow to the younger brother who has been

passed over. The dead are burnt, and death pollution is observed

for three days, during which the caste occupation is not carried

on. On the third day, the ashes are collected together, and a fowl

is killed. The ashes are then buried, or thrown into running water.

Chitrakara or Chitrakaro.--The Chitrakaros of Ganjam, who are a class

of Oriya painters (chitra, painting), are returned in the Census

Report, 1901, as a sub-caste of Muchi. In the Mysore Census Report,

1891, the Chitragaras are said to be "also called Bannagara of the

Rachevar (or Raju) caste. They are painters, decorators and gilders,

and make trunks, palanquins, 'lacquer' toys and wooden images for

temples, cars, etc." At Channapatna in Mysore, I interviewed a Telugu

Chitrakara, who was making toys out of the white wood of Wrightia

tinctoria. The wood was turned on a primitive lathe, consisting of

two steel spikes fixed into two logs of wood on the ground. Seated on

the floor in front of his lathe, the artisan chucked the wood between

the spikes, and rotated it by means of a bow held in the right hand,

whereof the string was passed round the wood. The chisel was held

between the sole of the right foot and palm of the left hand. Colours

and varnish were applied to the rotating toy with sticks of paint like

sealing-wax, and strips of palm leaf smeared with varnish. In addition

to the turned toys, models of fruits were made from mud and sawdust,

cane cradles made by Medaras were painted and idols manufactured

for the Holi festival at Bangalore, and the figure of Sidi Viranna

for the local pseudo-hook-swinging ceremony. The Chitrakaras, whom

I saw at Tumkur, had given up making toys, as it did not pay. They

manufacture big wooden idols (grama devata), e.g., Ellamma and

Mariamma, and vehicles for various deities in the shape of bulls,

snakes, peacocks, lions, tigers, and horses. They further make painted

figures of Lakshmi, and heads of Gauri, the wife of Siva, decorated

with gold-leaf jewels, which are worshipped by Brahmans, Vakkaligas,

Komatis, and others at the annual Gauri puja; and mandahasa (god

houses) with pillars carved with figures of Narasimha and conventional

designs. These mandahasas serve as a receptacle for the household gods

(salagrama stone, lingam, etc.), which are worshipped daily by Smarta

and Madhva Brahmans. These Chitrakaras claimed to be Suryavamsam,

or of the lunar race of Kshatriyas, and wear the sacred thread.

Chitravaliar.--A synonym of Alavan.

Chogan.--See Izhava.

Cholapuram or Sholavaram.--A sub-division of Chetti.

Choliya Pattar.--A name for Pattar Brahmans in Malabar.

Chondi.--See Sondi.

Choutagara.--A corrupt form of Chaptegara.

Chovatton.--Priests of Muttans and Tarakans.

Chuditiya.--See Kevuto.

Chunam (lime).--A sub-division of Toreyas, who are manufacturers of

lime. Chunam, made from calcined shells, limestone, etc., is largely

used for building purposes, and the chunam plaster of Madras has been

long celebrated for its marble-like polish. Chunam is also chewed

with betel.

Chuvano.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small

Oriya cultivating caste, supposed to be of Kshatriya parentage.

Daindla.--The name, denoting those who hid or ran away, of a

sub-division of Mala.

Daivampati.--Recorded in the Travancore Census Report, 1901, as a

caste included among Ambalavasis, and a sub-division of Nayar.

Dakkala.--Dakkala or Dakkali is the name of a class of mendicants who

beg from Madigas only. In the Kurnool district they are said to have

divided the district with the Mushtis, and not to beg except within

their own limits.

The following story is told as regards the origin of the Dakkalas. A

smith was asked to make a bottu (marriage badge) for Siva's wedding,

and for this purpose required bellows, fire-pot, hammer, etc. Jambuvadu

called his eldest son, and prepared the various implements from sundry

parts of the body, except the backbone. Being highly pleased at this,

the gods endowed the backbone with life, and the son went to his father

Jambuvadu, who failed to recognise him, and refused to admit him. He

was told that he must live as a beggar attached to the Madigas, and

was called Dakkala because he was brought to life from a vertebral

column (dakka).

The Dakkalas wander from place to place. They may not enter Madiga

houses, outside which meals are given to them by males only, as

females are not allowed to serve them. Madiga women may not tread on

the footsteps of the Dakkalas.

Dakku (fear).--An exogamous sept of Mala.

Dakni.--Dakni or Deccani is defined in the Madras Census Report,

1901, as "a territorial name meaning a Musalman of the Deccan;

also a name loosely applied to converts to Islam." In the Tanjore

district, Muhammadans who speak Hindustani, and claim pure Muhammadan

descent, are spoken of as Daknis or Dakanis. In other Tamil districts

they are called Patanigal, to distinguish them from Labbais and

Marakkayars. The Daknis follow the Muhammadan ritual except in

their marriages, which afford an example of a blend between Hindu and

Muhammadan ceremonials. Like Hindus, they erect, at times of marriage,

a milk-post of bamboo, to which are tied a two-anna piece, and a bit

of sugar-candy done up in a Turkey red cloth. The post is handed to

the headman, who decorates it with a garland of flowers and a roll of

betel, and places it in a hole made in the court-yard of the house,

wherein milk has been sprinkled. On the following day, two big pots

are placed near the milk-post, and filled with water by four married

couples. Around the pots, nine kinds of seed grains are sprinkled. On

the third day, the bridegroom's party proceeds to the house of the

bride with thirteen trays of betel, fruits, flowers, sandal paste,

and a paste made of turmeric and henna (Lawsonia alba) leaves. The

bride is decorated, and sits on a plank. Women smear the face and

hands of the bridal couple with the pastes, and one of them, or the

bridegroom's sister, ties a string of black beads round the bride's

neck. While this is being done, no one should sneeze. Wrist threads

(kankanam) are tied on the wrists of the bride and bridegroom. On

the fourth day, the nikka rite is celebrated, and the newly-married

couple sit together while the nalagu ceremony of smearing them with

sandal, and waving coloured water (arati), is performed. The two pots

containing water are kept for forty days, and then examined. If the

water remains sweet, and does not "teem with vermin," it is regarded as

a good omen. The seed grains, too, should by this time have developed

into healthy seedlings.

Dammula.--Recorded, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a small class

of Telugu beggars, and priests in the temples of village goddesses.

Dandasi.--The Dandasis are summed up in the Ganjam Manual as being

village watchmen, many of whom are great thieves. "It is curious,"

Mr. S. P. Rice writes, [45] "to find that the word Naiko [meaning

leader or chief], which is corrupted into the Telugu Naidu, is

the caste distinction of the lowest class, the village watcher

and professional thief. This man, for all that his cognomen is so

lofty, goes by the generic name of Dandasi. This word means worthy

of punishment, and assuredly no appellation ever fitted its owner

more completely than does this. He is the village policeman and the

village thief, a curious mixture of callings." According to other

versions, the name is derived from danda, a stick, and asi, sword,

from dandabadi, a stout bamboo stick, or from dandapasi, stick and

rope, in reference to the insignia of the Dandasi's office.

A large number of criminals, undergoing punishment in Ganjam for

robbery and thieving, are Dandasis. The members of the caste,

like the Tamil Kallans, believe that thieving is their traditional

occupation, and, as such, regard it as justifiable. There is a legend

that they adopted this occupation as their profession because their

ancestors assisted the Pandavas to escape from the lac fort which was

constructed by the Kurus with a view to killing them, by digging a

secret subterranean passage. According to another story, the Dandasis

are descended from the offspring of a clandestine amour of Krishna

with Dhuuthika, Radha's handmaid. The Dandasis perform an interesting

ceremony of initiation into the profession of thieving, when a child

is born. When it is three or five days old, the headman (Behara) is

invited to attend. A breach is made in the wall, or beneath the door

sill. Through this the infant is passed by the Behara three times, and

received by some members of the family. Each time the Behara repeats

the words "Enter, baby enter. May you excel your father!" The Dandasis,

when questioned concerning this custom, denied its existence, but some

admitted that it was carried out in former days. An old woman stated

that her grandchild was passed through a breach beneath the door,

but was not inclined to enter into details.

A number of exogamous septs occur among the Dandasis, of which the

following may be noted. Members of the Santarasi sept must avoid using

mats made of the sedge which goes by this name. Kilalendias avoid

touching the bamboo posts used by washermen to support the ropes on

which cloths are hung to dry. They sacrifice a pig and seven fowls to

their gods on the new-moon day, on which the head of a male child is

first shaved. Diyasis show special reverence for the sun, and cloths,

mokkutos (forehead chaplets), garlands, and other articles to be used

by the bride and bridegroom at a wedding, are placed outside the house,

so that they may be exposed to it. Members of the Ekopothiriya sept

are regarded as low in the social scale, and the following legend

is narrated to account for this. A Dandasi went, with his relations

and friends, to the house of a Dandasi of the Ekopothiriya sept,

to arrange a marriage. The guests were hospitably received, and the

prospective bride asked her father what kind of curry was going to

be served to them. He replied that barikolora (backyard Momordica)

[46] was to be cooked. This aroused the curiosity of some of the

guests, who went to the backyard, where, instead of Momordica, they

saw several blood-suckers (lizards) running about. They jumped to the

conclusion that these were what the host referred to as barikolora,

and all the guests took their departure. Ekopothiriyas will not

partake of food from the same plate as their grown-up children,

even if a married daughter comes on a visit to them.

The Dandasis worship various Takuranis (village deities), e.g.,

Sankaithuni, Kulladankuni, Kombesari and Kalimuki. The gods are

either represented temporarily by brass vessels, or permanently

by three masses of clay, into each of which a small bit of gold is

thrust. When Bassia (mahua) buds or mangoes are first eaten in their

season, a sacrifice is made, and a goat and fowl are killed before

the produce of the harvest is first partaken of.

The Dandasis have a headman, called Behara, who exercises authority

over several groups of villages, and each group is under a Nayako,

who is assisted by a Dondia. For every village there is a Bholloboya,

and, in some places, there is an officer, called Boda Mundi, appointed

by the Zamindar, to whom irregularities in the community have to be

reported. When a woman is delivered of a still-born child, the whole

family is under pollution for eleven days. The headman is then invited

to attend, and presents are given to him. He sprinkles water over

members of the family, and they are thereby freed from this pollution.

A certain portion of the property stolen by Dandasis is set apart for

the headman, and, like the Tamil Kallans and Maravans, they seem to

have a blackmailing system. If a Dandasi is engaged as a watchman,

property is safe, or, if stolen, is recovered and restored to its

owner.

Girls are married after puberty. A man may marry his maternal uncle's,

but not his paternal aunt's daughter. The marriage ceremonies

usually last three days, but are sometimes spread over seven days,

in imitation of the higher castes. On the day (gondo sono) before

the wedding day, seven new pots are brought from a potter's house,

and placed in a room. Seven women throw Zizyphus jujuba leaves over

them, and they are filled with water at a tank (pond). One of the pots

must be carried by the sister-in-law of the bridegroom. A brass vessel

is tied up, and worshipped. Towards evening, a fowl is sacrificed at

an 'ant' hill. The bridegroom is shaved on this day by his sister's

husband. Like other Oriya castes, the Dandasis collect water at seven

houses, but only from those of members of castes higher than their

own. The pot containing this water is hung up over the marriage dais

(bedi). On the wedding (bibha) day, the bridegroom sits on the dais,

with the bride, seated in her maternal uncle's lap or at his side, in

front of him. The headman, or some respected elder of the community,

places a betel nut cutter, on, or with some rice and betel nut between

the united hands of the contracting couple, and ties them together

with seven turns of a turmeric-dyed thread. He then announces that

... the granddaughter of ... and daughter of ... is united to ... the

grandson of ... and son of ... The parents of the bride and bridegroom

pour turmeric-water from a chank (Turbinella rapa) shell or leaf over

their united hands. The nut-cutter is removed by the bride's brother,

and, after striking the bridegroom, he goes away. The couple then play

with cowry (Cypræ arabica) shells, and, while they are so engaged,

the ends of their cloths are tied together, and the rice which is in

their hands is tied in a knot. When the play is finished, this knot

is untied, and the rice is measured in a small earthen pot, first on

behalf of the bride, and is pronounced to be all right. It is then

again measured, and said to have diminished in quantity. This gives

rise to jokes at the expense of the bridegroom, who is called a thief,

and other hard names. Those who imitate the ceremonial of the higher

castes make the bridegroom go away in feigned anger, after he has

broken the pot which is hanging over the dais. He is brought back by

his brother-in-law.

On the occasion of the first menstrual period, a girl is under

pollution for seven days. If she is engaged to be married, her future

father-in-law makes her a present of jewels and money on the seventh

day, and thereby confirms the marriage contract.

The dead are cremated. A widow accompanies the corpse of her husband

to the boundary of the village, carrying a ladle and pot, which she

throws down at the boundary, and returns home. On the day after the

funeral, the embers are extinguished, and an effigy of the deceased is

made on the spot where he was cremated, and food offered to it. Toddy

is distributed among those who have assembled at the house. On the

tenth day, food is offered on ten fragments of pots. On the eleventh

day, if the dead man was an important personage in the community, a

ceremony, corresponding to the jola jola handi of the higher castes,

is performed. A cloth is spread on the ground, on the spot where the

corpse was cremated, and the ground round it swept by women, whose

backs are turned towards the cloth, so that they cannot see it. Two

men, with swords or big knives, sit by the side of the cloth and

wait till an insect settles on the cloth. They then at once put the

swords or knives on the cloth, and, folding it up, place it on a new

winnowing-basket. It is taken home, placed on the floor, and connected

by means of a long thread with the household god (mass of clay or

vessel). It is then shaken near the god, so that the insect falls out.

Dandasi further occurs as a sub-division of the Kondras, the members

of which have taken to the profession of village watchmen.

Dandi (a staff).--A house name of Korava.

Dandu (army).--A sub-division of Idiga, and an exogamous sept of

Boya and Kapu. It has been suggested that the name is not Dandu but

Dande, meaning pole, in reference to the apparatus used by the Idigas

in climbing palm trees for the extraction of toddy. Dandu Agasa,

indicating army washerman, occurs as a name for some Maratha Dhobis in

Mysore, whose forefathers probably accompanied armies in times of war.

Dara (stream of water).--An exogamous sept of Mala.

Darabala.--Taken, in the Madras Census Report, 1901, as a sub-caste

of Mala. It is a common house-name among many Telugu castes.

Darala (thread).--An exogamous sept of Madiga.

Darzi.--Darzi or Darji is a Muhammadan occupational term, meaning

tailor. "The east," it has been said, [47] "now sews by machinery. The

name of Singer is known from the Mediterranean to the Pacific. In

every bazaar in India one may see men--they are always men, not

women--in turban or Mussalman cap, crouching over the needle-plate,

and working the pedals." The value of the imports of sewing-machines

rose, in British India, from Rs. 5,91,046 in 1901-02 to Rs. 10,06,625

in 1904-05.

Das.--The title of Jain immigrants from Northern India, most of whom

are established as merchants, and also of the Mahants of the Tirumala

(Tirupati) temple, e.g., Balaram Das, Bhagavan Das.

Dasari.--"Dasari or Tadan," Mr. H. A. Stuart writes, [48] "is a

mendicant caste of Vaishnavas, the reputed descendants of a wealthy

Sudra of one of the northern districts, who, being devoid of offspring,

vowed that, should he be blessed with children, he would devote one

to the service of his god. He subsequently had many sons, one of whom

he named Dasan (servant), and placed entirely at the service of the

deity. Dasan forfeited all claim to participate in his father's estate,

and his offspring are therefore all beggars.

"The caste, like that of the Satanis, is reinforced by idle members of

the lower Sudra classes, who, being branded by the gurus of Tirupati

and other shrines, become Dasaris thereby. They usually wander

about, singing hymns to a monotonous accompaniment upon a leather

instrument called tappai (tabret). Some Sudra castes engage them thus

to chant in front of the corpse at funerals, and many, accompanying

bands of pilgrims travelling to Tirupati, stimulate their religious

excitement by singing sacred songs. A few, called Yerudandis, (q.v.),

take possession of young bulls that have been devoted to a swami,

and teach them to perform tricks very cleverly. The bulls appear to

understand what is said to them, and go through various antics at

the word of command. Some Dasaris exhibit what is called the Panda

Servai performance, which consists in affecting to be possessed by

the spirit of the deity, and beating themselves all over the body

with a flaming torch, after covering it probably with some protecting

substance. In such modes do they wander about and receive alms, each

wearing as a distinction a garland of beads made of tulasi (Ocimum

sanctum) wood. Every Dasari is a Tengalai. They have six sub-divisions,

called Balija, Janappa, Palli, Valluva, Gangeddula, and Golla Dasaris,

which neither eat together nor intermarry. As these are the names of

existing and distinct castes, it is probable that the Dasaris were

formerly members of those classes, who, through their vagabond tastes,

have taken to a mendicant life. Beyond prohibiting widow remarriage,

they have no social restrictions."

Concerning the mendicants of Anantapur, Mr. W. Francis writes [49] that

"the beggars who are most in evidence are the Dasaris. This community

is recruited from several castes, such as the Kapus, Balijas, Kurubas,

Boyas, and Malas, and members of it who belong to the last two of these

(which are low in the social scale) are not allowed to dine with the

others. All Dasaris are Vaishnavites, and admission to the community is

obtained by being branded by some Vaishnavite guru. Thenceforward the

novice becomes a Dasari, and lives by begging from door to door. The

profession is almost hereditary in some families. The five insignia of

a Dasari are the conch shell, which he blows to announce his arrival;

the gong which he strikes as he goes his rounds; the tall iron lamp

(with a cocoanut to hold the oil for replenishing it) which he keeps

lighted as he begs; the brass or copper vessel (sometimes with the

namam painted on it) suspended from his shoulder, in which he places

the alms received; and the small metal image of Hanuman, which he hangs

round his neck. Of these, the iron lamp is at once the most conspicuous

and the most indispensable. It is said to represent Venkatesa, and

it must be burning, as an unlighted lamp is inauspicious. Dasaris

also subsist by doing puja (worship) at ceremonial and festival

occasions for certain of the Hindu castes." In the Kurnool district,

when a girl is dedicated as a Basavi (dedicated prostitute), she

is not, as in some other parts of the country, married to an idol,

but tied by means of a garland of flowers to the tall standard lamp

(garudakambham) of a Dasari, and released by the man who is to receive

her first favours, or by her maternal uncle.

The Dasaris in Mysore are described in the Mysore Census Report, 1901,

as "mendicants belonging to different classes of Sudras. They become

Dasas or servants dedicated to the God at Tirupati by virtue of a

peculiar vow, made either by themselves or their relatives, at some

moment of anxiety or danger, and live by begging in His name. Dasaris

are always Vaishnavites, as the vows are taken only by those castes

which are worshippers of that deity. Dasaris are invited by Sudras

on ceremonial days, and feasted. Properly speaking, Dasari is not a

caste, but simply an occupational division. Among certain castes, the

custom of taking a vow to become a Dasari prevails. In fulfilment of

that vow the person becomes a Dasari, and his eldest son is bound to

follow suit, the others taking to other walks of life. The following

castes take the vow of becoming Dasari:--Telugu Banajiga, Holeya,

Tigala, and Vakkaliga. The duty of a Dasari requires that he should

daily bathe his head, and take care that, while eating with the

profane, their victuals do not get mixed with his. Every Saturday,

after bathing and praying for some hours, he must cook his own food in

a clean pot. They go about the streets singing some Hari Keerthanams,

with a gong and conch to relieve the dull monotony of their mumblings."

Concerning the synonym Tadan, this is stated [50] to be "a corruption

of the Sanskrit dasa which, with the Tamil termination an, stands for

dasan. The word is often used in this form, but often as Dasari. The

word is applied to Vaishnava mendicants. They go out every morning,

begging for alms of uncooked rice, and singing ballads or hymns. They

play on a small drum with their fingers, and often carry a conch shell,

which they blow. They are given to drinking." In the Nellore Manual,

the Dasrivandlu are summed up as being "mendicants and thieves in

the Telugu and Canarese countries. They usually practise what is

known as scissor-theft." The mendicant Dasaris, who are dealt with

in the present note, are stated by Mr. S. M. Natesa Sastri [51] to

be called Gudi Dasari, as the gudi or temple is their home and to

be a set of quiet, innocent and simple people, leading a most idle

and stupid life. "Quite opposed," he adds, "to the Gudi Dasaris in

every way are the Donga Dasaris or thieving Dasaris. They are the

most dreaded of the criminal classes in the Bellary district. These

Donga Dasaris are only Dasaris in name." (See Donga Dasari.)

Some Dasaris are servants under Vaishnava Brahmans, who act as gurus

to various castes. It is their duty to act as messengers to the guru,

and carry the news of his arrival to his disciples. At the time of

worship, and when the guru approaches a village, the Dasari has to

blow a long brass trumpet (tarai). As the Brahman may not approach

or touch his Paraiyan disciples, it is the Dasari who gives them

the holy water (thirtham). When a Paraiyan is to be branded, the

Brahman heats the instruments bearing the devices of the chank and

chakaram, and hands them to the Dasari, who performs the operation

of branding. For councils, settlement of marriage, and the decision

of other social matters, the Dasaris meet, at times of festivals,

at well-known places such as Tirutani, Tirupati or Tiruvallur.

At the annual festival at the temple at Karamadi in the Coimbatore

district, which is visited by very large numbers, belonging for

the most part to the lower orders, various vows are fulfilled. These

include the giving of kavalam to Dasaris. Kavalam consists of plantain

fruits cut up into small slices, and mixed with sugar, jaggery (crude

sugar), fried grain, or beaten rice. The Dasaris are attached to the

temple, and wear short drawers, with strings of small brass bells tied

to their wrists and ankles. They appear to be possessed, and move

wildly about to the beating of drums. As they go about, the devotee

puts some of the kavalam into their mouths. The Dasaris eat a little,

and spit out the remainder into the hands of the devotees, who eat

it. This is believed to cure all diseases, and to give children to

those who partake of it. In addition to kavalam, some put betel leaves

into the mouths of the Dasaris, who, after chewing them, spit them into

the mouths of the devotees. At night the Dasaris carry large torches

made of rags, on which the devotees pour ghi (clarified butter). Some

say that, many years ago, barren women used to take a vow to visit

the temple at the festival time, and, after offering kavalam, have

sexual intercourse with the Dasaris. The temple authorities, however,

profess ignorance of this practice.

When proceeding on a pilgrimage to the temple of Subramanya Swami at

Palni, some devotees pierce their cheeks with a long silver skewer,

which traverses the mouth cavity; pierce the tongue with a silver

arrow, which is protruded vertically through the protruded organ;

and place a silver shield (mouth-lock) in front of the mouth. Some

Dasaris have permanent holes in their cheeks, into which they insert

skewers when they go about the country in pursuit of their profession.

For the following note on Dasaris in the Vizagapatam district, I am

indebted to Mr. C. Hayavadana Rao. The caste is an endogamous unit,

the members calling themselves Sankhu (or conch-blowing) Dasaris,

and is divided into numerous exogamous septs. The menarikam custom,

according to which a man should marry his maternal uncle's daughter,

is followed. The remarriage of widows is permitted, but divorce is

forbidden. The dead are cremated, and the chinna (small) and pedda rozu

(big day) death ceremonies are observed. These Dasaris profess the

Tengalai form of Vaishnavism, and get themselves branded. The caste

is more secular, and less religious than in the southern districts. A

Dasari of the North Arcot or Anantapur type, with conch-shell, metal

gong, iron lamp, copper vessel, and metal image of Hanuman on his neck,

is scarcely met with. The Vizagapatam Dasaris are the most popular

among ballad-singers, and sing songs about heroes and heroines,

of which the following are the most appreciated:--

1. Bobbilipata, which describes the siege and conquest of Bobbili by

Bussy in 1757.

2. Ammi Nayudupata, which describes the tyrannical behaviour of

one Ammi Nayudu, a village headman in the Palkonda taluk, who was

eventually murdered, to the great relief of those subject to him,

by one of his dependents.

3. Lakshmammapata, which relates the life and death of Lakshmamma,

a Velama woman, who went against the menarikam custom of the caste,

and was put to death by her husband.

4. Yerakammaperantala-pata, which recounts the story of one Yerakamma,

who committed sati.

Yerakamma is the local goddess at Srungavarapukota in the Vizagapatam

district. The ballads sung about her say that she was the child of

Dasari parents, and that her birth was foretold by a Yerukala woman

(whence her name), who prophesied that she would have the gift of

second sight. She eventually married, and one day she begged her

husband not to go to his field, as she was sure he would be killed

by a tiger if he did. Her husband went notwithstanding, and was slain

as she had foreseen. She committed sati on the spot where her shrine

still stands, and at this there is a festival at Sivaratri.

As ballad-singers, two Dasaris generally travel about together,

begging from house to house, or at the weekly market, one singing,

while the other plays, and joins in the chorus.

The titles of these Dasaris are Anna and Ayya.

Dasari has been recorded as an exogamous sept of the Koravas, Malas,

and Yerukalas.

Dasi (servant).--The name for a non-Brahman female attendant upon a

Nambutiri Brahman woman, which should not, as sometimes happens, be

confused with Deva-dasi, (q.v.), which has quite another significance.

Dayare (Muhammadan).--The Dayare, Daira, or Mahadev Muhammadans

are found in the Bangalore and Mysore districts of the Mysore

province. Concerning them, we are informed in the Mysore Gazetteer that

"they differ from the general body of Muhammadans in a point of belief

concerning the advent of Imam Mahadi. The Dayares maintain that he

has visited this earth and departed, while the orthodox Muhammadans

believe the Prophet (Imam) has not yet appeared, and that his coming

will be a sign of the end of the world. The following account of the

origin of this body of dissenters has been related. A child was born

of the Sayad sect of Muhammadans at Guzrat about four hundred years

ago, who was named Sayad Ahmed, and afterwards became distinguished

by the title of Alam (superior to Maulvi) in consequence of his great

learning. Sayad Ahmed proclaimed himself the equal of Mahomet, and

superior to all other Paigambars or messengers of god. He succeeded

in obtaining some followers who believed in him, and repaired to

Jivanpur in the Nizam's territories, where he took the name of Imam

Mahadi. From thence he, with some disciples, proceeded to Mecca,

but did not visit Medina. After some time he returned to Hyderabad,

still retaining the name of Imam Mahadi. Such pretensions could not be

tolerated by the great mass of Muhammadans, and Sayad Ahmed, together

with his disciples, being worsted in a great religious controversy,

was driven out of Hyderabad, and came to Channapatna in the Bangalore

district, where they settled. The descendants of these settlers

believe that Sayad Ahmed was the Prophet Imam Mahadi predicted in

the Koran. They offer prayers in a masjid of their own, separate from

other Muhammadans, and do not intermarry with the rest. They are an

enterprising body, and carry on a brisk trade in silk with the western

coast." They are mostly domiciled at Channapatna, where a considerable

industry in the cocoons of the mulberry silk-moth is carried on.

When an adult Hindu joins the Dayares as a convert, an interesting

mock rite of circumcision is performed as a substitute for the real

operation. A strip of betel leaf is wrapped round the penis, so that

it projects beyond the glans, and is snipped instead of the prepuce.

Like other Muhammadan classes of Southern India, the Dayares are as

a whole dolichocephalic. But the frequent occurrence of individuals

with a high cephalic index would seem to point to their recruitment

from the mesaticephalic or brachycephalic Canarese classes.

=================+=============+============+=============

| | | Number of

| | Number | times

Class. | Locality. | examined. | cephalic

| | | index

| | | exceeded 80.

-----------------+-------------+------------+-------------

Mappilla | Malabar | 40 | 0

Saiyad | Madras | 40 | 2

Pathan | Do. | 40 | 2

Sheik | Do. | 40 | 2

Dayare | Mysore | 40 | 8

=================+=============+============+=============

Dayyalakulam (devil's family).--Recorded, at times of census, as a

sub-caste of Gollas, who are wrestlers and acrobats.

Dedingi.--Recorded as a sub-division of Poroja.

Dera.--Dera, Dendra, and Devara occur as synonyms of Devanga.

Desa.--A sub-division of Balija. Desadhipati, denoting ruler of

a country, is a name assumed by some Janappans, who say that they

are Balijas.

Desayi.--For the following account of the Desayi institution,

I am indebted to an excellent account thereof by Mr. S. M. Natesa

Sastri. [52] "The word Desayi means of the country. For almost every

taluk in the North Arcot district there is a headman, called the Desayi

Chetti, who may be said in a manner to correspond to a Justice of the

Peace. The headmen belong to the Kavarai or Balija caste, their family

name being Dhanapala--a common name among the Kavarais--which may be

interpreted as 'the protector of wealth.' The Dhanapala Desayi Chetti

holds sway over eighteen castes, Kavarai, Uppara, Lambadi, Jogi, Idiga,

Paraiyan, etc. All those that are called valangai, or right-hand caste,

fall within his jurisdiction. He has an establishment of two peons

(orderlies), who are castemen, and another menial, a sort of bugler,

who blows the horn whenever the Desayi Chetti goes on circuit. When

any deviation in the moral conduct of any man or woman occurs in a

village under the Desayi's jurisdiction, a report of it is at once

sent to the Desayi Chetti, through the Paraiya of the village, by

the Desayi's representative in that village. He has his local agent

in every village within his jurisdiction. On receipt of a report,

he starts on circuit to the village, with all the quaint-looking

paraphernalia attached to his office. He moves about from place to

place in his bullock coach, the inside of which is upholstered with

a soft cushion bed, with a profusion of pillows on all sides. The

Paraiya horn-blower runs in front of the carriage blowing the horn

(bhamka), which he carries suspended from his shoulder when it is

not in use. On the Desayi Chetti arriving at a village, the horn

is blown to announce his visit on professional matters. While he

camps at a village, people from the surrounding country within his

jurisdiction usually go to him with any representations they may

have to make to him as the head of their caste. The Desayi generally

encamps in a tope (grove) adjoining the village. At the sound of the

horn, the castemen on whose account the visit is made assemble at the

place of encampment, with the Desayi's local representative at their

head. The personal comforts of the Desayi are first attended to, and

he is liberally supplied with articles of food by the party on whose

account the visit has been undertaken. A large cup-shaped spoon is

the ensign of the Desayi. On the outer surface, all round its edge,

are carved in relief eighteen figures, each one being typical of

one of the castes of which the Desayi is the social head. Under each

figure is inscribed in Tamil the name of the caste which that figure

typifies. The figures are smeared with red powder and sandal, and

decorated with flowers. The menial, taking up the cup, rings the bell

attached to it, to summon the parties. As soon as the sound is heard,

the castemen amongst whom any offence has occurred assemble, each

house in the village being represented by a member, so as to make up a

panchayat (council). The Desayi's emblem is then placed in front of him

in the midst of the panchayat, and a regular enquiry held. Supposing

a person stands charged with adultery, the accused is brought before

the assembly, and the charge formally investigated with the advice of

the panchayat, the Desayi declares the accused guilty or not guilty,

as the case may be. In the event of a man being pronounced guilty,

the panchayat directs him to pay the aggrieved husband all the expenses

he had incurred in connection with his marriage. In addition to this,

a fine ranging from ten to twenty rupees is imposed on the offender by

the Desayi, and is collected at once. A small fraction of this fine,

never exceeding four annas, is paid to every representative who sits

in the panchayat, the balance going into the Desayi's pocket. If

the delinquent refuses to pay the fine, a council of the same men

is held, and he is excommunicated. The recalcitrant offender soon

realises the horrors of excommunication, and in a short time appears

before the Desayi, and falls prostrate at his feet, promising to

obey him. The Desayi then accompanies him to the village, calls the

panchayat again, and in their presence removes the interdict. On this

occasion, the excommunicated person has to pay double the amount of

the original fine. But disobedience is rare, as people are alive to

the serious consequences of excommunication. The Desayi maintains a

regular record of all his enquiries and judgments, and in the days

of the Nawabs these decisions were, it would appear, recognised by

the Courts of Justice. The same respect was, it is said, also shown

to the Desayi's decisions by the early courts of John Company. [53]

"Every house belonging to the eighteen castes sends to the village

representative of the Desayi, who is called Periyatanakaran, a

pagoda (Rs. 3-8) in cash, besides rice, dhal (Cajanus Indicus), and

other articles of food for every marriage that takes place, in the

village. The representative reserves for himself all the perishable

articles, sending only the cash to the Desayi. Thus, for every marriage

within his jurisdiction, the Desayi gets one pagoda. Of late, in the

case of those Desayis who have purchased their rights as such from

the old Desayis, instead of a pagoda, a fee of two annas and a half

is levied on each marriage. Every death which occurs in a village

is equally a source of income to the Desayi, who receives articles

of food, and four annas or more, according to the circumstances of

the parties in whose house the death has occurred. As in the case

of marriage, the local representative appropriates to himself the

articles of food, and transmits the money to the Desayi. The local

agent keeps a list of all domestic occurrences that take place in

the village, and this list is most carefully scrutinised and checked

by the Desayi during his tours, and any amount left unpaid is then

collected. Whenever a marriage takes place in his own house, all

the houses within his jurisdiction are bound to send him rice, dhal,

and other articles, and any money they can afford to pay. Sometimes

rich people send large sums to the Desayi, to enable him to purchase

the clothes, jewels, etc., required for the marriage. When a Desayi

finds his work too heavy for him to attend to single-handed, he sells a

portion of his jurisdiction for some hundreds or thousands of rupees,

according to its extent, to some relation. A regular sale deed is

executed and registered." (See also Samaya.)

Desikar.--A sub-division and title of Pandaram.

Desur.--The name of a sub-division of Kapu, which is either

territorial, or possibly derived from deha, body, and sura, valour.

Deva.--Deva or Devara, meaning God, has been recorded as a synonym of

Devanga and Ganiga or Gandla and a sept of Moger, and Deva Telikulakali

as a name for those who express and sell oils in the Vizagapatam

district. Devara occurs further as a title of the Jangams. At

the Madras Census, 1901, Devar was returned as the name of Telugu

merchants from Pondicherry trading in glassware. Devar is also the

title of Occhans, who are priests at temples of village deities. The

title of Maravans is Devan or Tevan. In South Canara, the Halepaiks

(toddy-drawers) are known as Devaru Makkalu (God's children), which,

it has been suggested, [54] is possibly a corruption of Tivaru or

Divaru Makkalu, meaning children of the islanders, in reference to

their supposed descent from early immigrants from the island of Ceylon.

Deva-dasi.--In old Hindu works, seven classes of Dasis are mentioned,

viz., (1) Datta, or one who gives herself as a gift to a temple; (2)

Vikrita, or one who sells herself for the same purpose; (3) Bhritya,

or one who offers herself as a temple servant for the prosperity of

her family; (4) Bhakta, or one who joins a temple out of devotion;

(5) Hrita, or one who is enticed away, and presented to a temple;

(6) Alankara, or one who, being well trained in her profession, and

profusely decked, is presented to a temple by kings and noblemen;

(7) Rudraganika or Gopika, who receive regular wages from a temple,

and are employed to sing and dance. For the following general account

I am indebted to the Madras Census Report, 1901:--

"Dasis or Deva-dasis (handmaidens of the gods) are dancing-girls

attached to the Tamil temples, who subsist by dancing and music, and

the practice of 'the oldest profession in the world.' The Dasis were

probably in the beginning the result of left-handed unions between

members of two different castes, but they are now partly recruited by

admissions, and even purchases, from other classes. The profession

is not now held in the consideration it once enjoyed. Formerly

they enjoyed a considerable social position. It is one of the many

inconsistencies of the Hindu religion that, though their profession

is repeatedly and vehemently condemned by the Shastras, it has always

received the countenance of the church. The rise of the caste, and

its euphemistic name, seem both of them to date from about the ninth

and tenth centuries A.D., during which much activity prevailed in

Southern India in the matter of building temples, and elaborating the

services held in them. The dancing-girls' duties, then as now, were

to fan the idol with chamaras (Tibetan ox tails), to carry the sacred

light called kumbarti, and to sing and dance before the god when he

was carried in procession. Inscriptions [55] show that, in A.D. 1004,

the great temple of the Chola king Rajaraja at Tanjore had attached

to it four hundred talic' cheri pendugal, or women of the temple,

who lived in free quarters in the four streets round about it, and

were allowed tax-free land out of the endowment. Other temples had

similar arrangements. At the beginning of the last century there

were a hundred dancing-girls attached to the temple at Conjeeveram,

who were, Buchanan tells us, [56] 'kept for the honour of the deities

and the amusement of their votaries; and any familiarity between these

girls and an infidel would occasion scandal.' At Madura, Conjeeveram,

and Tanjore there are still numbers of them, who receive allowances

from the endowments of the big temples at these places. In former

days, the profession was countenanced not only by the church, but

also by the State. Abdur Razaak, a Turkish ambassador at the court

of Vijayanagar in the fifteenth century, describes [57] women of

this class as living in State-controlled institutions, the revenue

of which went towards the upkeep of the police.

"At the present day they form a regular caste, having its own laws

of inheritance, its own customs and rules of etiquette, and its own

panchayats (councils) to see that all these are followed, and thus

hold a position, which is perhaps without a parallel in any other

country. Dancing-girls, dedicated to the usual profession of the

caste, are formally married in a temple to a sword or a god, the tali

(marriage badge) being tied round their necks by some men of their

caste. It was a standing puzzle to the census enumerators whether

such women should be entered as married in the column referring to

civil condition.

"Among the Dasis, sons and daughters inherit equally, contrary to

ordinary Hindu usage. Some of the sons remain in the caste, and live

by playing music for the women to dance to, and accompaniments to

their songs, or by teaching singing and dancing to the younger girls,

and music to the boys. These are called Nattuvans. Others marry some

girl of the caste, who is too plain to be likely to be a success in

the profession, and drift out of the community. Some of these affix to

their names the terms Pillai and Mudali, which are the usual titles

of the two castes (Vellala and Kaikola) from which most of the Dasis

are recruited, and try to live down the stigma attaching to their

birth. Others join the Melakkarans or professional musicians. Cases

have occurred, in which wealthy sons of dancing-women have been allowed

to marry girls of respectable parentage of other castes, but they are

very rare. The daughters of the caste, who are brought up to follow

the caste profession, are carefully taught dancing, singing, the art

of dressing well, and the ars amoris, and their success in keeping up

their clientele is largely due to the contrast which they thus present

to the ordinary Hindu housewife, whose ideas are bounded by the day's

dinner and the babies. The dancing-girl castes, and their allies the

Melakkarans, are now practically the sole repository of Indian music,

the system of which is probably one of the oldest in the world. Besides

them and the Brahmans, few study the subject. The barbers' bands

of the villages usually display more energy than science. A notable

exception, however, exists in Madras city, which has been known to

attempt the Dead March in Saul at funerals in the Pariah quarters.

"There are two divisions among the Dasis, called Valangai (right-hand)

and Idangai (left-hand). The chief distinction between them is that

the former will have nothing to do with the Kammalans (artisans) or

any other of the left-hand castes, or play or sing in their houses. The

latter division is not so particular, and its members are consequently

sometimes known as the Kammala Dasis. Neither division, however,

is allowed to have any dealings with men of the lowest castes, and

violation of this rule of etiquette is tried by a panchayat of the

caste, and visited with excommunication.

"In the Telugu districts, the dancing-girls are called Bogams and

Sanis. They are supposed to be dedicated to the gods, just as the

Dasis are, but there is only one temple in the northern part of the

Presidency which maintains a corps of these women in the manner in

vogue further south. This exception is the shrine of Sri Kurmam

in Vizagapatam, the dancing-girls attached to which are known as

Kurmapus. In Vizagapatam most of the Bogams and Sanis belong to the

Nagavasulu and Palli castes, and their male children often call

themselves Nagavasulus, but in Nellore, Kurnool and Bellary they

are often Balijas and Yerukalas. In Nellore the Bogams are said to

decline to sing in the houses of Komatis. The men of the Sanis do

not act as accompanists to their women at nautch parties, as Bogam

and Dasi men do.

"In the Oriya country the dancing-girl caste is called Guni, but there

they have even less connection with the temples than the Bogams and

Sanis, not being even dedicated to the god.

"In the Canarese (or western) taluks of Bellary, and in the adjoining

parts of Dharwar and Mysore, a curious custom obtains among the Boyas,

Bedarus, and certain other castes, under which a family which has no

male issue must dedicate one of its daughters as a Basavi. The girl is

taken to a temple, and married there to the god, a tali and toe-rings

being put on her, and thenceforward she becomes a public woman, except

that she does not consort with any one of lower caste than herself. She

is not, however, despised on this account, and indeed at weddings she

prepares the tali (perhaps because she can never be a widow). Contrary

to all Hindu Law, she shares in the family property as though she was

a son, but her right to do so has not yet been confirmed by the Civil

Courts. If she has a son, he takes her father's name, but if only

a daughter, that daughter again becomes a Basavi. The children of

Basavis marry within their own caste, without restrictions of any kind.

"In Malabar there is no regular community of dancing-girls; nor is

there among the Mussalmans of any part of the Presidency."

"No doubt," Monier Williams writes, [58] "Dasis drive a profitable

trade under the sanction of religion, and some courtesans have been

known to amass enormous fortunes. Nor do they think it inconsistent

with their method of making money to spend it in works of piety. Here

and there Indian bridges and other useful public works owe their

existence to the liberality of the frail sisterhood." The large tank

(lake) at Channarayapatna in Mysore was built by two dancing-girls.

In the Travancore Census Report, 1901, the Dasis of the Coromandel

coast are compared, in the words of a Sanskrit poet, to walking

flesh-trees bearing golden fruits. The observant Abbé Dubois noticed

that, of all the women in India, it is especially the courtesans who

are the most decently clothed, as experience has taught them that for

a woman to display her charms damps sensual ardour instead of exciting

it, and that the imagination is more easily captivated than the eye.

It was noticed by Lord Dufferin, on the occasion of a Viceregal visit

to Madura, that the front part of the dress of the dancing-girls

hangs in petticoats, but the back is only trousers.

The Rev. A. Margöschis writes in connection with the practice

of dilating the lobes of the ears in Tinnevelly, that, as it was

once the fashion and a mark of respectability to have long ears,

so now the converse is true. Until a few years ago, if a woman had

short ears, she was asked if she was a Deva-dasi, because that class

kept their ears natural. Now, with the change of customs all round,

even dancing-girls are found with long ears. "The dancing-girls are,"

the Rev. M. Phillips writes, [59] "the most accomplished women among

the Hindus. They read, write, sing and play as well as dance. Hence

one of the great objections urged at first against the education of

girls was 'We don't want our daughters to become dancing-girls'."

It is on record [60] that, in 1791, the Nabob of the Carnatic dined

with the Governor of Madras, and that, after dinner, they were diverted

with the dancing wenches, and the Nabob was presented with cordial

waters, French brandy and embroidered China quilts. The story is

told of a Governor of Madras in more recent times, who, ignorant of

the inverse method of beckoning to a person to advance or retreat in

the East, was scandalised when a nautch girl advanced rapidly, till

he thought she was going to sit in his lap. At a nautch in the fort

of the Mandasa Zemindar in honour of Sir M. E. Grant Duff, [61] the

dancing-girls danced to the air of Malbrook se va t'en guerre. Bussy

taught it to the dancing-girls, and they to their neighbours. In

the Vizagapatam and Godavari jungles, natives apostrophise tigers as

Bussy. Whether the name is connected with Bussy I know not.

Of Deva-dasis at the Court of Tippoo Sultan, the following account

was published in 1801. [62] "Comme Souverain d'une partie du Visapour,

Tippoo-Saïb jouissoit de la facilité d'avoir parmi ses bayadères celles

qui étoient les plus renommées par leurs talens, leurs graces, leur

beauté, etc. Ces bayadères sont des danseuses supérieures dans leur

genre; tout danse et tout joue en même-tems chez elles; leur tête,

leurs yeux, leurs bras, leurs pieds, tout leur corps, semblent ne se

mouvoir que from enchanter; elles sont d'une incroyable légèreté,

et ont le jarret aussi fort que souple; leur taille est des plus

sveltes et des plus élégantes, et elles n'ont pas un mouvement

qui ne soit une grace. La plus âgée de ces femmes n'avoit pas plus

de seize à dix-sept ans. Aussi tot qu'elles atteignoient cet âge,

on les réformoit, et alors elles alloient courir les provinces, on

s'attachoient à des pagodes, dans lesqueles elles étoient entretenues,

et ou leurs charmes étoient un des meilleurs revenus des brames."

General Burton narrates [63] how a civilian of the old school built

a house at Bhavani, and established a corps de ballet, i.e., a set

of nautch girls, whose accomplishments actually extended to singing

God save the King, and this was kept up by their descendants, so that,

when he visited the place in 1852, he was "greeted by the whole party,

bedizened in all their finery, and squalling the national anthem as if

they understood it, which they did not." With this may be contrasted

a circular from a modern European official, which states that "during

my jamabandy (land revenue settlement) tour, people have sometimes

been kind enough to arrange singing or dancing parties, and, as it

would have been discourteous to decline to attend what had cost money

to arrange, I have accepted the compliment in the spirit in which

it was offered. I should, however, be glad if you would let it be

generally known that I am entirely in accord with what is known as

the anti-nautch movement in regard to such performances."

It was unanimously decided, in 1905, by the Executive Committee of

the Prince and Princess of Wales' reception fund, that there should

be no performance by nautch girls at the entertainment to be given

to Their Royal Highnesses at Madras.

In a note on Basavis, the Collector of the Bellary district writes

that "it is usual among Hindus to dedicate a bull for public use on

the death of a member of their family. These are the breeding bulls

of the village flock. Similarly, cows are dedicated, and are called

Basavis. No stigma attaches to Basavis or their children, and they are

received on terms of equality by other members of their caste. The

origin of the institution, it has been suggested, may probably be

traced to the time when the Boyas, and other castes which dedicate

Basavis, were soldiers, and the Basavis acted as camp-followers and

nurses of the wounded in battle. According to Hindu custom, the wives

of the men could not be taken from their homes, and, other women of

the caste being required to attend to their comforts, the institution

of Basavis might have been started; or, if they existed before then as

religious devotees attached to temples, they might have been pressed

into their service, and the number added to as occasion required. In

Narayandevarkeri there are many Boyas and many Basavis. On the

car-festival day, the Boyas cannot take meals until the car is taken

back to its original place after the procession. Sometimes, owing to

some accident, this cannot be done the same day, and the car-drawing

Boyas sleep near the car, and do not go to their houses. Then it is

their Basavis who bring them food, and not their wives." At Adoni

I have seen a Basavi, who was working at a cotton press for a daily

wage of three annas, in full dress on a holiday in honour of a local

deity, wearing an elaborately chased silver waist belt and abundant

silver jewelry. The following are examples of petitions presented to

a European Magistrate and Superintendent of Police by girls who are

about to become Basavis:--

Petition of __________ aged about 17 or 18.

I have agreed to become a Basavi, and get myself stamped by my guru

(priest) according to the custom of my caste. I request that my

proper age, which entitles me to be stamped, may be personally

ascertained, and permission granted to be stamped.

The stamping refers to branding with the emblems of the chank

and chakram.

Petition of _____ wife of _____.

I have got two daughters, aged 15 and 12 respectively. As I have

no male issues, I have got to necessarily celebrate the ceremony

in the temple in connection with the tying of the goddess's tali

to my two daughters under the orders of the guru, in accordance

with the customs of my caste. I, therefore, submit this petition

for fear that the authorities may raise any objection (under the

Age of Consent Act). I, therefore, request that the Honourable

Court may be pleased to give permission to the tying of the tali

to my daughters.

Petition of two girls, aged 17 to 19.

Our father and mother are dead. Now we wish to be like prostitutes,

as we are not willing to be married, and thus establish our

house-name. Our mother also was of this profession. We now request

permission to be prostitutes according to our religion, after we

are sent before the Medical Officer.

The permission referred to in the above petitions bears reference

to a decision of the High Court that, a girl who becomes a Basavi

being incapable of contracting a legal marriage, her dedication when

a minor is an offence under the Penal Code.

At Adoni the dead body of a new-born infant was found in a ditch,

and a Basavi, working with others in a cotton factory, was suspected

of foul play. The station-house officer announced his intention

of visiting the factory, and she who was in a state of lactation,

and could produce no baby to account for her condition, would be

the culprit. Writing concerning the Basavis of the Bellary district,

[64] Mr. W. Francis tells us that "parents without male issue often,

instead of adopting a son in the usual manner, dedicate a daughter

by a simple ceremony to the god of some temple, and thenceforth,

by immemorial custom, she may inherit her parents' property, and

perform their funeral rites as if she was a son. She does not marry,

but lives in her parents' house with any man of equal or higher caste

whom she may select, and her children inherit her father's name and

bedagu (sept), and not those of their own father. If she has a son,

he inherits her property; if she has only a daughter, that daughter

again becomes a Basavi. Parents desiring male issue of their own,

cure from sickness in themselves or their children, or relief from

some calamity, will similarly dedicate their daughter. The children

of a Basavi are legitimate, and neither they nor their mothers are

treated as being in any way inferior to their fellows. A Basavi,

indeed, from the fact that she can never be a widow, is a most welcome

guest at weddings. Basavis differ from the ordinary dancing-girls

dedicated at temples in that their duties in the temples (which

are confined to the shrine of their dedication) are almost nominal,

and that they do not prostitute themselves promiscuously for hire. A

Basavi very usually lives faithfully with one man, who allows her

a fixed sum weekly for her maintenance, and a fixed quantity of new

raiment annually, and she works for her family as hard as any other

woman. Basavis are outwardly indistinguishable from other women, and

are for the most part coolies. In places there is a custom by which

they are considered free to change their protectors once a year at the

village car-festival or some similar anniversary, and they usually

seize this opportunity of putting their partner's affections to the

test by suggesting that a new cloth and bodice would be a welcome

present. So poor, as a rule, are the husbands that the police aver

that the anniversaries are preceded by an unusual crop of petty

thefts and burglaries committed by them in their efforts to provide

their customary gifts." A recent report of a Police Inspector in the

Bellary district states that "crimes are committed here and there,

as this is Nagarapanchami time. Nagarapanchami festival is to be

celebrated at the next Ammavasya or new-moon day. It is at that time

the people keeping the prostitutes should pay their dues on that day;

otherwise they will have their new engagements."

In the Kurnool district, the Basavi system is practised by the Boyas,

but differs from that in vogue in Bellary and Mysore. The object of

making a Basavi, in these two localities, is to perpetuate the family

when there is no male heir. If the only issue in a family is a female,

the family becomes extinct if she marries, as by marriage she changes

her sept. To prevent this, she is not married, but dedicated as a

Basavi, and continues to belong to her father's sept, to which also

any male issue which is born to her belongs. In the Kurnool district

the motive in making Basavis is different. The girl is not wedded to

an idol, but, on an auspicious day, is tied by means of a garland

of flowers to the garuda kambham (lamp) of a Balija Dasari. She

is released either by the man who is to receive her first favours,

or by her maternal uncle. A simple feast is held, and a string of

black beads tied round the girl's neck. She becomes a prostitute,

and her children do not marry into respectable Boya families.

"Basava women," Dr. E. Balfour writes, [65] "are sometimes married to

a dagger, sometimes to an idol. In making a female child over to the

service of the temple, she is taken and dedicated for life to some

idol. A khanjar, or dagger, is placed on the ground, and the girl who

is to undergo the ceremony puts a garland thereon. Her mother then puts

rice on the girl's forehead. The officiating priest then weds the girl

to the dagger, just as if he was uniting her to a boy in marriage,

by reciting the marriage stanzas, a curtain being held between the

girl and the dagger." In an account of the initiation ceremony of the

Basavis of the Bellary district Mr. F. Fawcett writes as follows. [66]

"A sword with a lime stuck on its point is placed upright beside the

novice, and held in her right hand. It represents the bridegroom, who,

in the corresponding ceremony of Hindu marriage, sits on the bride's

right. A tray, on which are a kalasyam (vessel of water) and a lamp,

is then produced, and moved thrice in front of the girl. She rises,

and, carrying the sword in her right hand, places it in the god's

sanctuary. Among the dancing-girls very similar ceremonies are

performed. With them, the girl's spouse is represented by a drum

instead of a sword, and she bows to it. Her insignia consist of a

drum and bells." In a further note on the dedication of Basavis,

Mr. Fawcett writes [67] that "a tali, on which is depicted the namam

of Vishnu, fastened to a necklace of black beads, is tied round her

neck. She is given by way of insignia a cane as a wand carried in the

right hand, and a gopalam or begging basket, which is slung on the left

arm. She is then branded with the emblems of the chank and chakra. In

another account [68] of the marriage ceremony among dancing-girls,

it is stated that the Bogams, who are without exception prostitutes,

though they are not allowed to marry, go through a marriage ceremony,

which is rather a costly one. Sometimes a wealthy Native bears the

expense, makes large presents to the bride, and receives her first

favours. Where no such opportunity offers itself, a sword or other

weapon represents the bridegroom, and an imaginary nuptial ceremony

is performed. Should the Bogam woman have no daughter, she invariably

adopts one, usually paying a price for her, the Kaikola (weaver)

caste being the ordinary one from which to take a child.

Among the Kaikolan musicians of Coimbatore, at least one girl in

every family should be set apart for the temple service, and she

is instructed in music and dancing. At the tali-tying ceremony

she is decorated with jewels, and made to stand on a heap of paddy

(unhusked rice). A folded cloth is held before her by two Dasis,

who also stand on heaps of paddy. The girl catches hold of the cloth,

and her dancing master, who is seated behind her, grasping her legs,

moves them up and down in time with the music which is played. In the

evening she is taken, astride a pony, to the temple, where a new cloth

for the idol, the tali, and other articles required for doing puja

(worship) have been got ready. The girl is seated facing the idol,

and the officiating Brahman gives sandal and flowers to her, and ties

the tali, which has been lying at the feet of the idol, round her

neck. The tali consists of a golden disc and black beads. She continues

to learn music and dancing, and eventually goes through the form of

a nuptial ceremony, The relations are invited on an auspicious day,

and the maternal uncle, or his representative, ties a golden band on

the girl's forehead, and, carrying her, places her on a plank before

the assembled guests. A Brahman priest recites mantrams (prayers),

and prepares the sacred fire (homam). For the actual nuptials a rich

Brahman, if possible, and, if not, a Brahman of more lowly status is

invited. A Brahman is called in, as he is next in importance to, and

the representative of, the idol. As a Dasi can never become a widow,

the beads in her tali are considered to bring good luck to women

who wear them. And some people send the tali required for a marriage

to a Dasi, who prepares the string for it, and attaches to it black

beads from her own tali. A Dasi is also deputed to walk at the head

of Hindu marriage processions. Married women do not like to do this,

as they are not proof against evil omens, which the procession may

meet. And it is believed that Dasis, to whom widowhood is unknown,

possess the power of warding off the effects of inauspicious omens. It

may be remarked, en passant, that Dasis are not at the present day

so much patronised at Hindu marriages as in olden times. Much is due

in this direction to the progress of enlightened ideas, which have

of late been strongly put forward by Hindu social reformers. When

a Kaikolan Dasi dies, her body is covered with a new cloth removed

from the idol, and flowers are supplied from the temple, to which

she belonged. No puja is performed in the temple till the corpse is

disposed of, as the idol, being her husband, has to observe pollution.

"In former times, dancing-girls used to sleep three nights at the

commencement of their career in the inner shrine of the Koppesvara

temple at Palivela in the Godavari district, so as to be embraced by

the god. But one of them, it is said, disappeared one night, and the

practice has ceased. The funeral pyre of every girl of the dancing

girl (Sani) caste dying in the village should be lit with fire brought

from the temple. The same practice is found in the Srirangam temple

near Trichinopoly." [69]

The following account of Dasis in Travancore, where their total

strength is only about four hundred, is taken from a note by

Mr. N. Subramani Aiyer. "While the Dasis of Kartikappalli, Ambalapuzha,

and Shertallay belonged originally to the Konkan coast, those of

Shenkottah belonged to the Pandian country. But the South Travancore

Dasis are an indigenous class. The female members of the caste are,

besides being known by the ordinary name of Tevadiyal and Dasi, both

meaning servant of God, called Kudikkar, meaning those belonging to

the house (i.e., given rent free by the Sirkar), and Pendukal, or

women, the former of these designations being more popular than the

latter. Males are called Tevadiyan, though many prefer to be known

as Nanchinat Vellalas. Males, like these Vellalas, take the title

of Pillai. In ancient days Deva-dasis, who became experts in singing

and dancing, received the title of Rayar (king) which appears to have

been last conferred in 1847 A.D. The South Travancore Dasis neither

interdine nor intermarry with the dancing-girls of the Tamil-speaking

districts. They adopt girls only from a particular division of the

Nayars, Tamil Padam, and dance only in temples. Unlike their sisters

outside Travancore, they do not accept private engagements in houses

on the occasion of marriage. The males, in a few houses, marry the

Tamil Padam and Padamangalam Nayars, while some Padamangalam Nayars

and Nanchinat Vellalas in their turn take their women as wives.

"When a dancing-woman becomes too old or diseased, and thus unable

to perform her usual temple duties, she applies to the temple

authorities for permission to remove her ear-pendants (todus). The

ceremony takes place at the palace of the Maharaja. At the appointed

spot the officers concerned assemble, and the woman, seated on

a wooden plank, proceeds to unhook the pendants, and places them,

with a nuzzur (gift) of twelve fanams (coins), on the plank. Directly

after this she turns about, and walks away without casting a second

glance at the ear-ornaments which have been laid down. She becomes

immediately a taikkizhavi or old mother, and is supposed to lead a

life of retirement and resignation. By way of distinction, a Dasi in

active service is referred to as atumpatram. Though the ear-ornaments

are at once returned to her from the palace, the woman is never again

permitted to put them on, but only to wear the pampadam, or antiquated

ear-ornament of Tamil Sudra women. Her temple wages undergo a slight

reduction, consequent on her proved incapacity.

"In some temples, as at Keralapuram, there are two divisions

of dancing-girls, one known as the Murakkudi to attend to

the daily routine, the other as the Chirappukuti to serve on

special occasions. The special duties that may be required of the

South Travancore Dasis are:--(1) to attend the two Utsavas at Sri

Padmanabahswami's temple, and the Dusserah at the capital; (2) to meet

and escort members of the royal family at their respective village

limits; (3) to undertake the prescribed fasts for the Apamargam

ceremony in connection with the annual festival of the temple. On

these days strict continence is enjoined, and they are fed at the

temple, and allowed only one meal a day.

"The principal deities of the dancing-girls are those to whom the

temples, in which they are employed, are dedicated. They observe

the new and full-moon days, and the last Friday of every month

as important. The Onam, Sivaratri, Tye-Pongal, Dipavali, and

Chitrapurnami are the best recognised religious festivals. Minor

deities, such as Bhadrakali, Yakshi, and Ghandarva are worshipped by

the figure of a trident or sword being drawn on the wall of the house,

to which food and sweetmeats are offered on Fridays. The priests on

these occasions are Occhans. There are no recognized headmen in the

caste. The services of Brahmans are resorted to for the purpose of

purification, of Nampiyans and Saiva Vellalas for the performance

of funeral rites, and of Kurukkals on occasions of marriage, and for

the final ceremonies on the sixteenth day after death.

"Girls belonging to this caste may either be dedicated to temple

service, or married to a male member of the caste. No woman can

be dedicated to the temple after she has reached puberty. On the

occasion of marriage, a sum of from fifty to a hundred and fifty

rupees is given to the bride's house, not as a bride-price, but for

defraying the marriage expenses. There is a preliminary ceremony of

betrothal, and the marriage is celebrated at an auspicious hour. The

Kurukkal recites a few hymns, and the ceremonies, which include the

tying of the tali, continue for four days. The couple commence joint

life on the sixteenth day after the girl has reached puberty. It is

easy enough to get a divorce, as this merely depends upon the will

of one of the two parties, and the woman becomes free to receive

clothes from another person in token of her having entered into a

fresh matrimonial alliance.

"All applications for the presentation of a girl to the temple are

made to the temple authorities by the senior dancing-girl of the

temple, the girl to be presented being in all cases from six to eight

years of age. If she is closely related to the applicant, no enquiries

regarding her status and claim need be made. In all other cases, formal

investigations are instituted, and the records taken are submitted to

the chief revenue officer of the division for orders. Some paddy (rice)

and five fanams are given to the family from the temple funds towards

the expenses of the ceremony. The practice at the Suchindrum temple is

to convene, on an auspicious day, a yoga or meeting, composed of the

Valiya Sri-kariyakkar, the Yogattil Potti, the Vattappalli Muttatu,

and others, at which the preliminaries are arranged. The girl bathes,

and goes to the temple on the morning of the selected day with two new

cloths, betel leaves and nuts. The temple priest places the cloths and

the tali at the feet of the image, and sets apart one for the divine

use. The tali consists of a triangular bottu, bearing the image of

Ganesa, with a gold bead on either side. Taking the remaining cloth

and the tali, and sitting close to the girl, the priest, facing to

the north, proceeds to officiate. The girl sits, facing the deity,

in the inner sanctuary. The priest kindles the fire, and performs all

the marriage ceremonies, following the custom of the Tirukkalyanam

festival, when Siva is represented as marrying Parvati. He then

teaches the girl the Panchakshara hymn if the temple is Saivite,

and Ashtakshara if it is Vaishnavite, presents her with the cloth,

and ties the tali round her neck. The Nattuvan, or dancing-master,

instructs her for the first time in his art, and a quantity of raw rice

is given to her by the temple authorities. The girl, thus married,

is taken to her house, where the marriage festivities are celebrated

for two or three days. As in Brahmanical marriages, the rolling of a

cocoanut to and fro is gone through, the temple priest or an elderly

Dasi, dressed in male attire, acting the part of the bridegroom. The

girl is taken in procession through the streets.

"The birth of male children is not made an occasion for rejoicing,

and, as the proverb goes, the lamp on these occasions is only dimly

lighted. Inheritance is in the female line, and women are the absolute

owners of all property earned. When a dancing-girl dies, some paddy

and five fanams are given from the temple to which she was attached,

to defray the funeral expenses. The temple priest gives a garland, and

a quantity of ashes for decorating the corpse. After this, a Nampiyan,

an Occhan, some Vellala headmen, and a Kudikkari, having no pollution,

assemble at the house of the deceased. The Nampiyan consecrates a pot

of water with prayers, the Occhan plays on his musical instrument,

and the Vellalas and Kudikkari powder the turmeric to be smeared over

the corpse. In the case of temple devotees, their dead bodies must

be bathed with this substance by the priest, after which alone the

funeral ceremonies may proceed. The Karta (chief mourner), who is

the nearest male relative, has to get his whole head shaved. When

a temple priest dies, though he is a Brahman, the dancing-girl,

on whom he has performed the vicarious marriage rite, has to go to

his death-bed, and prepare the turmeric powder to be dusted over his

corpse. The anniversary of the death of the mother and maternal uncle

are invariably observed.

"The adoption of a dancing-girl is a lengthy ceremony. The application

to the temple authorities takes the form of a request that the girl

to be adopted may be made heir to both kuti and pati, that is, to

the house and temple service of the person adopting. The sanction

of the authorities having been obtained, all concerned meet at the

house of the person who is adopting, a document is executed, and a

ceremony, of the nature of the Jatakarma, performed. The girl then

goes through the marriage rite, and is handed over to the charge of

the music teacher to be regularly trained in her profession."

As bearing on the initiation, laws of inheritance, etc., of Deva-dasis,

the following cases, which have been argued in the Madras High Court,

may be quoted [70]:--

(a) In a charge against a dancing-girl of having purchased a young

girl, aged five, with the intent that she would be used for the purpose

of prostitution, or knowing it to be likely that she would be so used,

evidence was given of the fact of purchase for sixty rupees, and that

numerous other dancing-girls, residing in the neighbourhood, were in

the habit of obtaining girls and bringing them up as dancing-girls or

prostitutes, and that there were no instances of girls brought up by

dancing-girls ever having been married. One witness stated that there

were forty dancing-girls' houses in the town (Adoni), and that their

chief source of income was prostitution, and that the dancing-girls,

who have no daughters of their own, get girls from others, bring

them up, and eventually make them dancing-girls or prostitutes. He

added that the dancing-girls get good incomes by bringing up girls

in preference to boys. Another witness stated that dancing-girls,

when they grow old, obtain girls and bring them up to follow their

profession, and that good-looking girls are generally bought. [71]

(b) The evidence showed that two of the prisoners were dancing-girls

of a certain temple, that one of them took the two daughters of the

remaining prisoner to the pagoda, to be marked as dancing-girls, and

that they were so marked, and their names entered in the accounts of

the pagoda. The first prisoner (the mother of the girls) disposed

of the children to the third prisoner for the consideration of a

neck ornament and thirty-five rupees. The children appeared to be of

the ages of seven and two years, respectively. Evidence was taken,

which tended to prove that dancing-girls gain their livelihood by

the performance of certain offices in pagodas, by assisting in the

performance of ceremonies in private houses, by dancing and singing

upon the occasion of marriage, and by prostitution. [72]

of his daughter as a dancing-girl at one of the great pagodas. He

stated her age to be thirteen. She attained puberty a month or two

after her enrolment. Her father was the servant of a dancing-girl, the

second prisoner, who had been teaching the minor dancing for some five

years. The evidence showed that the second prisoner brought the girl

to the pagoda, that both first and second prisoners were present when

the bottu (or tali) was tied, and other ceremonies of the dedication

performed; that third prisoner, as Battar of the temple, was the

person who actually tied the bottu, which denotes that the Dasi is

wedded to the idol. There was the usual evidence that dancing-girls

live by prostitution, though occasionally kept by the same man for

a year or more. [73]

(d) The plaintiff, a Deva-dasi, complained that, when she brought

offerings according to custom and placed them before the God at a

certain festival, and asked the Archakas (officiating priests) to

present the offerings to the God, burn incense, and then distribute

them, they refused to take the offerings on the ground that the

Deva-dasi had gone to a Komati's house to dance. She claimed damages,

Rs. 10, for the rejected offerings, and Rs. 40 for loss of honour,

and a perpetual injunction to allow her to perform the mantapa hadi

(sacrifice) at the Chittrai Vasanta festival. The priests pleaded

that the dancing-girl had, for her bad conduct in having danced at

a Komati's house, and subsequently refused to expiate the deed by

drinking panchagavyan (five products of the cow) according to the

shastras, been expelled both from her caste and from the temple. [74]

(e) In a certain temple two dancing-girls were dedicated by the

Dharmakarta to the services of the temple without the consent of the

existing body of dancing-girls, and the suit was instituted against

the Dharmakarta and these two Deva-dasis, asking that the Court should

ascertain and declare the rights of the Deva-dasis of the pagoda in

regard (1) to the dedication of Deva-dasis, (2) to the Dharmakarta's

power to bind and suspend them; and that the Court should ascertain

and declare the rights of the plaintiff, the existing Deva-dasis, as

to the exclusion of all other Deva-dasis, save those who are related

to or adopted by some one of the Deva-dasis for the time being,

or those who, being approved by all, are elected and proposed to

the Dharmakarta for dedication. That the new Dasis may be declared

to have been improperly dedicated, and not entitled to any of the

rights of Deva-dasis, and restrained from attending the pagoda in that

character, and from interfering with the duly dedicated Deva-dasis

in the exercise of their office. That first defendant be restrained

from stamping and dedicating other Deva-dasis but such as are duly

approved. The Judge dismissed the case on the ground that it would be

contrary to public policy to make the declaration prayed for, as, in

so doing, the Court would be lending itself to bringing the parties

under the criminal law. In the appeal, which was dismissed, one of

the Judges remarked that the plaintiffs claimed a right exclusive to

themselves and a few other dancing-women, professional prostitutes,

to present infant female children for dedication to the temple as

dancing-girls to be stamped as such, and so accredited to become at

maturity professional prostitutes, private or public. [75]

(f) A Deva-dasi sued to establish her right to the mirasi (fees)

of dancing-girls in a certain pagoda, and to be put in possession of

the said mirasi together with the honours and perquisites attached

thereto, and to recover twenty-four rupees, being the value of said

perquisites and honours for the year preceding. She alleged that the

Dharmakarta of the pagoda and his agents wrongfully dismissed her from

the office because she had refused to acquiesce in the admission by

the Dharmakarta of new dancing-girls into the pagoda service, of which

she claimed the monopoly for herself and the then existing families

of dancing-girls. The District Judge dismissed the suit, but the High

Court ordered a re-investigation as to the question of the existence of

an hereditary office with endowments or emoluments attached to it. [76]

(g) A girl, aged seventeen, instituted a suit against the trustees of

a pagoda. It was alleged that a woman who died some years previously

was one of the dancing-women attached to the pagoda, and, as such,

entitled to the benefit of one of the temple endowments; that she

had taken in adoption the plaintiff, who was accordingly entitled

to succeed to her office and the emoluments attached to it; that

the plaintiff could not enter on the office until a bottu-tali had

been tied on her in the temple; and that the trustees did not permit

this to be done. The prayer of the plaint was that the defendants

be compelled to allow the tali to be tied in the temple in view to

the girl performing the dancing service, and enjoying the honours

and endowments attached thereto. The Judge dismissed the suit on the

ground that the claim was inadmissible, as being in effect a claim

by the plaintiff to be enlisted as a public prostitute. [77]

(h) On the death of a prostitute dancing-girl, her adopted niece,

belonging to the same class, succeeds to her property, in whatever

way it is acquired, in preference to a brother remaining in

his caste. The general rule is that the legal relation between a

prostitute dancing-girl and her undegraded relations remaining in

caste be severed. [78]

(i) A pauper sued his sister for the partition of property valued at

Rs. 34,662. The parties belonged to the Bogam caste in the Godavari

district. The woman pleaded that the property had been acquired by her

as a prostitute, and denied her brother's claim to it. He obtained

a decree for only Rs. 100, being a moiety of the property left by

their mother. The High Court held, on the evidence as to the local

custom of the caste, that the decree was right. [79]

(j) The accused, a Madiga of the Bellary district, dedicated his minor

daughter as a Basavi by a form of marriage with an idol. It appeared

that a Basavi is incapable of contracting a lawful marriage, and

ordinarily practices promiscuous intercourse with men, and that her

sons succeed to her father's property. It was held that the accused

had committed an offence under the Penal Code, which lays down that

"whoever sells, lets to hire, or otherwise disposes of any minor

under the age of sixteen years, with intent that such minor shall be

employed or used for the purpose of prostitution, or for any unlawful

and immoral purpose, shall be punished, etc." The Sessions judge

referred to evidence that it was not a matter of course for Basavis

to prostitute themselves for money, and added: "The evidence is very

clear that Basavis are made in accordance with a custom of the Madiga

caste. It is also in evidence that one of the effects of making

a girl Basavi is that her male issue becomes a son of her father,

and perpetuates his family, whereas, if she were married, he would

perpetuate her husband's family. In this particular case, the girl was

made a Basavi that she might be heir to her aunt, who was a Basavi,

but childless. Siddalingana Gowd says that they and their issue inherit

the parents' property. There is evidence that Basavis are made on a

very large scale, and that they live in their parents' houses. There

is no evidence that they are regarded otherwise than as respectable

members of the caste. It seems as if the Basavi is the Madiga and

Bedar equivalent of the "appointed daughter" of Hindu law (Mitakshara,

Chap. I, s. xi, 3). Upon the whole, the evidence seems to establish

that, among the Madigas, there is a widespread custom of performing, in

a temple at Uchangidurgam, a marriage ceremony, the result of which is

that the girl is married without possibility of widowhood or divorce;

that she is at liberty to have intercourse with men at her pleasure;

that her children are heirs to her father, and keep up his family;

and that Basavi's nieces, being made Basavis, become their heirs. The

Basavis seem in some cases to become prostitutes, but the language used

by the witnesses generally points only to free intercourse with men,

and not necessarily to receipt of payment for use of their bodies. In

fact, they seem to acquire the right of intercourse with men without

more discredit than accrues to the men of their caste for intercourse

with women who are not their wives. [80]

It may be observed that Deva-dasis are the only class of women,

who are, under Hindu law as administered in the British Courts,

allowed to adopt girls to themselves. Amongst the other castes,

a widow, for instance, cannot adopt to herself, but only to her

husband, and she cannot adopt a daughter instead of a son. A recent

attempt by a Brahman at Poona to adopt a daughter, who should

take the place of a natural-born daughter, was held to be invalid

by general law, and not sanctioned by local usage. [81] The same

would be held in Madras. "But among dancing-girls," Mayne writes,

[82] "it is customary in Madras and Western India to adopt girls to

follow their adoptive mother's profession, and the girls so adopted

succeed to their property. No particular ceremonies are necessary,

recognition alone being sufficient. In the absence, however, of a

special custom, and on the analogy of an ordinary adoption, only

one girl can be adopted." In Calcutta and Bombay these adoptions by

dancing-girls have been held invalid. [83]