TO MR. ADAMS.

PARIS, January 12, 1786.

SIR,--You were here the last year when the interest due to the French

officers was paid to them, and were sensible of the good effect it had

on the credit and honor of the United States. A second year's interest

is become due. They have presented their demands. There is not money

here to pay them; the pittance, remaining in Mr. Grand's hands, being

only sufficient to pay current expenses three months longer. The

dissatisfaction of these officers is extreme, and their complaints

will produce the worst effect. The Treasury Board has not ordered

their payment, probably because they knew there would not be money.

The amount of their demand is about forty-two thousand livres, and Mr.

Grand has in his hands but twelve thousand. I have thought it my duty,

under this emergency, to ask you whether you could order that sum for

their relief from the funds in Holland? If you can, I am persuaded it

will have the best of effects.

The Imperial ambassador took me apart the other day at Count

d'Aranda's, and observed to me that Dr. Franklin, about eighteen or

twenty months ago, had written to him a letter proposing a treaty

of commerce between the Emperor and the United States: that he had

communicated it to the Emperor, and had answered to Dr. Franklin that

they were ready to enter into arrangements for that purpose, but that

he had since that received no reply from us. I told him I knew well

that Dr. Franklin had written as he mentioned, but that this was the

first mention I had ever heard made of any answer to the letter. That,

on the contrary, we had always supposed it was unanswered, and had

therefore expected the next step from him. He expressed his wonder at

this, and said he would have the copy of his answer sought for and send

it to me. However, he observed that this matter being now understood

between us, the two countries might proceed to make the arrangements.

I told him the delay had been the more unlucky, as our powers were now

near expiring. He said he supposed Congress could have no objections to

renew them, or perhaps to send some person to Brussels to negotiate the

matter there. We remitted all further discussion till he should send

me a copy of his letter. He has not yet done it, and I doubt whether

he has not forgotten the substance of his letter which probably was no

more than an acknowledgment of the receipt of Dr. Franklin's, and a

promise to transmit it to his court. If he had written one proposing

conferences, it could never have got safe to Dr. Franklin. Be this

as it will, he now makes advances, and I pray you to write me your

sentiments immediately as to what is best to be done on our part. I

will endeavor to evade an answer till I can hear from you. I have the

honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, dear Sir, your most

obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

PARIS, January 12, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--I had just closed the preceding letter when M. de

Blumendorff, the Imperial Secretary of Legation, called on me with the

answer of Dr. Franklin. It was that of September 28, 1784, which you

remember as well as myself, wherein Count Merci informed us the Emperor

was disposed to enter into commercial arrangements with us, and that

he would give orders to the government of the Austrian Netherlands to

take the necessary measures. I observed to M. de Blumendorff that this

answer showed the next step was to come from them. He acknowledged it,

but said these orders having been for the Netherlands only, they had

waited in expectation of others for comprehending Hungary, Bohemia,

and the Austrian dominions in general, and that they still expect such

instructions. I told him, while they should be expecting them, I would

write to you on the subject, as it was necessary for us to act jointly

in this business. I think they are desirous of treating, and will urge

it. I shall be anxious, therefore, to receive your sentiments on the

subject; and renew the assurances of the esteem with which I am, dear

Sir, your friend and servant.

TO MARQUIS DE LA ROUENE.

PARIS, January 12, 1786.

SIR,--I have been honored with your letter of the 26th of December,

on the subject of the interest due to the foreign officers. An express

instruction of Congress having subjected their moneys in Europe to the

order of their Board of Treasury only, leaves me without the power

of giving the order you desire. However, wishing to do whatever was

possible for those officers, I went to Mr. Grand's to consult him

on the subject. He informed me he had received no orders to make the

payment, and, moreover, that there was no money, had he received an

order. I have therefore written to Mr. Adams at London, to know whether

there is any money in Holland subject to his order, from which this

sum could be supplied. But, in truth, I have no expectations from that

quarter, and only tried it because there was a possibility of aid from

thence. I wrote, however, to Congress, praying their immediate and

effectual interposition. From this, I hope better effects. But it will

be three months at least before their order can be received. So soon

as they shall be known to me, I shall certainly make it my duty to

communicate them to you. And have the honor to be, with much respect,

Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.

PARIS, January 24, 1786.

SIR,--I have been honored with your Excellency's two letters of

September 10th and that of October 14th, 1785. The former were brought

me by Mr. Houdon, who is returned with the necessary moulds and

measures for General Washington's statue. I fear the expenses of his

journey have been considerably increased by the unlucky accident of

his tools, materials, clothes, &c., not arriving at Havre in time to

go with him to America, so that he had to supply himself there. The

money which you were so kind as to send by Captain Littlepage for the

purpose of this statue, he found himself obliged to deposit in New

York, to satisfy a demand made on him there. This was a debt which he

owed to Mr. Jay. He assures me that in a settlement with his guardian,

the latter took credit for this debt, so as to be answerable to Mr. Jay

for it, and of course to the State, now that Mr. Jay is paid with the

State's money. I mention this circumstance that your Excellency may be

enabled to take the earliest measures for recovering this money, and

indemnifying the State. Mr. Littlepage, to satisfy me, had obtained

from the Marquis de La Fayette his engagement to stand bound as Mr.

Littlepage's security for the payment of this money. But knowing the

punctuality and responsibility of his guardian, I did not suppose a

security necessary. Besides, if a loss was to be incurred, I know too

well the sentiments of the State of Virginia towards the Marquis de

La Fayette to suppose they would be willing to throw the loss on him.

I therefore acted as I thought your Excellency and the Council would

have directed me to act, could you have been consulted. I waited on the

Marquis, and in his presence cancelled his name from the obligation

which had been given me, leaving only that of Mr. Littlepage. I have

now the honor to enclose you one of those instruments, duplicates of

which had been given me by Littlepage. The first of the Marquis's Busts

will be finished next month. I shall present that one to the city of

Paris, because the delay has been noticed by some. I hope to be able

to send another to Virginia in the course of the summer. These are to

cost three thousand livres each. The agreement for the arms has been

at length concluded by Mr. Barclay. He was so much better acquainted

with this business than the Marquis Fayette or myself, that we left it

altogether to him. We were sensible that they might have been gotten

cheaper, but not so good. However, I suppose he has given you the

details of his proceedings, so as to render them unnecessary from me.

It will be eight months before they will be ready. The cause of this,

too, Mr. Barclay told me he would explain to you. It is principally

to insure their goodness. The bills remitted to pay for them have been

honored, and the money is lodged in Mr. Grand's hands, who was willing

to allow a small interest for it.

An improvement is made here in the construction of the musket, which

may be worthy of attention. It consists in making every part of them

so exactly alike, that every part of any one may be used for the same

part of any other musket made by the same hand. The government here

has examined and approved the method, and is establishing a large

manufactory for the purpose. As yet the inventor has only completed

the lock of the musket on this plan. He will proceed immediately to

have the barrel, stock and their parts executed in the same way. I

visited the workman. He presented the parts of fifty locks, taken to

pieces and arranged in compartments. I put several together myself,

taking the pieces at hazard as they came to hand, and found them fit

interchangeably in the most perfect manner. The tools by which he

effects this have, at the same time, so abridged the labor, that he

thinks he shall be able to furnish the musket two livres cheaper than

the King's price. But it will be two or three years before he will be

able to furnish any quantity. I have duly received the propositions of

Messrs. Ross, Pleasants, &c., for furnishing tobacco to the Farmers

General; but Mr. Morris had, in the meantime, obtained the contract.

I have been fully sensible of the baneful influence on the commerce

of France and America, which this double monopoly will have. I have

struck at its root here, and spared no pains to have the form itself

demolished, but it has been in vain. The persons interested in it are

too powerful to be opposed, even by the interest of the whole country.

I mention this matter in confidence, as a knowledge of it might injure

any further endeavors to attain the same object.

Everything is quiet here, and will certainly remain so another year.

Mr. Barclay left Paris a few days ago, and will be absent from France

for some time. I shall spare no endeavors to fulfil the several objects

with which he was charged, in the best manner I can.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, your

Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. RITTENHOUSE.

PARIS, January 25, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of September 28th, came to hand a few days ago.

I thank you for the details on the subject of the southern and western

lines. There remains thereon, one article, however, which I will still

beg you to inform me of, viz., how far is the western boundary beyond

the meridian of Pittsburg? This information is necessary to enable me

to trace that boundary in my map. I shall be much gratified, also, with

a communication of your observations on the curiosities of the western

country. It will not be difficult to induce me to give up the theory

of the growth of shells, without their being the nidus of animals. It

is only an idea, and not an opinion with me. In the Notes with which

I troubled you, I had observed that there were three opinions as to

the origin of these shells. 1. That they have been deposited, even in

the highest mountains, by an universal deluge. 2. That they, with all

the calcareous stones and earths, are animal remains. 3. That they

grow or shoot as crystals do. I find that I could swallow the last

opinion, sooner than either of the others; but I have not yet swallowed

it. Another opinion might have been added, that some throe of nature

has forced up parts which had been the bed of the ocean. But have we

any better proof of such an effort of nature, than of her shooting

a lapidific juice into the form of a shell? No such convulsion has

taken place in our time, nor within the annals of history; nor is the

distance greater between the shooting of the lapidific juice into the

form of a crystal or a diamond, which we see, and into the form of a

shell, which we do not see, than between the forcing volcanic matter a

little above the surface, where it is in fusion, which we see, and the

forcing the bed of the sea fifteen thousand feet above the ordinary

surface of the earth, which we do not see. It is not possible to

believe any of these hypotheses; and, if we lean towards any of them,

it should be only till some other is produced, more analogous to the

known operations of nature. In a letter to Mr. Hopkinson, I mentioned

to him that the Abbé Rochon, who discovered the double refracting

power in some of the natural crystals, had lately made a telescope

with the metal called platina, which, while it is as susceptible of

as perfect a polish as the metal heretofore used for the specula of

telescopes, is insusceptible of rust, as gold and silver are. There is

a person here, who has hit on a new method of engraving. He gives you

an ink of his composition. Write on copper plates anything of which

you would wish to take several copies, and, in an hour, the plate will

be ready to strike them off; so of plans, engravings, &c. This art

will be amusing to individuals, if he should make it known. I send you

herewith the nautical almanacs for 1786, 1787, 1788, 1789, 1790, which

are as late as they are published. You ask, how you may reimburse the

expense of these trifles? I answer, by accepting them; as the procuring

you a gratification, is a higher one to me than money. We have had

nothing curious published lately. I do not know whether you are fond of

chemical reading. There are some things in this science worth reading.

I will send them to you, if you wish it. My daughter is well, and

joins me in respects to Mrs. Rittenhouse and the young ladies. After

asking when we are to have the Lunarium, I will close with assurances

of the sincere regard and esteem, with which I am, dear Sir, your most

obedient humble servant.

TO A. STEWART, ESQ.

PARIS, January 25, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--I have received your favor of the 17th of October, which,

though you have mentioned it as the third you have written me,

is the first that has come to hand. I sincerely thank you for the

communication it contains. Nothing is so grateful to me, at this

distance, as details, both great and small, of what is passing in

my own country. Of the latter, we receive little here, because they

either escape my correspondents, or are thought unworthy of notice.

This, however, is a very mistaken opinion, as every one may observe, by

recollecting, that when he has been long absent from his neighborhood,

the small news of that is the most pleasing, and occupies his first

attention, either when he meets with a person from thence, or returns

thither himself. I still hope, therefore, that the letter, in which

you have been so good as to give me the minute occurrences in the

neighborhood of Monticello, may yet come to hand, and I venture to

rely on the many proofs of friendship I have received from you, for

a continuance of your favors. This will be the more meritorious, as I

have nothing to give you in exchange.

The quiet of Europe, at this moment, furnishes little which can attract

your notice. Nor will that quiet be soon disturbed, at least for the

current year. Perhaps it hangs on the life of the King of Prussia, and

that hangs by a very slender thread. American reputation in Europe is

not such as to be flattering to its citizens. Two circumstances are

particularly objected to us; the non-payment of our debts, and the want

of energy in our government. These discourage a connection with us. I

own it to be my opinion, that good will arise from the destruction of

our credit. I see nothing else which can restrain our disposition to

luxury, and to the change of those manners which alone can preserve

republican government. As it is impossible to prevent credit, the

best way would be to cure its ill effects, by giving an instantaneous

recovery to the creditor. This would be reducing purchases on credit

to purchases for ready money. A man would then see a prison painted on

everything he wished, but had not ready money to pay for.

I fear, from an expression in your letter, that the people of Kentucky

think of separating, not only from Virginia (in which they are right),

but also from the confederacy. I own, I should think this a most

calamitous event, and such a one as every good citizen should set

himself against. Our present federal limits are not too large for good

government, nor will the increase of votes in Congress produce any ill

effect. On the contrary, it will drown the little divisions at present

existing there. Our confederacy must be viewed as the nest, from which

all America, North and South, is to be peopled. We should take care,

too, not to think it for the interest of that great Continent to press

too soon on the Spaniards. Those countries cannot be in better hands.

My fear is, that they are too feeble to hold them till our population

can be sufficiently advanced to gain it from them, piece by piece. The

navigation of the Mississippi we must have. This is all we are, as yet,

ready to receive. I have made acquaintance with a very sensible, candid

gentleman here, who was in South America during the revolt which took

place there, while our Revolution was going on. He says, that those

disturbances (of which we scarcely heard anything) cost, on both sides,

an hundred thousand lives.

I have made a particular acquaintance here, with Monsieur de Buffon,

and have a great desire to give him the best idea I can of our elk.

Perhaps your situation may enable you to aid me in this. You could

not oblige me more than by sending me the horns, skeleton, and skin

of an elk, were it possible to procure them. The most desirable form

of receiving them would be, to have the skin slit from the under jaw

along the belly to the tail, and down the thighs to the knee, to take

the animal out, leaving the legs and hoofs, the bones of the head,

and the horns attached to the skin. By sewing up the belly, &c., and

stuffing the skin, it would present the form of the animal. However,

as an opportunity of doing this is scarcely to be expected, I shall be

glad to receive them detached, packed in a box, and sent to Richmond,

to the care of Dr. Currie. Everything of this kind is precious here.

And to prevent my adding to your trouble, I must close my letter, with

assurances of the esteem and attachment with which I am, dear Sir, your

friend and servant.

TO THE COMMISSIONERS OF THE TREASURY.

PARIS, January 26, 1786.

GENTLEMEN,--I have been duly honored by the receipt of your letter

of December the 6th, and am to thank you for the communications it

contained on the state of our funds and expectations here. Your idea,

that these communications, occasionally, may be useful to the United

States, is certainly just, as I am frequently obliged to explain our

prospects of paying interest, &c., which I should better do with fuller

information. If you would be so good as to instruct Mr. Grand always to

furnish me with a duplicate of those cash accounts which he furnishes

to you, from time to time, and if you would be so good as to direct

your secretary to send me copies of such letters as you transmit to

Mr. Grand, advising him of the remittances he may expect, from time to

time, I should, thereby, be always informed of the sum of money on hand

here, and the probable expectations of supply. Dr. Franklin, during

his residence here, having been authorized to borrow large sums of

money, the disposal of that money seemed naturally to rest with him.

It was Mr. Grand's practice, therefore, never to pay money, but on

his warrant. On his departure, Mr. Grand sent all money drafts to me,

to authorize their payment. I informed him, that this was in no wise

within my province, that I was unqualified to direct him in it, and,

that were I to presume to meddle, it would be no additional sanction

to him. He refused, however, to pay a shilling without my order. I

have been obliged, therefore, to a nugatory interference, merely to

prevent the affairs of the United States from standing still. I need

not represent to you the impropriety of my continuing to direct Mr.

Grand longer than till we can receive your orders, the mischief which

might ensue from the uncertainty in which this would place you as to

the extent to which you might venture to draw on your funds here, and

the little necessity there is for my interference. Whenever you order

a sum of money into Mr. Grand's hands, nothing will be more natural

than your instructing him how to apply it, so as that he shall observe

your instructions alone. Among these, you would doubtless judge it

necessary to give him one standing instruction, to answer my drafts

for such sums as my office authorizes me to call for. These would be

salary, couriers, postage, and such other articles as circumstances

will require, which cannot be previously defined. These will never

be so considerable as to endanger the honor of your drafts; I shall

certainly exercise in them the greatest caution, and stand responsible

to Congress.

Mr. Grand conceives that he has suffered in your opinion by an

application of two hundred thousand livres, during the last year,

differently from what the office of finance had instructed him. This

was a consequence of his being thought subject to direction here, and

it is but justice to relieve him from blame on that account, and to

show that it ought to fall, if anywhere, on Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams,

and myself. The case was thus: The moneys here were exhausted, Mr.

Grand was in advance about fifty thousand livres, and the diplomatic

establishments in France, Spain, and Holland, subsisting on his

bounties, which they were subject to see stopped every moment, and

feared a protest on every bill. Other current expenses, too, were

depending on advances from him, and though these were small in their

amount, they sometimes involved great consequences. In this situation,

he received four hundred thousand livres, to be paid to this government

for one year's interest. We thought the honor of the United States

would suffer less by suspending half the payment to this government,

replacing Mr. Grand's advances, and providing a fund for current

expenses. We advised him so to do. I still think it was for the best,

and I believe my colleagues have continued to see the matter in the

same point of view. We may have been biassed by the feelings excited by

our own distressing situation. But certainly, as to Mr. Grand, no blame

belongs to him. We explained this matter in a letter to Congress, at

the time, and justice requires this explanation to you, as I conjecture

that the former one has not come to your knowledge.

The two hundred thousand livres retained, as before mentioned, have

been applied to the purposes described, to the payment of a year's

interest to the French officers (which is about forty-two thousand

livres), and other current expenses, which, doubtless, Mr. Grand has

explained to you. About a week ago, there remained in his hands but

about twelve thousand livres. In this situation, the demands of the

French officers for a second year's interest, were presented. But

Mr. Grand observed there were neither money nor orders for them. The

payment of these gentlemen, the last year, had the happiest effect

imaginable. It procured so many advocates for the credit and honor of

the United States, who were heard in all companies. It corrected the

idea that we were unwilling to pay our debts. I fear that our present

failure towards them will give new birth to new imputations, and a

relapse of credit. Under this fear, I have written to Mr. Adams to know

whether he can have this money supplied from the funds in Holland;

though I have little hope from that quarter, because he had before

informed me, that those funds would be exhausted by the spring of the

present year, and I doubt, too, whether he would venture to order these

payments, without authority from you. I have thought it my duty to

state these matters to you.

I have had the honor of enclosing to Mr. Jay, Commodore Jones's

receipts for one hundred and eighty-one thousand and thirty-nine

livres, one sol and ten deniers, prize money, which (after deducing his

own proportion) he is to remit to you, for the officers and soldiers

who were under his command. I take the liberty of suggesting, whether

the expense and risk of double remittances might not be saved, by

ordering it into the hands of Mr. Grand, immediately, for the purposes

of the treasury in Europe, while you could make provision at home for

the officers and soldiers, whose demands will come in so slowly, as to

leave the use of a great proportion of this money, for a considerable

time, and some of it forever. We could, then, immediately quiet the

French officers.

I have the honor to be, with the most perfect respect and esteem,

Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

January 27th, 1786.

SIR,--I had the honor of addressing you by the way of London on the 2d

instant. Since that, yours of December 7th, has come to hand. I have

now the pleasure to inform you that Mr. Barclay having settled, as far

as depended on him, the account of Monsieur de Beaumarchais, left Paris

on the 13th instant, to proceed to Morocco. Business obliged him to go

by the way of L'Orient and Bordeaux, but he told me he should not be

detained more than one day at either place. We may probably allow him

to the last of February to be at Morocco.

The imperial ambassador some days ago observed to me, that about

eighteen months ago Dr. Franklin had written to him a letter proposing

a treaty of commerce between the Emperor and the United States; that he

had communicated it to the Emperor, and had answered to Dr. Franklin,

that they were ready to enter into an agreement for that purpose, but

that he had received no reply from him. I told him I had been informed

by Dr. Franklin of the letter making the proposition, but that this

was the first I had ever heard of an answer expressing their readiness

to enter into negotiations. That on the contrary, we had supposed no

definitive answer had been given; and that, of course, the next move

was on their side. He expressed astonishment at this, and seemed so

conscious of having written such an answer, that he said he would

have it sought for and send it to me for my inspection. However, he

observed that the delay, having proceeded from the expectation of

each party that the other was to make the next advance, and the matter

being understood, the two parties might now proceed to enter into the

necessary arrangements. I told him that Congress had been desirous

of entering into connections of amity and commerce with his Imperial

Majesty; that for this purpose they had commissioned Mr. Adams, Dr.

Franklin and myself, or any two of us, to treat; that reasons of

prudence had obliged them to affix some term to our commissions, and

that two years were the term assigned; that the delay, therefore,

which had happened, was the more unlucky, as these two years would

expire in the ensuing spring. He said he supposed Congress could have

no objection to renew our powers, or perhaps to appoint some person

to treat at Brussels. I told him I was unable to answer that, and we

omitted further communication on the subject till he should send me

his letter written to Dr. Franklin. A few days after his Secretaire,

d'Ambassade called on me with it. It was the letter of September 28,

1784, (transmitted in due time to Congress,) wherein he had informed

Dr. Franklin that the Emperor was disposed to enter into commercial

arrangements with us, and that he would give orders to the government

of the Netherlands to take the necessary measures. I observed to

Monsieur de Blumendorff (the secretary), that this letter showed

we were right in our expectations of their taking the next step. He

seemed sensible of it, said that the quarrel with Holland had engrossed

the attention of government, and that these orders relating to the

Netherlands only, it had been expected that others had been given which

should include Hungary, Bohemia and the Austrian dominions in general,

and that they still expected such orders. I told him that while they

should be attending them, I would write to Mr. Adams in London, my

colleague in this business, in concert with whom I must move in it.

I think they are desirous of treating, and from questions asked me by

Monsieur de Blumendorff, I suspect they have been led to that decision,

either by the resolutions of Congress of April 1784, asking powers

from the States to impose restraints on the commerce of States not

connected with us _by treaty_, or else by an act of the Pennsylvania

Assembly for giving such powers to Congress, which has appeared in

the European papers. In the meantime, I own myself at a loss what to

do. Our instructions are clearly to treat. But these made a part of a

system wise and advantageous, if executed in all its parts, but which

has hitherto failed in its most material branch,--that of connection

with the powers having American territory. Should these continue to

stand aloof, it may be necessary for the United States to enter into

commercial regulations of a defensive nature. These may be embraced by

treaties with the powers having no American territory, and who are most

of them as little commercial as perhaps not to offer advantages which

may countervail these embarrassments. In case of war, indeed, these

treaties will become of value, and even during peace the respectability

of the Emperor, who stands at the head of one of the two parties which

seem at present to divide Europe, was a lustre to those connected

with him--a circumstance not to be absolutely neglected by us under

the actual situation of things. ---- a letter from Mr. Adams on this

subject. Not trusting the posts, however, and obliged to wait private

conveyances, our intercommunication is slow, and in the meanwhile our

time shortening fast. I have the honor to enclose to you a letter from

the Count de Vergennes, in favor of Mr. Dumas. With the services of

this gentleman to the United States, yourself and Dr. Franklin are

better acquainted than I am. Those he has been able to render towards

effecting the late alliance between France and the United Netherlands,

are the probable ground of the present application. The minister for

Geneva has desired me to have enquiries made after the Mr. Gallatin,

named in the within paper. I will pray you to have the necessary

advertisements inserted in the papers, and to be so good as to favor

me with the result. I enclose the Gazettes of France and Leyden to

this date, and have the honor to be, with the most perfect respect and

esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO DR. FRANKLIN.

PARIS, January 27th, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--I had the honor of writing to you on the 5th of October,

and since that have received yours of the 1st of the same month. We

were highly pleased here with the health you enjoyed on your voyage,

and with the reception you met with at home. This was no more than I

expected. Had I had a vote for the Presidentship, however, I doubt

whether I should not have withheld it from you that you might have

leisure to collect and digest the papers you have written from time to

time, and which the world will expect to be given them. This side of

the globe is in a state of absolute quiet, both political and literary.

Not a sheet, I think, has come out since your departure, which is worth

notice. I do not know whether before that the Abbé Rochon had thought

of using the metal Platina for the specula telescope. Indeed, I believe

the thought is not his originally, but has been carried into execution

before by the Spaniards. It is thought to take as high a polish as

the metallic composition generally used, and is not liable to rust.

Hoffman's method of engraving with ink was, I believe, known to you.

I sent the other day to Pancouche's, by Mr. Hopkinson's desire, to get

the livraisons of the Encyclopedie which had not yet been taken out for

him, and informed Pancouche that the subscription had been made by you.

He sent me word two copies were subscribed for in your name, and at the

same time sent both of them to me. Supposing that the other may be your

own, and that you had not made arrangements for having it sent you, I

received it, and forwarded it in the same box with Mr. Hopkinson's. If

you have no better means of getting them in future, I offer my services

very cheerfully to forward them from time to time. What I have paid

for these (71 livres 10 sous), or may hereafter pay for others, you

can be so good as to replace in the hands of Mr. Hopkinson. If there

should be any other commissions to be executed here for you, I should

take real pleasure in being useful to you. Your friends here are all

well I think, and make you much the subject of their conversation. I

will trouble you to present my esteem to young Mr. Franklin, and add

assurances of the real respect and regard with which I have the honor

to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO COLONEL MONROE.

PARIS, January 27, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you on the 11th of December, and on the 11th of this

month I received your favor of July 15th, entrusted to Mrs. McCaulay

Graham. I do not know from what place she sent it. The last papers

from America present us a very disagreeable altercation between Mr.

Jay, and a young man from whom he had deserved better things. Mr.

Carmichael will, I fear, too, think himself involved. With him I am

unacquainted personally, but he stands on advantageous grounds in

the opinion of Europe, and most especially in Spain. Every person,

whom I see from thence, speaks of him with great esteem. I mention

this for your private satisfaction, as he seemed to be little known

in Congress. Mr. Jay, however, knows him well, and, notwithstanding

their little broulerie, his candor will do him justice. Dumas is a

great favorite both of Holland and France. You will be sensible of this

from the application which is communicated to Mr. Jay from the Count

de Vergennes. Mr. Van Bukel had solicited for him before I came from

America. This is a delicate matter, the more so as I believe Congress

had set the example by a letter to the King last year. True there is

no comparison between the characters solicited for. The death of Mr.

Hardy was matter of sincere concern to us. He had excellent virtues,

and only one foible, that of being too good-humored. This intelligence

was written to me from London by Colonel Humphreys, who went there in

November last. There being nothing going on here under the commissions,

to which he is Secretary, and some little matter there, he will

probably stay there some while yet, or perhaps divide his time between

that place and this. I send by this packet drawings for the Capitol

and prison at Richmond. They are addressed to the Directors of the

public buildings. If you have a curiosity to see them, open the round

package which goes herewith, only be so good as to do them up again

in the same way, and send them off by the first post. I think they

will be a gratification to yourself and such members as like things

of that kind. You see by my writing to you of American persons and

things, that I have nothing for you from this quarter. Europe enjoys

the most perfect repose, and will do so at least for another year. I

have been in expectation of receiving instructions from you as to your

Encyclopædie. But none being come, I will endeavor to send it to you by

this conveyance, if it can be got to L'Orient in time for the packet.

The re-establishment of these vessels is still doubtful; and till they

be re-established my correspondence will be very irregular. I have only

to add assurances of the sincere esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your

friend and servant.

* * * * *

P. S. If I should be able to send on your copy of the Encyclopædie,

it will be accompanied by one for Dr. Currie, which I will pray you to

forward to Richmond by land or water as you see best.

TO W. F. DUMAS.

PARIS, February 2, 1786.

SIR,--I was honored some time ago with a letter from you of December

6th, enclosing two for America, which I forwarded by the first

occasion. On the 18th of this month, I received a letter from his

Excellency the Count de Vergennes, expressing the interest which he

takes in your welfare, and recommending you to Congress. This I had

an opportunity of forwarding from hence on the 27th of January, under

cover to Mr. Jay. Yesterday I was gratified with the receipt of your

favor of January 27th, containing a copy of the resolution of Congress

of October 24th, in your favor, and which I wish had been more so. With

respect to the payment of the arrearages, two things are necessary:

first, an order from the Treasury, and secondly, money to comply with

it. Mr. Grand wrote me this morning that he had not now as much left

as to pay a bill of Mr. Carmichael's for 4300 livres just presented. I

shall forward your letter to Mr. Jay the next week, with a request that

the necessary measures may be taken for the payment of your arrearages

and interest. In the meantime, I think you would do well to write a

line for the same purpose to Mr. Jay, or to the Commissioners of the

Treasury. I do not mean that what I have said above should prevent

your drawing in due time for the salary of the current quarter. I

will honor the draught from a private fund with which I can take that

liberty. I thank you for what you say of the notes on Virginia. It

is much more than they deserve. Though the various matters they touch

on would have been beyond the information of any one person whatever

to have treated fully, and infinitely beyond mine, yet had I at the

time of writing them, had anything more in view than the satisfying

a single individual, they should have been more attended to both in

form and matter. Poor as they are, they have been thought worthy

of a surreptitious translation here, with the appearance of which

very soon I have been threatened. This has induced me to yield to a

friendly proposition from the Abbé Morellet, to translate and publish

them himself, submitting the sheets previously to my inspection. As a

translation by so able a hand will lessen the faults of the original,

instead of their being multiplied by a hireling translator. I shall add

to it a map and such other advantages as may prevent the mortification

of my seeing it appear in the injurious form threatened. I shall

with great pleasure send a copy of the original to you by the first

opportunity, praying your acceptance of it.

I have the honor to be with great esteem and respect, Sir, your most

obedient and most humble servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

PARIS, February 7, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--I am honored with yours of January the 19th. Mine of January

the 12th, had not, I suppose, at that time got to your hands, as the

receipt of it is unacknowledged. I shall be anxious till I receive your

answer to it.

I was perfectly satisfied before I received your letter, that your

opinion had been misunderstood or misrepresented in the case of the

Chevalier de Mezieres. Your letter, however, will enable me to say so

with authority. It is proper it should be known, that you had not given

the opinion imputed to you, though, as to the main question, it is

become useless; Monsieur de Reyneval having assured me, that what I had

written on that subject had perfectly satisfied the Count de Vergennes

and himself, that this case could never come under the treaty. To

evince, still further, the impropriety of taking up subjects gravely,

on such imperfect information as this court had, I have this moment

received a copy of an act of the Georgia Assembly, placing the subjects

of France, as to real estates, on the footing of natural citizens, and

expressly recognizing the treaty. Would you think anything could be

added, after this, to put this question still further out of doors?

A gentleman of Georgia assured me, General Oglethorpe did not own a

foot of land in the State. I do not know whether there has been any

American determination on the question, whether American citizens and

British subjects, born before the Revolution, can be aliens to one

another? I know there is an opinion of Lord Coke's, in Colvin's case,

that if England and Scotland should, in the course of descent, pass to

separate Kings, those born under the same sovereign during the union,

would remain natural subjects and not aliens. Common sense urges some

considerations against this. Natural subjects owe allegiance; but

we owe none. Aliens are the subjects of a foreign power; we are not

subjects of a foreign power. The King, by the treaty, acknowledges our

independence; how, then, can we remain natural subjects? The King's

power is, by the constitution, competent to the making peace, war and

treaties. He had, therefore, authority to relinquish our allegiance by

treaty. But if an act of parliament had been necessary, the parliament

passed an act to confirm the treaty. So that it appears to me, that in

this question, fictions of law alone are opposed to sound sense.

I am in hopes Congress will send a minister to Lisbon. I know no

country with which we are likely to cultivate a more useful commerce.

I have pressed this in my private letters.

It is difficult to learn anything certain here, about the French and

English treaty. Yet, in general, little is expected to be done between

them. I am glad to hear that the Delegates of Virginia had made the

vote relative to English commerce, though they afterwards repealed

it. I hope they will come to it again. When my last letters came away,

they were engaged in passing the revisal of their laws, with some small

alterations. The bearer of this, Mr. Lyons is a sensible, worthy young

physician, son of one of our judges, and on his return to Virginia.

Remember me with affection to Mrs. and Miss Adams, Colonels Smith and

Humphreys, and be assured of the esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your

friend and servant.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PARIS, February 8, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--My last letters were of the 1st and 20th of September, and

the 28th of October. Yours, unacknowledged, are of August the 20th,

October the 3d, and November the 15th. I take this, the first safe

opportunity, of enclosing to you the bills of lading for your books,

and two others for your namesake of Williamsburg, and for the attorney,

which I will pray you to forward. I thank you for the communication of

the remonstrance against the assessment. Mazzei, who is now in Holland,

promised me to have it published in the Leyden gazette. It will do

us great honor. I wish it may be as much approved by our Assembly, as

by the wisest part of Europe. I have heard, with great pleasure, that

our Assembly have come to the resolution of giving the regulation of

their commerce to the federal head. I will venture to assert, that

there is not one of its opposers, who, placed on this ground, would

not see the wisdom of this measure. The politics of Europe render it

indispensably necessary that, with respect to everything external, we

be one nation only, firmly hooped together. Interior government is what

each State should keep to itself. If it were seen in Europe that all

our States could be brought to concur in what the Virginia Assembly has

done, it would produce a total revolution in their opinion of us, and

respect for us. And it should ever be held in mind, that insult and

war are the consequences of a want of respectability in the national

character. As long as the States exercise, separately, those acts of

power which respect foreign nations, so long will there continue to

be irregularities committed by some one or other of them, which will

constantly keep us on an ill footing with foreign nations.

I thank you for your information as to my Notes. The copies I have

remaining shall be sent over, to be given to some of my friends,

and to select subjects in the College. I have been unfortunate here

with this trifle. I gave out a few copies only, and to confidential

persons, writing in every copy a restraint against its publication.

Among others, I gave a copy to a Mr. Williams; he died. I immediately

took every precaution I could, to recover this copy. But, by some means

or other, a bookseller had got hold of it. He employed a hireling

translator, and is about publishing it in the most injurious form

possible. I am now at a loss what to do as to England. Everything,

good or bad, is thought worth publishing there; and I apprehend a

translation back from the French, and a publication here. I rather

believe it will be most eligible to let the original come out in that

country; but am not yet decided.

I have purchased little for you in the book way, since I sent the

catalogue of my former purchases. I wish, first, to have your answer to

that, and your information, what parts of these purchases went out of

your plan. You can easily say, buy more of this kind, less of that, &c.

My wish is to conform myself to yours. I can get for you the original

Paris edition of the Encyclopedie, in thirty-five volumes, folio,

for six hundred and twenty livres; a good edition, in thirty-nine

volumes, 4to, for three hundred and eighty livres; and a good one, in

thirty-nine volumes, 8vo, for two hundred and eighty livres. The new

one will be superior in far the greater number of articles; but not in

all. And the possession of the ancient one has, moreover, the advantage

of supplying present use. I have bought one for myself, but wait your

orders as to you. I remember your purchase of a watch in Philadelphia.

If it should not have proved good, you can probably sell it. In that

case, I can get for you, here, one made as perfect as human art can

make it, for about twenty-four louis. I have had such a one made by

the best and most faithful hand in Paris. It has a second hand, but no

repeating, no day of the month, nor other useless thing to impede and

injure the movements which are necessary. For twelve louis more, you

can have in the same cover, but on the back, and absolutely unconnected

with the movements of the watch, a pedometer, which shall render you an

exact account of the distances you walk. Your pleasure hereon shall be

awaited.

Houdon has returned. He called on me, the other day, to remonstrate

against the inscription proposed for General Washington's statue. He

says it is too long to be put on the pedestal. I told him I was not at

liberty to permit any alteration, but I would represent his objection

to a friend, who could judge of its validity, and whether a change

could be authorized. This has been the subject of conversations here,

and various devices and inscriptions have been suggested. The one which

has appeared best to me may be translated as follows: "Behold, Reader,

the form of George Washington. For his worth, ask History; that will

tell it, when this stone shall have yielded to the decays of time. His

country erects this monument: Houdon makes it." This for one side.

On the second, represent the evacuation of Boston, with the motto,

"Hostibus primum fugatis." On the third, the capture of the Hessians,

with "Hostibus iterum devictis." On the fourth, the surrender of York,

with "Hostibus ultimum debellatis." This is seizing the three most

brilliant actions of his military life. By giving out, here, a wish

of receiving mottos for this statue, we might have thousands offered,

from which still better might be chosen. The artist made the same

objection, of length, to the inscription for the bust of the Marquis

de La Fayette. An alteration of that might come in time still, if an

alteration was wished. However, I am not certain that it is desirable

in either case. The State of Georgia has given twenty thousand acres

of land to the Count d'Estaing. This gift is considered here as very

honorable to him, and it has gratified him much. I am persuaded, that

a gift of lands by the State of Virginia to the Marquis de La Fayette

would give a good opinion here of our character, and would reflect

honor on the Marquis. Nor, am I sure that the day will not come when it

might be an useful asylum to him. The time of life at which he visited

America was too well adapted to receive good and lasting impressions to

permit him ever to accommodate himself to the principles of monarchical

government; and it will need all his own prudence, and that of his

friends, to make this country a safe residence for him. How glorious,

how comfortable in reflection, will it be, to have prepared a refuge

for him in case of a reverse. In the meantime, he could settle it with

tenants from the freest part of this country, Bretaigne. I have never

suggested the smallest idea of this kind to him; because the execution

of it should convey the first notice. If the State has not a right to

give him lands with their own officers, they could buy up, at cheap

prices, the shares of others. I am not certain, however, whether in

the public or private opinion, a similar gift to Count Rochambeau

could be dispensed with. If the State could give to both, it would

be better; but, in any event, I think they should to the Marquis.

Count Rochambeau, too, has really deserved more attention than he has

received. Why not set up his bust, that of Gates, Greene, Franklin,

in your new capitol? Apropos of the capitol. Do, my dear friend, exert

yourself to get the plan, begun on, set aside, and that adopted, which

was drawn here. It was taken from a model which has been the admiration

of sixteen centuries; which has been the object of as many pilgrimages

as the tomb of Mahomet; which will give unrivalled honor to our State,

and furnish a model whereon to form the taste of our young men. It

will cost much less, too, than the one begun; because it does not

cover one-half of the area. Ask, if you please, a sight of my letter of

January the 26th, to Messrs. Buchanan and Hay, which will spare me the

repeating its substance here.

Everything is quiet in Europe. I recollect but one new invention in

the arts, which is worth mentioning. It is a mixture of the arts of

engraving and printing, rendering both cheaper. Write or draw anything

on a plate of brass, with the ink of the inventor, and, in half

an hour, he gives you engraved copies of it, so perfectly like the

original, that they could not be suspected to be copies. His types for

printing a whole page are all in one solid piece. An author, therefore,

only prints a few copies of his work, from time to time, as they

are called for. This saves the loss of printing more copies than may

possibly be sold, and prevents an edition from being ever exhausted.

I am, with a lively esteem, dear Sir, your sincere friend and servant.

TO MONSIEUR HILLIARD D'AUBERTEUIL.

PARIS, February 20, 1786.

SIR,--I have been honored with your letter, and the books which

accompanied it, for which I return you my hearty thanks. America cannot

but be flattered with the choice of the subject, on which you are

at present employing your pen. The memory of the American Revolution

will be immortal, and will immortalize those who record it. The reward

is encouraging, and will justify all those pains, which a rigorous

investigation of facts will render necessary. Many important facts,

which preceded the commencement of hostilities, took place in England.

These may mostly be obtained from good publications in that country.

Some took place in this country. They will be probably hidden from

the present age. But America is the field where the greatest mass

of important events were transacted, and where alone they can now

be collected. I, therefore, much applaud your idea of going to that

country, for the verification of the facts you mean to record. Every

man there can tell you more than any man here, who has not been there;

and the very ground itself will give you new insight into some of

the most interesting transactions. If I can be of service to you, in

promoting your object there, I offer myself freely to your use. I shall

be flattered by the honor of your visit here, at any time. I am seldom

from home before noon; but if any later hour should suit you better, I

will take care to be at home, at any hour and day you will be pleased

to indicate.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient

humble servant.

TO DR. BANCROFT.

PARIS, February 26, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you on the 21st instant, on the subject of Mr.

Paradise, which I hope you have received.

By the death of Mr. Williams, a copy of my Notes on Virginia got into

the hands of a bookseller, who was about publishing a very abominable

translation of them, when the Abbé Morellet heard of it, and diverted

him from it by undertaking to translate it for him. They will thus

appear in French in spite of my precautions. The Abbé engaged me

to make a map, which I wish to have engraved in London. It is on a

single sheet, twenty-three inches square, and very closely written. It

comprehends from Albemarle Sound to Lake Erie, and from Philadelphia to

the mouth of the great Kanawha, containing Virginia and Pennsylvania,

a great part of Maryland, and a part of North Carolina. It is taken

from Suell, Hutchins, and Fry and Jefferson. I wish the favor of you

to make two propositions for me, and to inform me of the result. 1.

To know from one of the best engravers how much he will ask for the

plate and engraving, and in how short a time after he received the

original can he furnish the plate, done in the best manner; for the

time is material, as the work is in the press. 2. To know of Faden,

or any other map merchant, for how much he will undertake to furnish

me 1,800 copies, on my sending the map to him, and in what time can he

furnish them. On this alternative, I am to have nothing to do with the

engraver, or any person but the undertaker. I am of opinion, he may

furnish them to me for nothing, and fully indemnify himself by the sale

of the maps. Though it is on a scale of only an inch to twenty miles,

it is as particular as the four-sheet maps from which it is taken, and

I answer for the exactness of the reduction. I have supplied some new

places, though the first object which induced me to undertake it was

to make a map for my book. I soon extended my view to the making as

good a map of those counties as my materials would admit; and I have no

doubt but that in the States of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia,

600 copies can be sold for a dollar apiece. I shall finish it in about

a fortnight, except the divisions in the counties of Virginia, which

I cannot do at all till I can get Henry's map of Virginia. This I must

trouble you to procure for me, and send immediately by the diligence;

and also give me information on the premises as soon as possible.

You will perceive that time will press. I hope the circumstances of

this affair will plead my pardon for the trouble I am giving you.

The expense of procuring and sending the map shall be replaced, and

an infinitude of thanks attend you. Sir, your most obedient humble

servant.

* * * * *

P. S. I do not propose that my name shall appear on the map, because it

will belong to its original authors, and because I do not wish to place

myself at the bar of the public.

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

PARIS, February 28, 1786.

SIR,--Circumstances of public duty calling me suddenly to London, I

take the liberty of mentioning it to your Excellency, and of asking

a few minutes' audience of you, at as early a day and hour as will be

convenient to you, and that you will be so good as to indicate them to

me. I would wish to leave Paris about Friday or Saturday, and suppose

that my stay in London will be of about three weeks. I shall be happy

to be the bearer of any commands your Excellency may have for that

place, and will faithfully execute them. I cannot omit mentioning,

how pleasing it would be to me to be enabled, before my departure, to

convey to the American prisoners at St. Pol de Leon such mitigation of

their fate as may be thought admissible.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect and

esteem, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE HONORABLE J. JAY.

PARIS, March 5, 1786.

SIR,--The several commissions to which Congress were pleased to appoint

Colonel Humphreys Secretary of Legation, being shortly to expire,

and a French packet offering him a convenient passage in the month

of April, he proposes to avail himself of that occasion of returning

to his own country, and of then presenting his respects and thanks to

Congress, as a member of the several commissions with which his office

was connected. I think it my duty to bear testimony to his ready, able,

and faithful discharge of all its duties; and I beg leave, through

you, to present this testimony to Congress, and to assure them that his

talents and disposition are such as they may repose themselves on with

security, should they think to avail our country of them on any future

occasion. I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem,

Sir, yours, &c.

TO JOHN JAY.

LONDON, March 12, 1786.

SIR,--The date of a letter from London will doubtless be as unexpected

to you as it was unforeseen by myself a few days ago. On the 27th of

last month, Colonel Smith arrived in Paris with a letter from Mr.

Adams, informing me that there was at this place a minister from

Tripoli, having general powers to enter into treaties on behalf of

his State, and with whom it was possible we might do something under

our commission to that power; and that he gave reason to believe he

could also make arrangements with us for Tunis. He further added that

the minister of Portugal here had received ultimate instructions from

his court, and that probably that treaty might be concluded in the

space of three weeks were we all on the spot together. He, therefore,

pressed me to come over immediately. The first of these objects had

some weight on my mind, because, as we had sent no person to Tripoli or

Tunis, I thought if we could meet a minister from them on this ground,

our arrangements would be settled much sooner, and at less expense.

But what principally decided me was the desire of bringing matters to

a conclusion with Portugal before the term of our commissions should

expire, or any new turn in the negotiations of France and England

should abate their willingness to fix a connection with us. A third

motive had also its weight. I hoped that my attendance here, and the

necessity of shortening it, might be made use of to force a decisive

answer from this court. I therefore concluded to comply with Mr.

Adams's request. I went immediately to Versailles, and apprised the

Count de Vergennes that circumstances of public duty called me hither

for three or four weeks, arranged with him some matters, and set out

with Colonel Smith for this place, where we arrived last night, which

was as early as the excessive rigor of the weather admitted. I saw Mr.

Adams immediately, and again to day. He informs me that the minister

of Portugal was taken ill five or six days ago, has been very much

so, but is now somewhat better. It would be very mortifying, indeed,

should this accident, with the shortness of the term to which I limit

my stay here, defeat what was the principal object of my journey, and

that, without which, I should hardly have undertaken it. With respect

to this country, I had no doubt but that every consideration had been

urged by Mr. Adams which was proper to be urged. Nothing remains undone

in this way. But we shall avail ourselves of my journey here, as if

made on purpose, just before the expiration of our commission, to form

our report to Congress on the execution of that commission, which

report they may be given to know, cannot be formed without decisive

information of the ultimate determination of their court. There is no

doubt what that determination will be; but it will be useful to have

it; as it may put an end to all further expectations on our side the

water, and show that the time is come for doing whatever is to be done

by us for counteracting the unjust and greedy designs of this country.

We shall have the honor, before I leave this place, to inform you of

the result of the several matters which have brought me to it.

A day or two before my departure from Paris, I received your letter of

January --. The question therein proposed, "How far France considers

herself as bound to insist on the delivery of the posts," would

infallibly produce another, How far we consider ourselves as guarantees

of their American possessions, and bound to enter into any future war

in which these may be attacked? The words of the treaty of alliance

seem to be without ambiguity on either head, yet I should be afraid to

commit Congress by answering without authority. I will endeavor, on

my return, to sound the opinion of the minister, if possible without

exposing myself to the other question. Should anything forcible

be meditated on these posts, it would possibly be thought prudent,

previously, to ask the good offices of France to obtain their delivery.

In this case, they would probably say, we must first execute the treaty

on our part by repealing all acts which have contravened it. Now this

measure, if there be any candor in the court of London, would suffice

to obtain a delivery of the posts from them without the mediation of

any third power. However, if this mediation should be finally needed,

I see no reason to doubt our obtaining it, and still less to question

its omnipotent influence on the British court.

I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, Sir, your

most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO RICHARD HENRY LEE.

LONDON, April 22, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--In your letter of October the 29th, you desired me to send

you one of the new lamps. I tried at every probable place in Paris,

and could not get a tolerable one. I have been glad of it since I came

here, as I find them much better made here. I now deliver one, with

this letter, into the hands of Mr. Fulwar Skipwith, a merchant from

Virginia, settled here, who promises to send it to you, with one for

Mr. C. Thomson. Be pleased to accept, this from me. It is now found

that they may be used with almost any oil.

I expect to leave this place in about three days. Our public letters,

joint and separate, will inform you what has been done, and what

could not be done here. With respect to a commercial treaty with

this country, be assured that this government not only has it not in

contemplation at present to make any, but that they do not conceive

that any circumstances will arise which shall render it expedient for

them to have any political connection with us. They think we shall be

glad of their commerce on their own terms. There is no party in our

favor here, either in power or out of power. Even the opposition concur

with the ministry and the nation in this. I can scarcely consider as

a party the Marquis of Lansdowne, and a half dozen characters about

him, such as Dr. Price, &c., who are impressed with the utility of a

friendly connection with us. The former does not venture this sentiment

in parliament, and the latter are not in situations to be heard. The

Marquis of Lansdowne spoke to me affectionately of your brother, Doctor

Lee, and desired his respects to him, which I beg leave to communicate

through you. Were he to come into the ministry (of which there is not

the most distant prospect), he must adopt the King's system, or go

out again, as he did before, for daring to depart from it. When we

see, that through all the changes of ministry which have taken place

during the present reign, there has never been a change of system

with respect to America, we cannot reasonably doubt, that this is

the system of the King himself. His obstinacy of character we know;

his hostility we have known, and it is embittered by ill success. If

ever this nation, during his life, enter into arrangements with us,

it must be in consequence of events of which they do not at present

see a possibility. The object of the present ministry is to buoy up

the nation with flattering calculations of their present prosperity,

and to make them believe they are better without us than with us. This

they seriously believe; for what is it men cannot be made to believe!

I dined the other day in a company of the ministerial party. A General

Clark, a Scotchman and ministerialist, sat next to me. He introduced

the subject of American affairs, and in the course of the conversation

told me that were America to petition Parliament to be again received

on their former footing, the petition would be very generally rejected.

He was serious in this, and I think it was the sentiment of the

company, and is the sentiment perhaps of the nation. In this they are

wise, but for a foolish reason. They think they lost more by suffering

us to participate of their commercial privileges, at home and abroad,

than they lose by our political severance. The true reason, however,

why such an application should be rejected is, that in a very short

time, we should oblige them to add another hundred millions to their

debt in unsuccessful attempts to retain the subjection offered to them.

They are at present in a frenzy, and will not be recovered from it till

they shall have leaped the precipice they are now so boldly advancing

to. Writing from England, I write you nothing but English news. The

continent at present furnishes nothing interesting. I shall hope the

favor of your letters at times. The proceedings and views of Congress,

and of the Assemblies, the opinions and dispositions of our people in

general, which, in governments like ours, must be the foundation of

measures, will always be interesting to me; as will whatever respects

your own health and happiness, being with great esteem, dear Sir, your

most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO CHARLES THOMSON.

LONDON, April 22, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--In one of your former letters, you expressed a wish to have

one of the newly-invented lamps. I find them made here much better than

at Paris, and take the liberty of asking your acceptance of one, which

will accompany this letter. It is now found that any tolerable oil may

be used in them. The spermaceti oil is best, of the cheap kinds.

I could write you volumes on the improvements which I find made, and

making here, in the arts. One deserves particular notice, because it

is simple, great, and likely to have extensive consequences. It is

the application of steam, as an agent for working grist mills. I have

visited the one lately made here. It was, at that time, turning eight

pair of stones. It consumes one hundred bushels of coal a day. It is

proposed to put up thirty pair of stones. I do not know whether the

quantity of fuel, is to be increased. I hear you are applying the same

agent in America, to navigate boats, and I have little doubt, but that

it will be applied generally to machines, so as to supersede the use of

water ponds, and of course to lay open all the streams for navigation.

We know that steam is one of the most powerful engines we can employ;

and in America, fuel is abundant. I find no new publication here worth

sending to you. I shall set out for Paris within three or four days.

Our public letters will inform you of our proceedings here.

I am, with sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

LONDON, April 23, 1786.

SIR,--In my letter of March the 12th, I had the honor of explaining

to you the motives which had brought me to this place. A joint letter

from Mr. Adams and myself, sent by the last packet, informed you of the

result of our conferences with the Tripoline minister. The conferences

with the minister of Portugal have been drawn to a greater length

than I expected. However, everything is now agreed, and the treaty

will be ready for signature the day after to-morrow. I shall set out

for Paris the same day. With this country nothing is done; and that

nothing is intended to be done, on their part, admits not the smallest

doubt. The nation is against any change of measures; the ministers

are against it; some from principle, others from subserviency; and the

King, more than all men, is against it. If we take a retrospect to the

beginning of the present reign, we observe that amidst all the changes

of ministry, no change of measures with respect to America ever took

place; excepting only at the moment of the peace; and the minister of

that moment was immediately removed. Judging of the future by the past,

I do not expect a change of disposition during the present reign, which

bids fair to be a long one, as the King is healthy and temperate. That

he is persevering, we know. If he ever changes his plan, it will be

in consequence of events, which, at present, neither himself nor his

ministers place among those which are probable. Even the opposition

dare not open their lips in favor of a connection with us, so unpopular

would be the topic. It is not that they think our commerce unimportant

to them. I find that the merchants here set sufficient value on it.

But they are sure of keeping it on their own terms. No better proof

can be shown of the security in which the ministers think themselves

on this head, than that they have not thought it worth while to give

us a conference on the subject, though, on my arrival, we exhibited

to them our commission, observed to them that it would expire on the

12th of the next month, and that I had come over on purpose to see if

any arrangements could be made before that time. Of two months which

then remained, six weeks have elapsed without one scrip of a pen, or

one word from a minister, except a vague proposition at an accidental

meeting. We availed ourselves even of that, to make another essay

to extort some sort of declaration from the court. But their silence

is invincible. But of all this, as well as of the proceedings in the

negotiation with Portugal, information will be given you by a joint

letter from Mr. Adams and myself. The moment is certainly arrived, when

the plan of this court being out of all doubt, Congress and the States

may decide what their own measures should be.

The Marquis of Lansdowne spoke of you in very friendly terms, and

desired me to present his respects to you, in the first letter I should

write. He is thoroughly sensible of the folly of the present measures

of this country, as are a few other characters about him. Dr. Price is

among these, and is particularly disturbed at the present prospect. He

acknowledges, however, that all change is desperate; which weighs more,

as he is intimate with Mr. Pitt. This small band of friends, favorable

as it is, does not pretend to say one word in public on our subject.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest esteem and

respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

LONDON, April 23, 1786.

SIR,--In another letter of this day, I stated to you what had passed

with public characters, since my arrival here. Conversations with

private individuals, I thought it best not to mingle with the contents

of that letter. Yet, as some have taken place which relate to matters

within our instructions, and with persons whose opinions deserve

to have some weight, I will take the liberty of stating them. In a

conversation with an ancient and respectable merchant of this place,

such a view of the true state of the commercial connections of America

and Great Britain, was presented to him, as induced him to acknowledge

they had been mistaken in their opinions, and to ask that Mr. Adams and

myself would permit the chairman of the committee of American merchants

to call on us. He observed that the same person happened to be also

chairman of the committee of the whole body of British merchants; and

that such was the respect paid to his person and office, that we might

consider what came from him, as coming from the committees themselves.

He called on us at an appointed hour. He was a Mr. Duncan Campbell,

formerly much concerned in the American trade. We entered on the

subject of the non-execution of the late treaty of peace, alleged on

both sides. We observed that the refusal to deliver the western posts,

and the withdrawing American property contrary to express stipulation,

having preceded what they considered as breaches on our part, were

to be considered as the causes of our proceedings. The obstructions

thrown by our legislatures in the way of the recovery of their debts,

were insisted on by him. We observed to him, that the great amount

of the debt from America to Great Britain, and the little circulating

coin in the former country, rendered an immediate payment impossible;

that time was necessary; that we had been authorized to enter into

explanatory arrangements on this subject; that we had made overtures

for the purpose, which had not been attended to, and that the States

had, therefore, been obliged to modify the article for themselves. He

acknowledged the impossibility of immediate payment, the propriety of

an explanatory convention, and said that they were disposed to allow

a reasonable time. We mentioned the term of five years, including

the present; but that judgments might be allowed immediately, only

dividing the execution into equal and annual parts, so that the last

should be levied by the close of the year 1790. This seemed to be

quite agreeable to him, and to be as short a term as would be insisted

on by them. Proceeding to the sum to be demanded, we agreed that the

principal, with the interest incurring before and after the war, should

be paid; but, as to that incurring during the war, we differed from

him. He urged its justice with respect to themselves, who had laid

out of the use of their money during that period. This was his only

topic. We opposed to it all those which circumstances, both public and

private, gave rise to. He appeared to feel their weight, but said the

renunciation of this interest was a bitter pill, and such a one as the

merchants here could not swallow. He wished that no declaration should

be made as to this article; but we observed that if we entered into

explanatory declarations of the points unfavorable to us, we should

expect, as a consideration for this, corresponding declarations on the

parts in our favor. In fact, we supposed his view was to leave this

part of the interest to stand on the general expressions of the treaty,

that they might avail themselves, in individual cases, of the favorable

dispositions of debtors or juries. We proceeded to the necessity

of arrangements of our future commerce, were it only as a means of

enabling our country to pay its debts. We suggested that they had

been contracted, while certain modes of remittance had existed here,

which had been an inducement to us to contract these debts. He said

he was not authorized to speak on the subject of the future commerce.

He appeared really and feelingly anxious that arrangements should be

stipulated as to the payment of the old debts; said he would proceed in

that moment to Lord Caermarthen's, and discuss the subject with him,

and that we might expect to hear from him. He took leave, and we have

never since heard from him or any other person on the subject. Congress

will judge how far these conversations should influence their future

proceedings, or those of the States.

I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, Sir, your

most obedient humble servant.

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

PARIS, May 3, 1786.

SIR,--After begging leave to present my respects to your Excellency,

on my return to this place, I take the liberty of offering to your

attention some papers, which I found on my arrival here, written by

sundry merchants of L'Orient, and others, some of whom are citizens

of the United States, and all of them concerned in the trade between

the two countries. This has been carried on, by an exchange of the

manufactures and produce of this country, for the produce of that, and

principally for tobacco, which, though, on its arrival here, confined

to a single purchaser, has been received equally from all sellers.

In confidence of a continuance of this practice, the merchants of

both countries were carrying on their commerce of exchange. A late

contract by the Farm has, in a great measure, fixed in a single

mercantile house, the supplies of tobacco wanted for this country. This

arrangement found the established merchants with some tobacco on hand,

some on the seas coming to them, and more still due. By the papers

now enclosed, it seems that there are six thousand four hundred and

eight hogsheads, in the single port of L'Orient. Whether government

may interfere, as to articles furnished by the merchants after they

had notice of the contract before mentioned, must depend on principles

of policy. But those of justice seem to urge, that, for commodities

furnished before such notice, they should be so far protected, as

that they may wind up without loss, the transactions in which the new

arrangement found them actually engaged. Your Excellency is the best

judge, how far it may be consistent with the rules of government,

to interfere for their relief; and with you, therefore, I beg leave

entirely to rest their interests.

Information lately received, relative to the Barbary States, has

suggested, that it might be expedient, and perhaps necessary for us,

to pave the way to arrangements with them, by a previous application

to the Ottoman Porte. Your Excellency's intimate acquaintance with this

subject would render your advice to us equally valuable and desirable.

If you would be pleased to permit me to wait on you, any day or hour

which shall be most convenient to yourself, I should be much gratified

by a little conversation with you on this subject.

I have the honor to be, with great respect, your Excellency's most

obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN PAGE.

PARIS, May 4, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--Your two favors of March the 15th and August the 23d, 1785,

by Monsieur de la Croix, came to hand on the 15th of November. His

return gives me an opportunity of sending you a copy of the nautical

almanacs for 1786, '7, '8, '9. There is no late and interesting

publication here, or I would send it by the same conveyance. With these

almanacs, I pack a copy of some Notes I wrote for Monsieur de Marbois,

in the year 1781, of which I had a few printed here. They were written

in haste, and for his private inspection. A few friends having asked

copies, I found it cheaper to print than to write them. They will offer

nothing new to you, not even as an oblation of my friendship for you,

which is as old almost as we are ourselves. Mazzei brought me your

favor of April the 28th. I thank you much for your communications.

Nothing can be more grateful at such a distance. It is unfortunate that

most people think the occurrences passing daily under their eyes, are

either known to all the world, or not worth being known. They therefore

do not give them place in their letters. I hope you will be so good as

to continue your friendly information. The proceedings of our public

bodies, the progress of the public mind on interesting questions, the

casualties which happen among our private friends, and whatever is

interesting to yourself and family, will always be anxiously received

by me. There is one circumstance in the work you were concerned in,

which has not yet come to my knowledge; to wit, how far westward from

Fort Pitt does the western boundary of Pennsylvania pass, and where

does it strike the Ohio? The proposition you mention from Mr. Anderson,

on the purchase of tobacco, I would have made use of, but that I have

engaged the abuses of the tobacco trade on a more general scale. I

confess their redress is by no means certain; but, till I see all hope

of removing the evil by the roots desperate, I cannot propose to prune

its branches.

I returned but three or four days ago from a two months' trip to

England. I traversed that country much, and own both town and country

fell short of my expectations. Comparing it with this, I found a much

greater proportion of barrens, a soil, in other parts, not naturally

so good as this, not better cultivated, but better manured, and,

therefore, more productive. This proceeds from the practice of long

leases there, and short ones here. The laboring people here are poorer

than in England. They pay about one half their produce in rent; the

English, in general, about a third. The gardening, in that country, is

the article in which it surpasses all the earth. I mean their pleasure

gardening. This, indeed, went far beyond my ideas. The city of London,

though handsomer than Paris, is not so handsome as Philadelphia. Their

architecture is in the most wretched style I ever saw, not meaning to

except America, where it is bad, nor even Virginia, where it is worse

than in any other part of America which I have seen. The mechanical

arts in London are carried to a wonderful perfection. But of these I

need not speak, because of them my countrymen have unfortunately too

many samples before their eyes. I consider the extravagance, which

has seized them, as a more baneful evil than toryism was during the

war. It is the more so, as the example is set by the best and most

amiable characters among us. Would a missionary appear, who would make

frugality the basis of his religious system, and go through the land,

preaching it up as the only road to salvation, I would join his school,

though not generally disposed to seek my religion out of the dictates

of my own reason, and feelings of my own heart. These things have been

more deeply impressed on my mind, by what I have heard and seen in

England. That nation hate us, their ministers hate us, and their King,

more than all other men. They have the impudence to avow this, though

they acknowledge our trade important to them. But they think, we cannot

prevent our countrymen from bringing that into their laps. A conviction

of this determines them to make no terms of commerce with us. They say,

they will pocket our carrying trade as well as their own. Our overtures

of commercial arrangements have been treated with a derision, which

shows their firm persuasion, that we shall never unite to suppress

their commerce, or even to impede it. I think their hostility towards

us is much more deeply rooted at present, than during the war. In the

arts, the most striking thing I saw there, new, was the application

of the principle of the steam-engine to grist mills. I saw eight pair

of stones which are worked by steam, and there are to be set up thirty

pair in the same house. A hundred bushels of coal a day, are consumed

at present. I do not know in what proportion the consumption will be

increased by the additional gear.

Be so good as to present my respects to Mrs. Page and your family,

to W. Lewis, F. Willis, and their families, and to accept yourself

assurances of the sincere regard with which I am, dear Sir, your

affectionate friend and servant.

TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.

PARIS, May 5, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--A visit of two months to England has been the cause of

your not hearing from me during that period. Your letters of February

3d, to Mr. Adams and myself, and of February 4th, to me, had come to

hand before my departure. While I was in London, Mr. Adams received

the letters giving information of Mr. Lambe's arrival in Algiers. In

London, we had conferences with a Tripoline ambassador, now at that

court, named Abdrahaman. He asked us thirty thousand guineas for a

peace with his court, and as much for Tunis, for which he said he could

answer. What we were authorized to offer, being to this but as a drop

to a bucket, our conferences were repeated, only for the purpose of

obtaining information. If the demands of Algiers and Morocco should be

in proportion to this, according to their superior power, it is easy to

foresee that the United States will not buy a peace with money. What

principally led me to England was, the information that the Chevalier

del Pinto, Portuguese minister at that court, had received full powers

to treat with us. I accordingly went there, and, in the course of six

weeks, we arranged a commercial treaty between our two countries. His

powers were only to negotiate, not to sign. And as I could not wait,

Mr. Adams and myself signed, and the Chevalier del Pinto expected daily

the arrival of powers to do the same. The footing on which each has

placed the other, is that of the most favored nation. We wished much

to have had some privileges in their American possessions; but this was

not to be effected. The right to import flour into Portugal, though not

conceded by the treaty, we are not without hopes of obtaining.

My journey furnished us occasion to renew our overtures to the court of

London; which it was the more important to do, as our powers to that

court were to expire on the 12th of this month. These overtures were

not attended to, and our commission expiring, we made our final report

to Congress; and I suppose this the last offer of friendship which

will ever be made on our part. The treaty of peace being unexecuted on

either part, in important points, each will now take their own measures

for obtaining execution. I think the King, ministers, and nation are

more bitterly hostile to us at present, than at any period of the late

war. A like disposition on our part has been rising for some time. In

what events these things will end, we cannot foresee. Our countrymen

are eager in their passions and enterprises, and not disposed to

calculate their interests against these. Our enemies (for such they

are, in fact) have for twelve years past followed but one uniform rule,

that of doing exactly the contrary of what reason points out. Having,

early during our contest, observed this in the British conduct, I

governed myself by it in all prognostications of their measures; and

I can say, with truth, it never failed me but in the circumstance of

their making peace with us. I have no letters from America of later

date than the new year. Mr. Adams had, to the beginning of February.

I am in hopes our letters will give a new spur to the proposition, for

investing Congress with the regulation of our commerce.

This will be handed you by a Baron Waltersdorf, a Danish gentleman,

whom, if you did not already know, I should take the liberty of

recommending to you. You were so kind as to write me that you would

forward me a particular map, which has not come to hand. I beg you to

be assured of the respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be,

dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. DUMAS.

PARIS, May 6, 1786.

SIR,--Having been absent in England, for some time past, your favors

of February the 27th, March the 28th, and April the 11th, have not been

acknowledged as soon as they should have been. I am obliged to you, for

assisting to make me known to the Rhingrave de Salm and the Marquis de

la Coste, whose reputations render an acquaintance with them desirable.

I have not yet seen either, but expect that honor from the Rhingrave

very soon. Your letters to Mr. Jay and Mr. Van Berkel, received in my

absence, will be forwarded by a gentleman who leaves this place for New

York, within a few days. I sent the treaty with Prussia, by a gentleman

who sailed from Havre, the 11th of November. The arrival of that vessel

in America is not yet known here. Though the time is not long enough

to produce despair, it is sufficiently so to give inquietude lest it

should be lost. This would be a cause of much concern to me; I beg the

favor of you to mention this circumstance to the Baron de Thulemeyer,

as an apology for his not hearing from us. The last advices from

America bring us nothing interesting. A principal object of my journey

to London was to enter into commercial arrangements with Portugal.

This has been done almost in the precise terms of those of Prussia. The

English are still our enemies. The spirit existing there, and rising in

America, has a very lowering aspect. To what events it may give birth,

I cannot foresee. We are young and can survive them; but their rotten

machine must crush under the trial. The animosities of sovereigns are

temporary, and may be allayed; but those which seize the whole body of

a people, and of a people, too, who dictate their own measures, produce

calamities of long duration. I shall not wonder to see the scenes of

ancient Rome and Carthage renewed in our day; and if not pursued to the

same issue, it may be because the republic of modern powers will not

permit the extinction of any one of its members. Peace and friendship

with all mankind is our wisest policy; and I wish we may be permitted

to pursue it. But the temper and folly of our enemies may not leave

this in our choice. I am happy in our prospect of friendship with the

most estimable powers of Europe, and particularly with those of the

confederacy, of which yours is. That your present crisis may have a

happy issue, is the prayer and wish of him who has the honor to be,

with great respect and esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO WILLIAM DRAYTON.

PARIS, May 6, 1786.

SIR,--Your favor of November the 23d came duly to hand. A call to

England, soon after its receipt, has prevented my acknowledging it so

soon as I should have done. I am very sensible of the honor done me

by the South Carolina society for promoting and improving agriculture

and other rural concerns, when they were pleased to elect me to be of

their body; and I beg leave, through you, Sir, to convey to them my

grateful thanks for this favor. They will find in me, indeed, but a

very unprofitable servant. At present, particularly, my situation is

unfavorable to the desire I feel, of promoting their views. However,

I shall certainly avail myself of every occasion which shall occur,

of doing so. Perhaps I may render some service, by forwarding to the

society such new objects of culture, as may be likely to succeed in the

soil and climate of South Carolina. In an infant country, as ours is,

these experiments are important. We are probably far from possessing,

as yet, all the articles of culture for which nature has fitted our

country. To find out these, will require abundance of unsuccessful

experiments. But if, in a multitude of these, we make one useful

acquisition, it repays our trouble. Perhaps it is the peculiar duty of

associated bodies, to undertake these experiments. Under this sense

of the views of the society, and with so little opportunity of being

otherwise useful to them, I shall be attentive to procure for them the

seeds of such plants, as they will be so good as to point out to me, or

as shall occur to myself as worthy their notice. I send at present, by

Mr. McQueen, some seeds of a grass, found very useful in the southern

parts of Europe, and particularly, and almost solely cultivated in

Malta. It is called by the names of Sulla, and Spanish St. Foin, and

is the Hedysarum coronarium of Linnæus. It is usually sown early in

autumn. I shall receive a supply of fresher seed, this fall, which I

will also do myself the honor of forwarding to you. I expect, in the

same season, from the south of France, some acorns of the cork oak,

which I propose for your society, as I am persuaded they will succeed

with you. I observed it to grow in England, without shelter; not well,

indeed, but so as to give hopes that it would do well with you. I

shall consider myself as always honored by the commands of the society,

whenever they shall find it convenient to make use of me, and beg you

to be assured, personally, of the sentiments of respect and esteem with

which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble

servant.

TO W. T. FRANKLIN.

PARIS, May 7, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--On my return from a two months' visit to England, I

found here your favor of January the 18th. This contains the latest

intelligence I have from America. Your effects not being then arrived

gives me anxiety for them, as I think they went in a vessel which

sailed from Havre the 11th of November. In this vessel, went also the

two Mr. Fitzhughs of Virginia, with the Prussian treaty, our papers

relative to the Barbary States, with the despatches for Congress,

and letters which I had been writing to other persons in America

for six weeks preceding their departure. I am obliged to you for

the information as to Dr. Franklin's health, in which I feel a great

interest. I concur in opinion with you, that in the present factious

division of your State, an angel from heaven could do no good. I have

been sorry, therefore, from the beginning, to see such time as Dr.

Franklin's wasted on so hopeless a business. You have formed a just

opinion of Monroe. He is a man whose soul might be turned wrong side

outwards, without discovering a blemish to the world. I wish with

all my heart, Congress may call you into the diplomatic line, as that

seems to have attracted your own desires. It is not one in which you

can do anything more than pass the present hour agreeably, without any

prospect to future provision. Perhaps, the arrangements with Portugal,

by adding to the number of those appointments, may give Congress

an opportunity of doing justice to your own, and to Dr. Franklin's

services. If my wishes could aid you, you have them sincerely. My

late return to this place scarcely enables me to give you any of its

news. I have not yet called on M. La Veillard, or seen any of your

acquaintances. The marriage of the ambassador of Sweden with Miss

Neckar, you have heard of. Houdon is about taking a wife also. His bust

of the General has arrived, and meets the approbation of those who know

the original. Europe enjoys a perfect calm, at present. Perhaps it may

be disturbed by the death of the King of Prussia, which is constantly

expected. As yet, we have no information from the Barbary States, which

may enable us to prognosticate the success of our endeavors to effect

a peace in that quarter. Present me respectfully and affectionately to

Dr. Franklin, and accept assurances of the esteem with which I am, dear

Sir, your friend and servant.

TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.

PARIS, May 7, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--My last to you, was of the 11th of October. Soon after that,

your favor of the 12th September came to hand. My acknowledgment of

this is made later than it should have been, by my trip to England.

Your long silence I ascribe to a more pleasing cause, that of devoting

your spare time to one more capable of filling it with happiness, and

to whom, as well as to yourself, I wish all those precious blessings

which this change of condition is calculated to give you.

My public letters to Mr. Jay will have apprised you of my journey

to England, and of its motives; and the joint letters of Mr. Adams

and myself, of its effects. With respect to Portugal, it produced

arrangements; with respect to England and Barbary, only information.

I am quite at a loss what you will do with England. To leave her in

possession of our posts, seems inadmissible; and yet to take them,

brings on a state of things for which we seem not to be in readiness.

Perhaps a total suppression of her trade, or an exclusion of her

vessels from the carriage of our produce, may have some effect; but

I believe not very great. Their passions are too deeply and too

universally engaged in opposition to us. The ministry have found

means to persuade the nation, that they are richer than they were

while we participated of their commercial privileges. We should try

to turn our trade into other channels. I am in hopes this country will

endeavor to give it more encouragement. But what will you do with the

piratical States? Buy a peace at their enormous price; force one; or

abandon the carriage into the Mediterranean to other powers? All these

measures are disagreeable. The decision rests with you. The Emperor is

now pressing a treaty with us. In a commercial view, I doubt whether

it is desirable; but in a political one, I believe it is. He is now

undoubtedly the second power in Europe, and on the death of the King of

Prussia, he becomes the first character. An alliance with him will give

us respectability in Europe, which we have occasion for. Besides, he

will be at the head of the second grand confederacy of Europe, and may,

at any time, serve us with the powers constituting that. I am pressed

on so many hands to recommend Dumas to the patronage of Congress,

that I cannot avoid it. Everybody speaks well of him, and his zeal

in our cause. Anything done for him will gratify this court, and the

patriotic party in Holland, as well as some distinguished individuals.

I am induced, from my own feelings, to recommend Colonel Humphreys to

your care. He is sensible, prudent, and honest, and may be very firmly

relied on, in any office which requires these talents. I pray you to

accept assurances of the sincere esteem and respect with which I am,

dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. OTTO.

PARIS, May 7, 1786.

SIR,--My absence in England, for some time past, has prevented my

acknowledging so soon as I should have done, the receipt of your favor

of January 15. In that you speak of having written other letters, but

no other has ever come to my hands. I thank you for the intelligence

that contained, several articles of which never came to me through any

other channel. On this side of the water everything is quiet. But the

death of the King of Prussia is daily expected, and I think it very

possible this event may bring on a disturbance of the peace of Europe,

as the elastic spirit of the Emperor will feel itself restrained by

one pressure the less. This possibility excepted, Europe never had a

more pacific appearance. Among the Dutch, the republican party seems

to be quite triumphant. The misunderstanding between Spain and Naples

cannot produce any immediate consequences; and that between France and

Portugal, we are told, is amicably settled. It is said that the Elector

of Bavaria is in an ill state of health. His death, with that of the

King of Prussia, would hazard the tranquillity of Europe. I have not

heard from the Chevalier de La Luzerne since my return. Count Adhemer

is again in England. A change in the ministry here is more talked of

and expected than at any time since my coming to this place. It is

said the Baron de Breteuil will go out; that M. de Calonnes will be

transferred to this place, and a Monsieur Maillan succeed him. But the

public know too little and talk too much of these things to command our

belief. The marriage of the Swedish ambassador with the daughter of Mr.

Neckar, you have known long ago. The Cardinal de Rohan and Cagliotho

remain where they did, in the Bastile; nor does their affairs seem

as yet to draw towards a conclusion. It has been a curious matter,

in which the circumstances of intrigue and detail have busied all

the tongues, the public liberty none. I have been laboring with the

ministry to get the trade between this country and the United States

put on a better footing, by admitting a free importation and sale of

our produce, assuring them that we should take their manufactures at

whatever extent they would enable us to pay for them. The importation

of our whale oil is, by the successful endeavors of M. de La Fayette,

put on a good footing for this year. Mine, for emancipating the tobacco

trade, have been less successful. I still continue to stir, however,

this and all other articles. I think myself happy in the prospect of a

correspondence with you, and am with sincere respect and esteem, Sir,

your most obedient humble servant.

TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS.

PARIS, May 7, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--My stay in London having been considerably longer than I had

expected, I did not arrive in this place till the last day of April.

I found here your kind letter of the 4th of that month, acknowledging,

much more than they deserved, my little attentions to you. Their only

merit was their being faithful testimonies of a sincere regard for

you. The obligations have, in fact, been on my side, and I shall ever

consider it as such. I sincerely wish that on your arrival in America,

your own preference may be gratified by an appointment on that side

of the water, to which your inclinations lead you. I have received

the books and papers you mention, and will undertake to have finished

what you left undone of the medals, or at least will proceed in it,

till the matter shall be put into better hands. My principal object in

my journey to London was accomplished by arrangements with Portugal.

They are almost exactly in the terms of those with Prussia; except

that the general license to trade is restrained to those places where

any foreign nation is admitted. The Tripoline offered peace for 30,000

guineas for Tripoli, and as many for Tunis. Calculating on this scale,

Morocco should ask 60,000, and Algiers 120,000. England declines all

arrangements with us. They say their commerce is so necessary to us,

that we shall not deny it to ourselves for the sake of the carrying

business, as the only trade they leave us is that with Great Britain

immediately, and that is a losing one. I hope we shall show them we

have sense and spirit enough to suppress that, or at least to exclude

them from any share in the carriage of our commodities. Their spirit

towards us is deeply hostile, and they seem as if they did not fear

a war with us. Should such an event become necessary, we have need

of but only one resolution to place us on sure ground. That is, to

abandon that element where they are strong and we nothing; and to

decide the contest on terra firma, where we have all to gain, and can

lose nothing. The death of the King of Prussia is constantly expected.

Perhaps that event may bring on a general broil. I am too lately

returned here to be able to give you any of the news of the place.

I shall hope to hear from you soon and often, and am, with sincere

esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO JAMES ROSS.

PARIS, May 8, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--I have duly received your favor of October the 22d,

and am much gratified by the communications therein made. It has

given me details, which do not enter into the views of my ordinary

correspondents, and which are very entertaining. I experience

great satisfaction at seeing my country proceed to facilitate the

intercommunications of its several parts, by opening rivers, canals and

roads. How much more rational is this disposal of public money, than

that of waging war.

Before the receipt of your letter, Morris's contract for sixty thousand

hogsheads of tobacco was concluded with the Farmers General. I have

been for some time occupied in endeavoring to destroy the root of the

evils, which the tobacco trade encounters in this country, by making

the ministers sensible, that merchants will not bring a commodity to

a market, where but one person is allowed to buy it; and that so long

as that single purchaser is obliged to go to foreign markets for it,

he must pay for it in coin, and not in commodities. These truths have

made their way to the minds of the ministry, insomuch, as to have

delayed the execution of the new lease of the Farms, six months. It is

renewed, however, for three years, but so as not to render impossible

a reformation of this great evil. They are sensible of the evil, but it

is so interwoven with their fiscal system, that they find it hazardous

to disentangle. The temporary distress, too, of the revenue, they are

not prepared to meet. My hopes, therefore, are weak, though not quite

desperate. When they become so, it will remain to look about for the

best palliative this monopoly can bear. My present idea is, that it

will be found in a prohibition to the Farmers General, to purchase

tobacco anywhere but in France. You will perceive by this, that my

object is to strengthen the connection between this country and my

own, in all useful points. I am of opinion that twenty-three thousand

hogsheads of tobacco, the annual consumption of this country, do not

exceed the amount of those commodities which it is more advantageous

to us to buy here than in England, or elsewhere; and such a commerce

would powerfully reinforce the motives for a friendship from this

country towards ours. This friendship we ought to cultivate closely,

considering the present dispositions of England towards us.

I am lately returned from a visit to that country. The spirit of

hostility to us has always existed in the mind of the King, but it

has now extended itself through the whole mass of the people, and the

majority in the public councils. In a country, where the voice of the

people influence so much the measures of administration, and where it

coincides with the private temper of the King, there is no pronouncing

on future events. It is true they have nothing to gain, and much to

lose by a war with us. But interest is not the strongest passion in

the human breast. There are difficult points, too, still unsettled

between us. They have not withdrawn their armies out of our country,

nor given satisfaction for the property they brought off. On our part,

we have not paid our debts, and it will take time to pay them. In

conferences with some distinguished mercantile characters, I found them

sensible of the impossibility of our paying these debts at once, and

that an endeavor to force universal and immediate payment, would render

debts desperate, which are good in themselves. I think we should not

have differed in the term necessary. We differed essentially in the

article of interest. For while the principal, and interest preceding

and subsequent to the war, seem justly due from us, that which accrued

during the war does not. Interest is a compensation for the use of

money. Their money, in our hands, was in the form of lands and negroes.

Tobacco, the produce of these lands and negroes (or as I may call it,

the interest of them), being almost impossible of conveyance to the

markets of consumption, because taken by themselves in its way there,

sold during the war, at five or six shillings the hundred. This did not

pay taxes, and for tools and other plantation charges. A man who should

have attempted to remit to his creditor tobacco, for either principal

or interest, must have remitted it three times before one cargo would

have arrived safe; and this from the depredations of their own nation,

and often of the creditor himself; for some of the merchants entered

deeply into the privateering business. The individuals, who did not,

say they have lost this interest; the debtor replies, that he has not

gained it, and that it is a case, where a loss having been incurred,

every one tries to shift it from himself. The known bias of the human

mind from motives of interest should lessen the confidence of each

party in the justice of their reasoning; but it is difficult to say,

which of them should make the sacrifice, both of reason and interest.

Our conferences were intended as preparatory to some arrangement.

It is uncertain how far we should have been able to accommodate our

opinions. But the absolute aversion of the government to enter into

any arrangement prevented the object from being pursued. Each country

is left to do justice to itself and to the other, according to its own

ideas, as to what is past; and to scramble for the future, as well

as they can; to regulate their commerce by duties and prohibitions,

and perhaps by cannons and mortars; in which event, we must abandon

the ocean, where we are weak, leaving to neutral nations the carriage

of our commodities; and measure with them on land, where they alone

can lose. Farewell, then, all our useful improvements of canals and

roads, reformations of laws, and other rational employments. I really

doubt whether there is temper enough, on either side, to prevent

this issue of our present hatred. Europe is, at this moment, without

the appearance of a cloud. The death of the King of Prussia, daily

expected, may raise one. My paper admonishes me, that after asking

a continuance of your favors, it is time for me to conclude with

assurances of the esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and

servant.

TO T. PLEASANTS.

PARIS, May 8, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--At the time of the receipt of your favor of October the

24th, the contract between the Farmers General and Mr. Morris, for

tobacco, was concluded, and in a course of execution. There was no

room, therefore, to offer the proposals which accompanied your letter.

I was moreover engaged in endeavors to have the monopoly, in the

purchase of this article, in this country, suppressed. My hopes on

that subject are not desperate, but neither are they flattering. I

consider it as the most effectual means of procuring the full value

of our produce, of diverting our demands for manufactures from Great

Britain to this country to a certain amount, and of thus producing some

equilibrium in our commerce, which, at present, lies all in the British

scale. It would cement an union with our friends, and lessen the

torrent of wealth which we are pouring into the laps of our enemies.

For my part, I think that the trade with Great Britain is a ruinous

one to ourselves; and that nothing would be an inducement to tolerate

it, but a free commerce with their West Indies; and that this being

denied to us, we should put a stop to the losing branch. The question

is, whether they are right in their prognostications that we have

neither resolution nor union enough for this. Everything I hear from

my own country, fills me with despair as to their recovery from their

vassalage to Great Britain. Fashion and folly are plunging them deeper

and deeper into distress; and the legislators of the country becoming

debtors also, there seems no hope of applying the only possible remedy,

that of an immediate judgment and execution. We should try whether the

prodigal might not be restrained from taking on credit the gewgaw held

out to him in one hand, by seeing the keys of a prison in the other. Be

pleased to present my respects to Mrs. Pleasants, and to be assured of

the esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO COLONEL MONROE.

PARIS, May 10, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of January the 27th. Since that I have

received yours of January the 19th. Information from other quarters

gives me reason to suspect you have in negotiation a very important

change in your situation. You will carry into its execution all

my wishes for your happiness. I hope it will not detach you from a

settlement in your own country. I had even entertained hopes of your

settling in my neighborhood, but these were determined by your desiring

a plan of a house for Richmond. However reluctantly I relinquish this

prospect, I shall not the less readily obey your commands by sending

you a plan. Having been much engaged since my return from England in

answering letters and despatching other business which had accumulated

during my absence, and being still much engaged, perhaps I may not be

able to send the plan by this conveyance. If I do not send it now,

I will surely by the next conveyance after this. Your Encyclopedie,

containing eighteen livraisons, went off last night for Havre, from

whence it will go in a vessel bound to New York. It will be under the

care of M. La Croix, a passenger, who, if he does not find you in New

York, will carry it to Virginia, and send it to Richmond. Another copy,

in a separate box, goes for Currie. I pay here all charges to New York.

What may occur afterwards, I desire him to ask either of you or Currie,

as either will pay for the other, or to draw on me for them.

My letters to Mr. Jay will have informed you of the objects which

carried me to England; and that the principal one, the treaty with

Portugal, has been accomplished. Though we were unable to procure any

special advantages in that, yet we thought it of consequence to insure

our trade against those particular checks and discouragements which

it has heretofore met with there. The information as to the Barbary

States, which we obtained from Abdrahaman, the Tripoline ambassador,

was also given to Mr. Jay. If it be right, and the scale of proportion

between those nations, which we had settled, be also right, eight times

the sum required by Tripoli will be necessary to accomplish a peace

with the whole, that is to say, about two hundred and forty thousand

guineas. The continuance of this peace will depend on their idea of

our power to enforce it, and on the life of the particular Dey, or

other head of the government, with whom it is contracted. Congress

will, no doubt, weigh these circumstances against the expense, and

probable success of compelling a peace by arms. Count d'Estaing having

communicated to me verbally some information as to an experiment

formerly made by this country, I shall get him to put it into writing,

and I will forward it to Congress, as it may aid them in their choice

of measures. However, which plan is most eligible can only be known

to yourselves, who are on the spot, and have under your view all the

difficulties of both. There is a third measure, that of abandoning the

Mediterranean carriage to other nations.

With respect to England, no arrangements can be taken. The merchants

were certainly disposed to have consented to accommodation as to the

article of debts. I was not certain, when I left England, that they

would relinquish the interest during the war. A letter received since,

from the first character among the American merchants in Scotland,

satisfies me they would have relinquished it to insure the capital

and residue of interest. Would to heaven all the States, therefore,

would settle a uniform plan. To open the courts to them, so that they

might obtain judgments; to divide the executions into so many equal

annual instalments, as that the last might be paid in the year 1790;

to have the payments in actual money; and, to include the capital, and

interest preceding and subsequent to the war, would give satisfaction

to the world, and to the merchants in general. Since it is left for

each nation to pursue their own measures in the execution of the late

treaty, may not Congress with propriety recommend a mode of executing

that article respecting the debts, and send it to each State to be

passed into law. Whether England gives up the posts or not, these debts

must be paid, or our character stained with infamy among all nations

and through all time. As to the satisfaction for slaves carried off,

it is a bagatelle, which, if not made good before the last instalment

becomes due, may be secured out of that.