According to what I mentioned in my letter of August 30th, I have

appointed Mr. Short my secretary here. I enclose to you copies of

my letters to him and Mr. Grand, which will show to Congress that he

stands altogether at their pleasure. I mention this circumstance, that,

if what I have done meets with their disapprobation, they may have the

goodness to signify it immediately, as I should otherwise conclude that

they do not disapprove it. I shall be ready to conform myself to what

would be most agreeable to them.

This will be accompanied by the gazettes of France and Leyden, to the

present date.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest esteem and

respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO ELBRIDGE GERRY.

PARIS, October 11, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--I received, last night, the letter signed by yourself

and the other gentlemen, delegates of Massachusetts and Virginia,

recommending Mr. Sayer for the Barbary negotiations. As that was the

first moment of its suggestion to me, you will perceive, by my letter

of this day, to Mr. Jay, that the business was already established

in other hands, as your letter came at the same time with the papers

actually signed by Mr. Adams, for Messrs. Barclay and Lambe, according

to arrangements previously taken between us. I should, with great

satisfaction, have acceded to the recommendation in the letter: not

indeed as to Morocco, because, no better man than Mr. Barclay could

have been substituted; but as to Algiers, Mr. Lambe being less known

to me. However, I hope well of him, and rely considerably on the aid

he will receive from his secretary, Mr. Randall, who bears a very good

character. I suppose Mr. Adams entitled to the same just apology,

as matters were settled otherwise, before he probably received your

letter. I pray you to communicate this to the other gentlemen of your

and our delegation, as my justification.

The peace made between the Emperor and Dutch leaves Europe quiet for

this campaign. As yet, we do not know where the storm, dissipated for

the moment, will gather again. Probably over Bavaria or Turkey. But

this will be for another year.

When our instructions were made out, they were conceived on a general

scale, and supposed that all the European nations would be disposed

to form commercial connections with us. It is evident, however, that

a very different degree of importance was annexed to these different

States. Spain, Portugal, England and France, were most important.

Holland, Sweden, Denmark, in a middling degree. The others, still less

so. Spain treats in another line. Portugal is disposed to do the same.

England will not treat at all; nor will France, probably, add to her

former treaty. Failing in the execution of these our capital objects,

it has appeared to me that the pushing the treaties with the lesser

powers might do us more harm than good, by hampering the measures the

States may find it necessary to take, for securing those commercial

interests, by separate measures, which is refused to be done here, in

concert. I have understood through various channels, that the members

of Congress wished a change in our instructions. I have, in my letter

to Mr. Jay, of this date, mentioned the present situation and aspect of

these treaties, for their information.

My letter of the 6th instant, to Mr. Jay, having communicated what

little there is new here, I have only to add assurances of the sincere

esteem with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your friend and

servant.

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

PARIS, October 11, 1785.

SIR,--I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency a report of

the voyage of an American ship, the first which has gone to China. The

circumstances which induces Congress to direct this communication is

the very friendly conduct of the consul of his Majesty at Macao, and

of the commanders and other officers of the French vessels in those

seas. It has been with singular satisfaction that Congress have seen

these added to the many other proofs of the cordiality of this nation

towards our citizens. It is the more pleasing, when it appears in the

officers of government, because it is then viewed as an emanation of

the spirit of the government. It would be an additional gratification

to Congress, in this particular instance, should any occasion arise

of notifying those officers, that their conduct has been justly

represented to your Excellency on the part of the United States, and

has met your approbation. Nothing will be wanting, on our part, to

foster corresponding dispositions in our citizens, and we hope that

proofs of their actual existence have appeared, and will appear,

whenever occasion shall offer. A sincere affection between the two

people is the broadest basis on which their peace can be built.

It will always be among the most pleasing functions of my office, to be

made the channel of communicating the friendly sentiments of the two

governments. It is additionally so, as it gives me an opportunity of

assuring your Excellency of the high respect and esteem with which I

have the honor to be, your Excellency's most obedient and most humble

servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

PARIS, October 11, 1785.

SIR,--In my letter of August the 14th, I had the honor of expressing

to you the uneasiness I felt, at the delay of the instructions on the

subject of the Barbary treaties, of which Mr. Lambe was the bearer,

and of informing you that I had proposed to Mr. Adams, that if he did

not arrive either in the French or English packets, then expected,

we should send some person to negotiate these treaties. As he did

not arrive in those packets, and I found Mr. Barclay was willing to

undertake the negotiations, I wrote to Mr. Adams (who had concurred in

the proposition made him), informing him that Mr. Barclay would go,

and proposing papers for our immediate signature. The day before the

return of the courier, Mr. Lambe arrived with our instructions, the

letters of credence, &c., enclosed in yours of March the 11th, 1785.

Just about the same time, came to hand the letter No. 1, informing

me, that two American vessels were actually taken and carried into

Algiers, and leaving no further doubt that that power was exercising

hostilities against us, in the Atlantic. The conduct of the Emperor of

Morocco had been such, as forbade us to postpone his treaty to that

with Algiers. But the commencement of hostilities by the latter, and

their own activity, pressed the necessity of immediate propositions

to them. It was therefore thought best, while Mr. Barclay should be

proceeding with the Emperor of Morocco, that some other agent should go

to Algiers. We had few subjects to choose out of. Mr. Lambe's knowledge

of the country, of its inhabitants, of their manner of transacting

business, the recommendations from his State to Congress of his fitness

for this employment, and other information founding a presumption

that he would be approved, occasioned our concluding to send him to

Algiers. The giving him proper authorities, and new ones to Mr. Barclay

conformable to our own powers, was the subject of a new courier between

Mr. Adams and myself. He returned last night, and I had the honor of

enclosing you copies of all the papers we furnish those gentlemen with;

which will possess Congress fully of our proceedings herein. They are

numbered from two to ten inclusive. The supplementary instruction to

Mr. Lambe, No. 5, must rest for justification on the emergency of the

case. The motives which led to it must be found in the feelings of the

human heart, in a partiality for those sufferers who are of our own

country, and in the obligations of every government to yield protection

to their citizens, as the consideration of their obedience. It will be

a comfort to know that Congress does not disapprove this step.

Considering the treaty with Portugal among the most interesting to

the United States, I some time ago took occasion at Versailles, to ask

of the Portuguese ambassador if he had yet received from his court an

answer to our letter. He told me he had not; but that he would make it

the subject of another letter. Two days ago, his secretaire d'ambassade

called on me, with a letter from his minister to the ambassador,

in which was the following paragraph, as he translated it to me;

and I committed it to writing from his mouth. "Your Excellency has

communicated to us the substance of your conversation with the American

minister. That power ought to have been already persuaded, by the

manner in which its vessels have been received here; and consequently

that his Majesty would have much satisfaction, in maintaining perfect

harmony and good understanding with the same United States. But it

would be proper to begin with the reciprocal nomination, on both

sides, of persons, who, at least with the character of agents, might

reciprocally inform their constituents of what might conduce to a

knowledge of the interests of the two nations, without prejudice to

either. This first step appears necessary to lead to the proposed

object."

By this, it would seem, that this power is more disposed to pursue a

track of negotiation, similar to that which Spain has done. I consider

this answer as definitive of all further measures, under our commission

to Portugal. That to Spain was superseded by proceedings in another

line. That to Prussia is concluded by actual treaty; to Tuscany will

probably be so; and perhaps to Denmark; and these, I believe, will

be the sum of the effects of our commissions for making treaties of

alliance. England shows no disposition to treat. France, should her

ministers be able to keep the ground of the _Arret_ of August 1784

against the clamors of her merchants, and should they be disposed,

hereafter, to give us more, very probably will not bind herself to it

by treaty, but keep her regulations dependent on her own will. Sweden

will establish a free port at St. Bartholemew's, which, perhaps, will

render any new engagement, on our part, unnecessary. Holland is so

immovable in her system of colony administration, that, as propositions

to her, on that subject, would be desperate, they had better not be

made. You will perceive by the letter No. 11, from the Marquis de La

Fayette, that there is a possibility of an overture from the Emperor.

A hint from the chargé des affaires of Naples, lately, has induced me

to suppose something of the same kind from thence. But the advanced

period of our commissions now offers good cause for avoiding to begin

what probably cannot be terminated during their continuance; and with

respect to these two, and all other powers not before mentioned, I

doubt whether the advantages to be derived from treaties with them

will countervail the additional embarrassments they may impose on the

States, when they shall proceed to make those commercial arrangements

necessary to counteract the designs of the British cabinet. I repeat

it, therefore, that the conclusion of the treaty with Prussia, and the

probability of others with Denmark, Tuscany, and the Barbary States,

may be expected to wind up the proceedings of the general commissions.

I think that, in possible events, it may be advantageous to us, by

treaties with Prussia, Denmark, and Tuscany, to have secured ports

in Northern and Mediterranean seas. I have the honor to be, with

sentiments of the highest respect and esteem, Sir, your most obedient,

and most humble servant.

TO MR. ADAMS.

PARIS, October 11, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--Colonel Franks and Mr. Randolph arrived last night. This

enables me to send copies of all the Barbary papers to Congress by

the Mr. Fitzhughs, together with the Prussian treaty. They wait till

to-morrow for that purpose. Considering the treaty with Portugal as

among the most important to the United States, I, some time ago, took

occasion at Versailles to ask the Portuguese Ambassador if he had not

received an answer from his court on the subject of our treaty. He said

not, but that he would write again. His secretaire de ambassade called

on me two days ago, and translated into French, as follows, a paragraph

of a letter from his minister to the ambassador: "Relativement à ce que

V. E. nous a fait part de ce qu'elle avoit parlé avec le ministre de

l'Amerique, cette puissance doit être déjà persuadée par d'effets la

manière dont ses vaisseaux ont été accueillis ici; et par conséquence

sa majesté auroit beaucoup de satisfaction à entretenir une parfaite

harmonie et bon correspondence entre les mêmes Etats Unis. Mais il

seroit à propos de commencer par la nomination réciproque des deux

parties des personnes, qui, au moins avec la caractère d'agens,

informeroient réciproquement leurs constituents de ce qui pourroit

conduire à la connoisance des intérêts des deux nations sans préjudice

de l'un ou de l'autre. C'est le premier pas qu'il paroit convenable de

donner pour conduire à la fin proposée." By this, I suppose, they will

prefer proceeding as Spain has done, and that we may consider it as

definitive of our commission to them. I communicate it to Congress that

they may take such other measures for leading on a negotiation as they

may think proper.

You know that the 3d article of instructions of October 29, 1783, to

the ministers for negotiating peace, directed them to negotiate the

claim for the prizes taken by the alliance and sent into Bergen, but

delivered up by the Court of Denmark; you recollect, also, that this

has been deferred in order to be taken up with the general negotiation

for an alliance. Captain Jones, desiring to go to America, proposed to

me that he should leave the solicitation of this matter in the hands of

Doctor Bancroft, and to ask you to negotiate it, through the minister

of Denmark at London. The delay of Baron Waltersdorf is one reason

for this. Your better acquaintance with the subject is a second. The

Danish minister here being absent, is a third. And a fourth and more

conclusive one is that, having never acted as one of the commissioners

for negotiating the peace, I feel an impropriety in meddling with it

at all, and much more to become the principal agent. I therefore told

Captain Jones I would solicit your care of this business. I believe he

writes to you on the subject.

Mr. Barclay sets out in two or three days. Lambe will follow as soon as

the papers can be got from this ministry. Having no news, I shall only

add assurances of the esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and

servant.

TO MESSRS. VAN STAPHORST.

PARIS, October 12, 1785.

GENTLEMEN,--The receipt of your favor, of September the 19th, should

not have been so long unacknowledged, but that I have been peculiarly

and very closely engaged ever since it came to hand.

With respect to the expediency of the arrangement you propose to make

with Mr. Parker, I must observe to you, that it would be altogether

out of my province to give an official opinion for your direction.

These transactions appertain altogether to the commissioners of the

treasury, to whom you have very properly written on the occasion. I

shall always be willing, however, to apprise you of any facts I may

be acquainted with, and which might enable you to proceed with more

certainty; and even to give my private opinion, where I am acquainted

with the subject, leaving you the most perfect liberty to give it

what weight you may think proper. In the present case, I cannot give

even a private opinion, because I am not told what are precisely the

securities offered by Mr. Parker. So various are the securities of

the United States, that unless they are precisely described by their

dates, consideration, and other material circumstances, no man on earth

can say what they are worth. One fact, however, is certain, that all

debts of any considerable amount contracted by the United States, while

their paper money existed, are subject to a deduction, and not payable

at any fixed period. I think I may venture to say, also, that there

are no debts of the United States, "on the same footing with the money

loaned by Holland," except those due to the Kings of France and Spain.

However, I hope you will soon receive the answer of the commissioners,

which alone can decide authoritatively what is to be done.

Congress have thought proper to entrust to Mr. Adams and myself a

certain business, which may eventually call for great advances of

money, perhaps four hundred thousand livres or upwards. They have

authorized us to draw for this on their funds in Holland. The separate

situation of Mr. Adams and myself, rendering joint drafts inconvenient,

we have agreed that they shall be made by him alone. You will be

pleased, therefore, to give the same credit to these bills, drawn by

him, as if they were also subscribed by me.

I have the honor to be, with high respect, Gentlemen, your most

obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MONSIEUR DESBORDES.

PARIS, October 12, 1785.

SIR,--There are in the prison of St. Pol de Leon six or seven citizens

of the United States of America, charged with having attempted a

contraband of tobacco, but, as they say themselves, forced into that

port by stress of weather. I believe that they are innocent. Their

situation is described me to be as deplorable as should be that of men

found guilty of the worst of crimes. They are in close jail, allowed

three sous a day only, and unable to speak a word of the language of

the country. I hope their distress, which it is my duty to relieve,

and the recommendation of Mr. Barclay to address myself to you, will

apologize for the liberty I take of asking you to advise them what

to do for their defence, to engage some good lawyer for them, and to

pass to them the pecuniary reliefs necessary. I write to Mr. Lister

Asquith, the owner of the vessel, that he may draw bills on me, from

time to time, for a livre a day for every person of them, and what may

be necessary to engage a lawyer for him. I will pray the favor of you

to furnish him money for his bills, drawn on me for these purposes,

which I will pay on sight. You will judge if he should go beyond this

allowance, and be so good as to reject the surplus. I must desire his

lawyer to send me immediately a state of their case, and let me know

in what court their process is, and when it is likely to be decided.

I hope the circumstances of the case will excuse the freedom I take;

and I have the honor to be, with great respect, Sir, your most obedient

humble servant.

TO HOGENDORP.

PARIS, October 13, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--Having been much engaged lately, I have been unable sooner

to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of September the 8th. What

you are pleased to say on the subject of my Notes is more than they

deserve. The condition in which you first saw them would prove to you

how hastily they had been originally written, as you may remember the

numerous insertions I had made in them from time to time, when I could

find a moment for turning to them from other occupations. I have never

yet seen Monsieur de Buffon. He has been in the country all the summer.

I sent him a copy of the book, and have only heard his sentiments on

one particular of it, that of the identity of the mammoth and elephant.

As to this, he retains his opinion that they are the same. If you had

formed any considerable expectations from our revised code of laws,

you will be much disappointed. It contains not more than three or four

laws which could strike the attention of a foreigner. Had it been

a digest of all our laws, it would not have been comprehensible or

instructive but to a native. But it is still less so, as it digests

only the British statutes and our own acts of Assembly, which are but

a supplementary part of our law. The great basis of it is anterior to

the date of the Magna Charta, which is the oldest statute extant. The

only merit of this work is, that it may remove from our book shelves

about twenty folio volumes of our statutes, retaining all the parts

of them which either their own merit or the established system of laws

required.

You ask me what are those operations of the British nation which are

likely to befriend us, and how they will produce this effect? The

British government, as you may naturally suppose, have it much at heart

to reconcile their nation to the loss of America. This is essential to

the repose, perhaps even to the safety of the King and his ministers.

The most effectual engines for this purpose are the public papers. You

know well that that government always kept a kind of standing army of

news-writers, who, without any regard to truth, or to what should be

like truth, invented and put into the papers whatever might serve the

ministers. This suffices with the mass of the people, who have no means

of distinguishing the false from the true paragraphs of a newspaper.

When forced to acknowledge our independence, they were forced to

redouble their efforts to keep the nation quiet. Instead of a few of

the papers formerly engaged, they now engaged every one. No paper,

therefore, comes out without a dose of paragraphs against America.

These are calculated for a secondary purpose also, that of preventing

the emigrations of their people to America. They dwell very much on

American bankruptcies. To explain these would require a long detail,

but would show you that nine-tenths of these bankruptcies are truly

English bankruptcies, in no wise chargeable on America. However, they

have produced effects the most desirable of all others for us. They

have destroyed our credit, and thus checked our disposition to luxury;

and, forcing our merchants to buy no more than they have ready money

to pay for, they force them to go to those markets where that ready

money will buy most. Thus you see, they check our luxury, they force

us to connect ourselves with all the world, and they prevent foreign

emigrations to our country, all of which I consider as advantageous

to us. They are doing us another good turn. They attempt, without

disguise, to possess themselves of the carriage of our produce, and

to prohibit our own vessels from participating of it. This has raised

a general indignation in America. The States see, however, that their

constitutions have provided no means of counteracting it. They are,

therefore, beginning to invest Congress with the absolute power of

regulating their commerce, only reserving all revenue arising from it

to the State in which it is levied. This will consolidate our federal

building very much, and for this we shall be indebted to the British.

You ask what I think on the expediency of encouraging our States to

be commercial? Were I to indulge my own theory, I should wish them to

practise neither commerce nor navigation, but to stand, with respect to

Europe, precisely on the footing of China. We should thus avoid wars,

and all our citizens would be husbandmen. Whenever, indeed, our numbers

should so increase as that our produce would overstock the markets

of those nations who should come to seek it, the farmers must either

employ the surplus of their time in manufactures, or the surplus of

our hands must be employed in manufactures or in navigation. But that

day would, I think, be distant, and we should long keep our workmen

in Europe, while Europe should be drawing rough materials, and even

subsistence from America. But this is theory only, and a theory which

the servants of America are not at liberty to follow. Our people have

a decided taste for navigation and commerce. They take this from their

mother country; and their servants are in duty bound to calculate all

their measures on this datum: we wish to do it by throwing open all the

doors of commerce, and knocking off its shackles. But as this cannot be

done for others, unless they will do it for us, and there is no great

probability that Europe will do this, I suppose we shall be obliged to

adopt a system which may shackle them in our ports, as they do us in

theirs.

With respect to the sale of our lands, that cannot begin till a

considerable portion shall have been surveyed. They cannot begin to

survey till the fall of the leaf of this year, nor to sell probably

till the ensuing spring. So that it will be yet a twelvemonth before

we shall be able to judge of the efficacy of our land office to sink

our national debt. It is made a fundamental, that the proceeds shall be

solely and sacredly applied as a sinking fund to discharge the capital

only of the debt.

It is true that the tobaccos of Virginia go almost entirely to England.

The reason is, the people of that State owe a great debt there, which

they are paying as fast as they can. I think I have now answered your

several queries, and shall be happy to receive your reflections on the

same subjects, and at all times to hear of your welfare, and to give

you assurances of the esteem, with which I have the honor to be, dear

Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO J. BANNISTER, JUNIOR

PARIS, October 15, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--I should sooner have answered the paragraph in your

letter, of September the 19th, respecting the best seminary for the

education of youth in Europe, but that it was necessary for me to make

inquiries on the subject. The result of these has been, to consider

the competition as resting between Geneva and Rome. They are equally

cheap, and probably are equal in the course of education pursued.

The advantage of Geneva is, that students acquire there the habit of

speaking French. The advantages of Rome are, the acquiring a local

knowledge of a spot so classical and so celebrated; the acquiring the

true pronunciation of the Latin language; a just taste in the fine

arts, more particularly those of painting, sculpture, architecture, and

music; a familiarity with those objects and processes of agriculture

which experience has shown best adapted to a climate like ours; and

lastly, the advantage of a fine climate for health. It is probable,

too, that by being boarded in a French family, the habit of speaking

that language may be obtained. I do not count on any advantage to be

derived, in Geneva, from a familiar acquaintance with the principles

of that government. The late revolution has rendered it a tyrannical

aristocracy, more likely to give ill than good ideas to an American.

I think the balance in favor of Rome. Pisa is sometimes spoken of

as a place of education. But it does not offer the first and third

of the advantages of Rome. But why send an American youth to Europe

for education? What are the objects of an useful American education?

Classical knowledge, modern languages, chiefly French, Spanish, and

Italian; Mathematics, Natural philosophy, Natural history, Civil

history, and Ethics. In Natural philosophy, I mean to include Chemistry

and Agriculture, and in natural history, to include Botany, as well as

the other branches of those departments. It is true that the habit of

speaking the modern languages cannot be so well acquired in America;

but every other article can be as well acquired at William and Mary

college, as at any place in Europe. When college education is done

with, and a young man is to prepare himself for public life, he must

cast his eyes (for America) either on Law or Physics. For the former,

where can he apply so advantageously as to Mr. Wythe? For the latter,

he must come to Europe: the medical class of students, therefore, is

the only one which need come to Europe. Let us view the disadvantages

of sending a youth to Europe. To enumerate them all, would require a

volume. I will select a few. If he goes to England, he learns drinking,

horse racing, and boxing. These are the peculiarities of English

education. The following circumstances are common to education in

that, and the other countries of Europe. He acquires a fondness for

European luxury and dissipation, and a contempt for the simplicity of

his own country; he is fascinated with the privileges of the European

aristocrats, and sees, with abhorrence, the lovely equality which the

poor enjoy with the rich, in his own country; he contracts a partiality

for aristocracy or monarchy; he forms foreign friendships which will

never be useful to him, and loses the seasons of life for forming, in

his own country, those friendships which, of all others, are the most

faithful and permanent; he is led, by the strongest of all the human

passions, into a spirit for female intrigue, destructive of his own

and others' happiness, or a passion for whores, destructive of his

health, and, in both cases, learns to consider fidelity to the marriage

bed as an ungentlemanly practice, and inconsistent with happiness:

he recollects the voluptuary dress and arts of the European women,

and pities and despises the chaste affections and simplicity of those

of his own country; he retains, through life, a fond recollection,

and a hankering after those places, which were the scenes of his

first pleasures and of his first connections; he returns to his own

country, a foreigner, unacquainted with the practices of domestic

economy, necessary to preserve him from ruin, speaking and writing

his native tongue as a foreigner, and therefore unqualified to obtain

those distinctions, which eloquence of the pen and tongue ensures

in a free country; for I would observe to you, that what is called

style in writing or speaking is formed very early in life, while the

imagination is warm, and impressions are permanent. I am of opinion,

that there never was an instance of a man's writing or speaking his

native tongue with elegance, who passed from fifteen to twenty years

of age out of the country where it was spoken. Thus, no instance

exists of a person's writing two languages perfectly. That will always

appear to be his native language, which was most familiar to him in

his youth. It appears to me, then, that an American, coming to Europe

for education, loses in his knowledge, in his morals, in his health, in

his habits, and in his happiness. I had entertained only doubts on this

head before I came to Europe: what I see and hear, since I came here,

proves more than I had even suspected. Cast your eye over America: who

are the men of most learning, of most eloquence, most beloved by their

countrymen and most trusted and promoted by them? They are those who

have been educated among them, and whose manners, morals, and habits,

are perfectly homogeneous with those of the country.

Did you expect by so short a question, to draw such a sermon on

yourself? I dare say you did not. But the consequences of foreign

education are alarming to me, as an American. I sin, therefore, through

zeal, whenever I enter on the subject. You are sufficiently American

to pardon me for it. Let me hear of your health, and be assured of the

esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO BARON THULEMEYER.

PARIS, October 16, 1785.

SIR,--I am to acknowledge the receipt of the letter of the 11th

instant, with which you have honored me, and wherein you are pleased

to inform me of the satisfaction of his Prussian majesty of the treaty

of amity and commerce between him and the United States of America.

On our part, the earliest opportunity was embraced of forwarding it

to Congress. It goes by a vessel sailing about this time from Havre.

I shall with great pleasure communicate to you its ratification by

Congress, in the first moment in which it shall become known to me, and

concur in the measures necessary for exchanging the ratifications.

I shall take the greatest care to forward the letter you are pleased to

enclose for Baltimore, according to its address.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the greatest respect and

esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. CARMICHAEL.

PARIS, October 18, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 29th of September, came safely to hand:

the constant expectation of the departure of the persons whom I

formerly gave you reason to expect has prevented my writing, as it

has done yours. They will probably leave this in a week, but their

route will be circuitous and attended with delays. Between the middle

and last of November, they may be with you. By them, you will receive

a cypher, by which you may communicate with Mr. Adams and myself. I

should have sent it by Baron Dreyer, the Danish minister; but I then

expected our own conveyance would have been quicker. Having mentioned

this gentleman, give me leave to recommend him to your acquaintance. He

is plain, sensible, and open: he speaks English well, and had he been

to remain here, I should have cultivated his acquaintance much. Be so

good as to present me very respectfully to him.

This being to go by post, I shall only add the few articles of general

American news, by the last packet. Dr. Franklin arrived in good

health at Philadelphia, the 15th ult., and was received amidst the

acclamations of an immense crowd. No late event has produced greater

demonstrations of joy. It is doubted whether Congress will adjourn this

summer; but they are so thin, they do not undertake important business.

Our western posts are in statu quo.

I have the honor to be, with great esteem, dear Sir, your friend and

servant.

TO COUNT DE ARANDA.

PARIS, October 22, 1785.

SIR,--The friendly dispositions which the Court of Madrid have

been pleased to show towards us in our affairs relative to the

Barbary Powers, induce me to trouble you with an application on that

subject. We are about sending persons to Morocco and Algiers to form

arrangements with those powers. They will go by the way of Madrid.

I ask the favor of your Excellency's passports for them. It would

increase their value much if they could protect those persons from

having their baggage searched. The one going to Morocco takes with him

about a thousand guineas worth of watches, rings, and other things

of that nature: he who goes to Algiers takes about a fourth of that

value. I pledge myself that these, with their necessary clothes, will

constitute the whole of their baggage, and that these are neither to

be sold nor left in Spain. The duties to which these things would be

subject are of no consideration with us. It is to avoid the delays, the

difficulties, and even the losses which may accrue from the examination

of small and precious things on the road. Two separate passports will

be acceptable: the one for Thomas Barclay, and David S. Franks, and

their servants; the other for John Lambe and ---- Randall, and their

servants. We propose to keep these transactions as much as we can from

the eyes of the public.

I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, your

Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant.

TO MESSRS. VAN STAPHORSTS.

PARIS, October 25, 1785.

GENTLEMEN,--I received yesterday your favor of the 20th instant. In

order to give you the information you desire on the subject of the

_liquidated_ debts of the United States, and the comparative footing

on which they stand, I must observe to you, that the first and great

division of our federal debt, is, into 1, foreign; and 2, domestic. The

foreign debt comprehends, 1, the loan from the government of Spain; 2,

the loans from the government of France, and from the Farmers General;

3, the loans negotiated in Holland, by order of Congress. This branch

of our debt stands absolutely singular; no man in the United States

having ever supposed that Congress, or their legislatures, can, in any

wise, modify or alter it. They justly view the United States as the

one party, and the lenders as the other, and that the consent of both

would be requisite, were any modification to be proposed. But with

respect to the domestic debt, they consider Congress as representing

both the borrowers and lenders, and that the modifications which have

taken place in this have been necessary to do justice between the two

parties, and that they flowed properly from Congress as their mutual

umpire. The domestic debt comprehends 1, the army debt; 2, the loan

office debt; 3, the liquidated debt; and 4, the unliquidated debt.

The first term includes debts to the officers and soldiers for pay,

bounty and subsistence. The second term means moneys put into the

loan office of the United States. The third comprehends all debts

contracted by quarter-masters, commissaries, and others duly authorized

to procure supplies for the army, and which have been liquidated

(that is, settled) by commissioners appointed under the resolution

of Congress, of June the 12th, 1780, or by the officer who made the

contract. The fourth comprehends the whole mass of debts, described in

the preceding article, which have not yet been liquidated. These are

in a course of liquidation, and are passing over daily into the third

class. The debts of this third class, that is, the liquidated debt,

is the object of your inquiry. No time is fixed for the payment of it,

no fund as yet determined, nor any firm provision for the interest in

the meantime. The consequence is, that the certificates of these debts

sell greatly below par. When I left America, they could be bought for

from two shillings and sixpence to fifteen shillings in the pound:

this difference proceeding from the circumstance of some States having

provided for paying the interest on those due in their own State,

which others had not. Hence, an opinion had arisen with some, and

propositions had even been made in the legislatures, for paying off

the principal of these debts with what they had cost the holder, and

interest on that. This opinion is far from being general, and I think

will not prevail. But it is among possible events.

I have been thus particular, that you may be able to judge, not only

in the present case, but also in others, should any attempts be made

to speculate in your city, on these papers. It is a business, in which

foreigners will be in great danger of being duped. It is a science

which bids defiance to the powers of reason. To understand it, a man

must not only be on the spot, and be perfectly possessed of all the

circumstances relative to every species of these papers, but he must

have that dexterity which the habit of buying and selling them alone

gives. The brokers of these certificates are few in number, and any

other person venturing to deal with them, engages in a very unequal

contest.

I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, gentlemen, your most

obedient humble servant.

TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.

PARIS, November 4, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--I had the honor of writing you on the 18th of October,

and again, on the 25th of the same month. Both letters, being to pass

through the post offices, were confined to particular subjects. The

first of them acknowledged the receipt of yours, of September the 29th.

At length a confidential opportunity arrives for conveying to you

a cypher; it will be handed you by the bearer, Mr. Lambe. Copies

of it are in the hands of Mr. Adams, at London, Mr. Barclay, who is

proceeding to Morocco, and Mr. Lambe, who is proceeding to Algiers.

This enables us to keep up such correspondences with each other, as

may be requisite. Congress, in the spring of 1784, gave powers to Mr.

Adams, Dr. Franklin and myself, to treat with the Barbary States. But

they gave us no money for them, and the other duties assigned us render

it impossible for us to proceed thither in person. These things having

been represented to them, they assigned to us a certain sum of money,

and gave us powers to delegate agents to treat with those States, and

to form preliminary articles, but confining to us the signing of them

in a definitive form. They did not restrain us in the appointment

of the agents; but the orders of Congress were brought to us by Mr.

Lambe, they had waited for him four months, and the recommendations he

brought pointed him out, in our opinion, as a person who would meet

the approbation of Congress. We therefore appointed him to negotiate

with the Algerines. His manners and appearance are not promising. But

he is a sensible man, and seems to possess some talents which may be

proper in a matter of bargain. We have joined with him, as secretary,

a Mr. Randall, from New York, in whose prudence we hope he will find

considerable aid. They now proceed to Madrid, merely with the view of

seeing you, as we are assured they will receive from you lights which

may be useful to them. I hear that d'Expilly and the Algerine ministers

have gone from Madrid. Letters from Algiers, of August the 24th, inform

me that we had two vessels and their crews in captivity there, at that

time. I never had reason to believe, certainly, that any others had

been captured. Should Mr. Lambe have occasion to draw bills, while in

Spain, on Mr. Adams, you may safely assure the purchasers that they

will be paid.

An important matter detains Mr. Barclay some days longer, and his

journey to Madrid will be circuitous. Perhaps he may arrive there a

month later than Lambe. It would be well if the Emperor of Morocco

could, in the meantime, know that such a person is on the road. Perhaps

you may have an opportunity of notifying this to him officially, by

asking from him passports for Mr. Barclay and his suite. This would be

effecting two good purposes at once, if you can find an opportunity.

Your letter of September the 2d, did not get to my hands till these

arrangements were all taken between Mr. Adams and myself, and the

persons appointed. That gave me the first hint that you would have

acted in this business. I mean no flattery when I assure you, that no

person would have better answered my wishes. At the same time, I doubt

whether Mr. Adams and myself should have thought ourselves justifiable

in withdrawing a servant of the United States from a post equally

important with those which prevented our acting personally in the same

business. I am sure, that, remaining where you are, you will be able to

forward much the business, and that you will do it with a zeal you have

hitherto manifested on every occasion.

Your intercourse with America being less frequent than ours, from this

place, I will state to you, generally, such new occurrences there,

as may be interesting; some of which, perhaps, you will not have been

informed of. It was doubtful, at the date of my last letters, whether

Congress would adjourn this summer. They were too thin, however, to

undertake important business. They had begun arrangements for the

establishment of a mint. The Dollar was decided on as the money Unit

of America. I believe, they proposed to have gold, silver and copper

coins, descending and ascending decimally; viz., a gold coin of ten

dollars, a silver coin of one-tenth of a dollar (equal to a Spanish

bit), and a copper coin of one-hundredth of a dollar. These parts of

the plan, however, were not ultimately decided on. They have adopted

the late improvement in the British post office, of sending their mails

by the stages. I am told, this is done from New Hampshire to Georgia,

and from New York to Albany. Their treasury is administered by a board,

of which Mr. Walter Livingston, Mr. Osgood, and Dr. Arthur Lee, are

members. Governor Rutledge, who had been appointed minister to the

Hague, on the refusal of Governor Livingston, declines coming. We are

uncertain whether the States will generally come into the proposition

of investing Congress with the regulation of their commerce.

Massachusetts has passed an act, the first object of which seemed to

be, to retaliate on the British commercial measures, but in the close

of it, they impose double duties on all goods imported in bottoms not

wholly owned by citizens of our States. New Hampshire has followed

the example. This is much complained of here, and will probably draw

retaliating measures from the States of Europe, if generally adopted

in America, or not corrected by the States which have adopted it. It

must be our endeavor to keep them quiet on this side the water, under

the hope that our countrymen will correct this step; as I trust they

will do. It is no ways akin to their general system. I am trying here

to get contracts for the supplying the cities of France with whale

oil, by the Boston merchants. It would be the greatest relief possible

to that State, whose commerce is in agonies, in consequence of being

subjected to alien duties on their oil, in Great Britain, which has

been heretofore their only market. Can anything be done, in this way,

in Spain? Or do they there light their streets in the night?

A fracas, which has lately happened in Boston, becoming a serious

matter, I will give you the details of it, as transmitted to Mr. Adams

in depositions. A Captain Stanhope, commanding the frigate Mercury,

was sent with a convoy of vessels from Nova Scotia to Boston, to get a

supply of provisions for that colony. It had happened, that two persons

living near Boston, of the names of Dunbar and Lowthorp, had been taken

prisoners during the war, and transferred from one vessel to another,

till they were placed on board Stanhope's ship. He treated them most

cruelly, whipping them frequently, in order to make them do duty

against their country, as sailors, on board his ship. The ship going

to Antigua to refit, he put all his prisoners into jail, first giving

Dunbar twenty-four lashes. Peace took place, and the prisoners got home

under the general liberation. These men were quietly pursuing their

occupations at home, when they heard that Stanhope was in Boston. Their

indignation was kindled. They immediately went there, and, meeting

Stanhope walking in the mall, Dunbar stepped up to him, and asked him

if he recollected him, and the whipping him on board his ship. Having

no weapon in his hand, he struck at Stanhope with his fist. Stanhope

stepped back and drew his sword. The people interposed, and guarded

him to the door of a Mr. Morton, to which he retreated. There, Dunbar

again attempted to seize him; but the high sheriff had by this time

arrived, who interposed and protected him. The assailants withdrew,

and here ended all appearance of force. But Captain Stanhope thought

proper to write to the Governor, which brought on the correspondence

published in the papers of Europe. Lest you should not have seen it, I

enclose it, as cut from a London paper; though not perfectly exact, it

is substantially so. You will doubtless judge, that Governor Bowdoin

referred him properly to the laws for redress, as he was obliged to

do, and as would have been done in England, in a like case. Had he

applied to the courts, the question would have been, whether they would

have punished Dunbar? This must be answered now by conjecture only;

and, to form that conjecture, every man must ask himself whether he

would not have done as Dunbar did? And whether the people should not

have permitted him to return to Stanhope the twenty-four lashes? This

affair has been stated in the London papers, without mixing with it one

circumstance of truth.

In your letter of the 27th of June, you were so good as to tell me,

that you should shortly send off some of the books I had taken the

liberty to ask you to get for me, and that your correspondent at

Bayonne, would give me notice of their arrival there. Not having heard

from him, I mention it to you, lest they should be stopped anywhere.

I am, with great respect, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO RICHARD O'BRYAN.

PARIS, November 4, 1785.

SIR,--I wrote you a short letter on the 29th of September,

acknowledging the receipt of yours of August the 24th, from Algiers,

and promising that you should hear further from me soon. Mr. Adams,

the American minister at London, and myself, have agreed to authorize

the bearer hereof, Mr. Lambe, to treat for your redemption, and that of

your companions taken in American vessels, and, if it can be obtained

for sums within our power, we shall have the money paid. But in this,

we act without instruction from Congress, and are therefore obliged

to take the precaution of requiring, that you bind your owners for

yourself and crew, and the other captain, in like manner, his owners

for himself and crew, and that each person, separately, make himself

answerable for his own redemption, in case Congress requires it. I

suppose Congress will not require it; but we have no authority to

decide that, but must leave it to their own decision; which renders

necessary the precautions I have mentioned, in order to justify

ourselves for undertaking to redeem you, without orders. Mr. Lambe is

instructed to make no bargain without your approbation, and that of the

other prisoners, each for himself. We also direct him to relieve your

present necessities. I sincerely wish you a speedy deliverance from

your distresses, and a happy return to your family.

I am, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO W. W. SEWARD.

PARIS, November 12, 1785.

SIR,--I received the honor of your letter of the 25th ult., written

by desire of the associated company of Irish merchants, in London, and

return you thanks for the kind congratulations you express therein. The

freedom of commerce between Ireland and America is undoubtedly very

interesting to both countries. If fair play be given to the natural

advantages of Ireland, she must come in for a distinguished share of

that commerce. She is entitled to it, from the excellence of some of

her manufactures, the cheapness of most of them, their correspondence

with the American taste, a sameness of language, laws and manners, a

reciprocal affection between the people, and the singular circumstance

of her being the nearest European land to the United States. I am not

at present so well acquainted with the trammels of Irish commerce, as

to know what they are, particularly, which obstruct the intercourse

between Ireland and America; nor, therefore, what can be the object of

a fleet stationed in the western ocean, to intercept that intercourse.

Experience, however, has taught us to infer that the fact is probable,

because it is impolitic. On the supposition that this interruption

will take place, you suggest Ostend as a convenient entrepôt for the

commerce between America and Ireland. Here, too, I find myself, on

account of the same ignorance of your commercial regulations, at a

loss to say why this is preferable to L'Orient, which, you know, is a

free port and in great latitude, which is nearer to both parties, and

accessible by a less dangerous navigation. I make no doubt, however,

that the reasons of the preference are good. You find by this essay,

that I am not likely to be a very instructive correspondent; you shall

find me, however, zealous in whatever may concern the interests of the

two countries. The system, into which the United States wished to go,

was that of freeing commerce from every shackle. A contrary conduct

in Great Britain will occasion them to adopt the contrary system, at

least as to that island. I am sure they would be glad, if it should be

found practicable, to make that discrimination between Great Britain

and Ireland, which their commercial principles, and their affection for

the latter, would dictate.

I have the honor to be, with the highest respect for yourself and the

company for whom you write, Sir, your most obedient and most humble

servant.

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

PARIS, November 14, 1785.

SIR,--I take the liberty of troubling your Excellency on behalf of six

citizens of the United States, who have been, for some time, confined

in the prison of St. Pol de Leon, and of referring for particulars,

to the enclosed state of their case. Some of the material facts,

therein mentioned, are founded on the bill of sale for the vessel,

her clearance from Baltimore, and her log book. The originals of the

two last, and a copy of the first, are in my hands. I have, also,

letters from a merchant in Liverpool to Asquith, which render it

really probable that his vessel was bound to Liverpool. The other

circumstances depend on their affirmation, but I must say, that in

these facts, they have been uniform and steady. I have thus long

avoided troubling your Excellency with this case, in hopes it would

receive its decision, in the ordinary course of law, and I relied, that

that would indemnify the sufferers, if they had been used unjustly; but

though they have been in close confinement, now near three months, it

has yet no appearance of approaching to decision. In the meantime, the

cold of the winter is coming on, and, to men in their situation, may

produce events which would render all indemnification too late. I must,

therefore, pray the assistance of your Excellency, for the liberation

of their persons, if the established order of things may possibly admit

of it. As to their property, and their personal sufferings hitherto,

I have full confidence that the laws have provided some tribunal,

where justice will be done them. I enclose the opinion of an advocate,

forwarded to me by a gentleman whom I had desired to obtain, from

some judicious person of that faculty, a state of their case. This may

perhaps give a better idea than I can, of the situation of their cause.

His inquiries have led him to believe they are innocent men, but that

they must lose their vessel under the edict, which forbids those under

thirty tons to approach the coast. Admitting their innocence, as he

does, I should suppose them not the objects, on whom such an edict was

meant to operate. The essential papers, which he says they re-demanded

from him, and did not return, were sent to me, at my desire.

I am, with sentiments of the highest respect, your Excellency's most

obedient, and most humble servant.

_The case of Lister Asquith, owner of the schooner William

and Catharine, William M'Neil, captain, William Thomson,

William Neily, Robert Anderson, mariners, and William Fowler,

passenger._

Lister Asquith, citizen of the State of Maryland, having a law-suit

depending in England, which required his presence, as involving in its

issue nearly his whole fortune, determined to go thither in a small

schooner of his own, that he might, at the same time, take with him an

adventure of tobacco and flour to Liverpool, where he had commercial

connections. This schooner he purchased as of fifty-nine and a quarter

tons, as appears by his bill of sale, but she had been registered by

her owner at twenty-one tons, in order to evade the double duties

in England, to which American vessels are now subject. He cleared

out from Baltimore for Liverpool, the 11th of June, 1785, with eight

hogsheads of tobacco and sixty barrels of flour, but ran aground at

Smith's point, sprung a leak, and was obliged to return to Baltimore

to refit. Having stopped his leak, he took his cargo on board again,

and his health being infirm, he engaged Captain William M'Neil[115] to

go with him, and, on the 20th of June, sailed for Norfolk in Virginia,

and, on the 22d, came to in Hampton road, at the mouth of the river on

which Norfolk is. Learning here that tobacco would be better than flour

for the English market, he landed fifty barrels of his flour and one

hogshead of tobacco, which he found to be bad, meaning to take, instead

thereof, nine hogsheads of tobacco more. But the same night it began to

blow very hard, with much rain. The 23d, the storm became more heavy;

they let go both their anchors, but were driven, notwithstanding, from

their anchorage, forced to put to sea and to go before the wind. The

occurrences of their voyage will be best detailed by short extracts

from the log-book.

_June 24._ The weather becomes worse. One of the fore shrouds

and the foremast carried away.

_June 25._ Shifted their ballast which threw them on their

beam ends, and shipped a very heavy sea. Held a consultation,

the result of which was, that seeing they were now driven so

far to sea, and the weather continuing still very bad, it was

better to steer for Liverpool, their port of destination,

though they had not their cargo on board, and no other

clearance but that which they took from Baltimore.

_June 29._ The first observation they had been able to take

N. lat. 38° 13´.

_June 30._ Winds begin to be light, but the sea still very

heavy.

_July 5._ Light winds and a smooth sea for the first time, in

lat. 43° 12´.

_July 9._ Spoke a French brig, Comte d'Artois, Captain

Mieaux, from St. Maloes, in distress for provisions. Relieved

her with three barrels of flour.

_Aug. 6._ Thick weather and a strong wind. Made the Lands'

End of England.

_Aug. 7._ Unable to fetch the land, therefore bore

off for Scilly, and came to with both anchors. Drove,

notwithstanding, and obliged to get up the anchors, and put

to sea, running southwardly.

_Aug. 8._ Made the land of France, but did not know what

part.

Here the logbook ends. At this time they had on board but ten gallons

of water, four or five barrels of bread, two or three pounds of

candles, no firewood. Their sails unfit to be trusted to any longer,

and all their materials for mending them exhausted by the constant

repairs which the violence of the weather had called for. They

therefore took a pilot aboard, who carried them into Pont Duval; but

being informed by the captain of a vessel there that the schooner was

too sharp built (as the American vessels mostly are) to lie in that

port, they put out immediately, and the next morning the pilot brought

them to anchor in the road of the Isle de Bas. Asquith went immediately

to Roscaff, protested at the admiralty the true state of his case, and

reported his vessel and cargo at the custom-house. In making the report

of his vessel, he stated her as of twenty-one tons, according to his

register. The officer informed him that if she was no larger, she would

be confiscated by an edict, which forbids all vessels under thirty tons

to approach the coast. He told the officer what was the real truth

as to his register and his bill of sale, and was permitted to report

her according to the latter. He paid the usual fees of ten livres and

seven sols, and obtained a clearance. Notwithstanding this, he was soon

visited by other persons whom he supposes to have been commis of the

Fermes, who seized his vessel, carried her to the pier, and confined

the crew to the vessel and half the pier, putting sentinels over them.

They brought a guager, who measured only her hold and part of her

steerage, allowing nothing for the cockpit, cabin, forecastle, and

above one-half of the steerage, which is almost half the vessel, and

thus made her contents (if that had been of any importance) much below

the truth. The tobacco was weighed, and found to be six thousand four

hundred and eighty-seven pounds,[116] which was sent on the 18th to

Landivisian, and on the 19th they were committed to close prison at St.

Pol de Leon, where they have been confined ever since. They had, when

they first landed, some money, of which they were soon disembarrassed

by different persons, who, in various forms, undertook to serve them.

Unable to speak or understand a word of the language of the country,

friendless, and left without money, they have languished three months

in a loathsome jail, without any other sustenance, a great part of the

time, than what could be procured for three sous a day, which have been

furnished them to prevent their perishing.

They have been made to understand that a criminal process is going on

against them under two heads. 1. As having sold tobacco in contraband;

and 2, as having entered a port of France in a vessel of less than

thirty tons burthen. In support of the first charge, they understand

that the circumstance is relied on, of their having been seen off the

coast by the employés des Fermes one or two days. They acknowledge they

may have been so seen while beating off Pont Duval till they could get

a pilot while entering that port, and again going round from thence to

the road of the Isle de Bas. The reasons for this have been explained.

They further add, that all the time they were at Pont Duval they had

a King's officer on board, from whom, as well as from their pilot and

the captain, by whose advice they left that port for the Isle de Bas,

information can be obtained by their accusers (who are not imprisoned),

of the true motives for that measure. It is said to be urged also, that

there was found in their vessel some loose tobacco in a blanket, which

excites a suspicion that they had been selling tobacco. When they were

stowing their loading, they broke a hogshead, as is always necessary,

and is always done, to fill up the stowage, and to consolidate and

keep the whole mass firm, and in place. The loose tobacco which had

come out of the broken hogshead, they repacked in bags; but in the

course of the distress of their disastrous voyage, they had employed

these bags, as they had done everything else of the same nature, in

mending their sails. The condition of their sails, when they came into

port, will prove this, and they were seen by witnesses enough, to whom

their accusers, being at their liberty, can have access. Besides, the

sale of a part of their tobacco is a fact which, had it taken place,

might have been proved; but they deny that it has been proved, or

ever can be proved by true men, because it never existed. And they

hope the justice of this country does not permit strangers, seeking in

her ports an asylum from death, to be thrown into jail and continued

there indefinitely, on the possibility of a fact, without any proof.

More especially when, as in the present case, a demonstration to the

contrary is furnished by their clearance, which shows they never had

more than eight hogsheads of tobacco on board, of which one had been

put ashore at Hampton in Virginia, as has been before related, and

the seven others remained when they first entered port. If they had

been smugglers of tobacco, the opposite coast offered a much fairer

field, because the gain there is as great; because they understand the

language and laws of the country, they know its harbors and coasts,

and have connections in them. These circumstances are so important to

smugglers, that it is believed no instance has ever occurred of the

contraband of tobacco, attempted on this side the channel by a crew

wholly American. Be this as it may, they are not of that description of

men.

As to the second charge, that they have entered a port of France in

a vessel of less than thirty tons burthen, they, in the first place,

observe that they saw the guager measure the vessel, and affirm that

his method of measuring could render little more than half her true

contents; but they say, further, that were she below the size of thirty

tons, and, when entering the port, had they known of the alternative

of either forfeiting their vessel and cargo, or of perishing at sea,

they must still have entered the port: the loss of their vessel and

cargo being the lesser evil. But the character of the lawgiver assures

them, that the intention of his laws are perverted when misapplied to

persons who, under their circumstances, take refuge in his ports. They

have no occasion to recur from his clemency to his justice, by claiming

the benefit of that article in the treaty which binds the two nations

together, and which assures to the fugitives of either from the dangers

of the sea, a hospitable reception and necessary aids in the ports of

the other, and that without measuring the size of their vessel.

Upon the whole, they protest themselves to have been as innocent as

they have been unfortunate. Instead of relief in a friendly port, they

have seen their misfortunes aggravated by the conduct of officers,

who, in their greediness for gain, can see in no circumstance anything

but proofs of guilt. They have already long suffered, and are still

suffering, whatever scanty sustenance an inclement season and close

confinement can offer most distressing to men who have been used to

neither, and who have wives and children at home participating of

their distresses; they are utterly ignorant of the laws and language

of the country where they are suffering; they are deprived of that

property which would have enabled them to procure counsel to place

their injuries in a true light; they are distant from the stations of

those who are appointed by their country to patronize their rights;

they are not at liberty to go to them, nor able to have communication

through any other than the uncertain medium of the posts; and they see

themselves already ruined by the losses and delays they have been made

to incur, and by the failure of the original object of their voyage.

They throw themselves, therefore, on the patronage of the government,

and pray that its energies may be interposed in aid of their poverty

and ignorance, to restore them to their liberty, and to extend to them

that retribution which the laws of every country mean to extend to

those who suffer unjustly.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

PARIS, November 19, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote to you, on the 11th of October, by Mr. Preston,

and again on the 18th of the same month, by post. Since that, yours of

September the 25th, by Mr. Boylston, of October the 24th, November the

1st, and November the 4th, have come safe to hand. I will take up their

several subjects in order. Boylston's object was, first, to dispose

of a cargo of spermaceti oil, which he brought to Havre. A secondary

one, was to obtain a contract for future supplies. I carried him to

the Marquis de La Fayette. As to his first object, we are in hopes of

getting the duties taken off, which will enable him to sell his cargo.

This has led to discussions with the ministers, which give us a hope

that we may get the duties taken off _in perpetuum_. This done, a

most abundant market for our oil will be opened by this country, and

one which will be absolutely dependent on us; for they have little

expectation themselves of establishing a successful whale fishery. It

is possible they may only take the duties off of those oils, which

shall be the produce of associated companies of French and American

merchants. But, as yet, nothing certain can be said.

I thank you for the trouble you have taken to obtain insurance on

Houdon's life. I place the thirty-two pounds and eleven shillings to

your credit, and not being able, as yet, to determine precisely how

our account stands, I send a sum by Colonel Smith, which may draw the

scales towards a balance.

The determination of the British cabinet to make no equal treaty with

us, confirms me in the opinion expressed in your letter of October

the 24th, that the United States must pass a navigation act against

Great Britain, and load her manufactures with duties, so as to give

a preference to those of other countries; and I hope our Assemblies

will wait no longer, but transfer such a power to Congress, at the

sessions of this fall. I suppose, however, it will only be against

Great Britain, and I think it will be right not to involve other

nations in the consequences of her injustice. I take for granted,

that the commercial system, wished for by Congress, was such a one

as should leave commerce on the freest footing possible. This was

the plan on which we prepared our general draught for treating with

all nations. Of those with whom we were to treat, I ever considered

England, France, Spain, and Portugal as capitally important; the

first two, on account of their American possessions, the last, for

their European as well as American. Spain is treating in America, and

probably will give an advantageous treaty. Portugal shows dispositions

to do the same. France does not treat. It is likely enough she will

choose to keep the staff in her own hands. But, in the meantime,

she gives us an access to her West Indies, which, though not all we

wish, is yet extremely valuable to us; this access, indeed, is much

affected by the late _Arrets_ of the 18th and 25th of September, which

I enclose to you. I consider these as a reprisal for the navigation

acts of Massachusetts and New Hampshire. The minister has complained

to me, officially, of these acts, as a departure from the reciprocity

stipulated for by the treaty. I have assured him that his complaints

shall be communicated to Congress, and, in the meantime, observed that

the example of discriminating between foreigners and natives had been

set by the _Arret_ of August, 1784, and still more remarkably by those

of September the 18th and 25th, which, in effect, are a prohibition

of our fish in their islands. However, it is better for us that both

sides should revise what they have done. I am in hopes this country

did not mean these as permanent regulations. Mr. Bingham, lately from

Holland, tells me that the Dutch are much dissatisfied with these acts.

In fact, I expect the European nations in general, will rise up against

an attempt of this kind, and wage a general commercial war against

us. They can do well without all our commodities, except tobacco, and

we cannot find elsewhere markets for them. The selfishness of England

alone will not justify our hazarding a contest of this kind against

all Europe. Spain, Portugal, and France, have not yet shut their

doors against us; it will be time enough when they do to take up the

commercial hatchet. I hope, therefore, those States will repeal their

navigation clauses, except as against Great Britain and other nations

not treating with us.

I have made the inquiries you desire as to American ship-timber for

this country. You know they sent some person (whose name was not told

us) to America, to examine the quality of our masts, spars, &c. I think

this was young Chaumont's business. They have, besides this, instructed

the officer who superintends their supplies of masts, spars, &c., to

procure good quantities from our northern States; but I think they

have made no contract; on the contrary, that they await the trials

projected, but with a determination to look to us for considerable

supplies, if they find our timber answer. They have on the carpet a

contract for live oak from the southern States.

You ask why the Virginian merchants do not learn to sort their own

tobaccos? They can sort them as well as any other merchants whatever.

Nothing is better known than the quality of every hogshead of tobacco,

from the place of its growth. They know, too, the particular qualities

required in every market. They do not send their tobaccos, therefore,

to London to be sorted, but to pay their debts; and though they could

send them to other markets, and remit the money to London, yet they

find it necessary to give their English merchant the benefit of the

consignment of their tobacco (which is enormously gainful), in order to

induce him to continue his indulgence for the balance due.

Is it impossible to persuade our countrymen to make peace with the Nova

Scotians? I am persuaded nothing is wanting but advances on our part;

and that it is in our power to draw off the greatest proportion of that

settlement, and thus to free ourselves from rivals who may become of

consequence. We are at present co-operating with Great Britain, whose

policy it is to give aliment to that bitter enmity between her States

and ours, which may secure her against their ever joining us. But would

not the existence of a cordial friendship between us and them, be the

best bridle we could possibly put into the mouth of England?

With respect to the Danish business, you will observe that the

instructions of Congress, article 3, of October the 29th, 1783, put

it entirely into the hands of the _Ministers Plenipotentiary of the

United States of America at the court of Versailles, empowered to

negotiate a peace, or to any one or more of them_. At that time, I

did not come under this description. I had received the permission of

Congress to decline coming in the spring preceding that date. On the

first day of November, 1783, that is to say, two days after the date

of the instructions to the commissioners, Congress recommended John

Paul Jones to the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at

Versailles as agent, to solicit, under his direction, the payment of

all prizes taken in Europe, under his command. But the object under

their view, at that time, was assuredly the money due from the court

of Versailles, for the prizes taken in the expedition by the Bon

homme Richard, the Alliance, &c. In this business, I have aided him

effectually, having obtained a definitive order for paying the money to

him, and a considerable proportion being actually paid him. But they

could not mean by their resolution of November the 1st, to take from

the commissioners powers which they had given them two days before.

If there could remain a doubt that this whole power has resulted to

you, it would be cleared up by the instructions of May the 7th, 1784,

article 9, which declare, "that these instructions be considered as

supplementary to those of October the 29th, 1783, and not as revoking,

except where they contradict them;" which shows that they considered

the instructions of October the 29th, 1783, as still in full force.

I do not give you the trouble of this discussion, to save myself the

trouble of the negotiation. I should have no objections to this part;

but it is to avoid the impropriety of meddling in a matter wherein I am

unauthorized to act, and where anything I should pretend to conclude

with the court of Denmark might have the appearance of a deception on

them. Should it be in my power to render any service in it, I shall

do it with cheerfulness; but I repeat, that I think you are the only

person authorized.

I received, a few days ago, the Nuova minuta of Tuscany, which Colonel

Humphreys will deliver you. I have been so engaged, that I have not

been able to go over it with any attention. I observe, in general,

that the order of the articles is entirely deranged, and their diction

almost totally changed. When you shall have examined it, if you will

be so good as to send me your observations by post, in cypher, I will

communicate with you in the same way, and try to mature this matter.

The deaths of the Dukes of Orleans and Praslin will probably reach you

through the channel of the public papers, before this letter does. Your

friends the Abbés are well, and always speak of you with affection.

Colonel Humphreys comes to pass some time in London. My curiosity

would render a short trip thither agreeable to me also, but I see no

probability of taking it. I will trouble you with my respects to Dr.

Price. Those to Mrs. Adams, I witness in a letter to herself.

I am, with very great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most

humble servant.

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

PARIS, November 20, 1785.

SIR,--I found here, on my return from Fontainebleau, the letter of

October the 30th, which your Excellency did me the honor there, of

informing me had been addressed to me at this place; and I shall avail

myself of the first occasion of transmitting it to Congress, who will

receive, with great pleasure, these new assurances of the friendly

sentiments which his Majesty is pleased to continue towards the United

States.

I am equally persuaded they will pay the most serious attention to

that part of your Excellency's letter, which mentions the information

you have received of certain acts or regulations of navigation and

commerce, passed in some of the United States, which are injurious

to the commerce of France. In the meantime, I wish to remove the

unfavorable impressions which those acts seem to have made, as if

they were a departure from the reciprocity of conduct, stipulated for

by the treaty of February the 6th, 1776. The effect of that treaty

is, to place each party with the other always on the footing of the

most favored nation. But those, who framed the acts, probably did not

consider the treaty as restraining either from discriminating between

foreigners and natives. Yet this is the sole effect of these acts.

The same opinion as to the meaning of the treaty seems to have been

entertained by this government, both before and since the date of

these acts. For the _Arret_ of the King's Council, of August the 30th,

1784, furnished an example of such a discrimination between foreigners

and natives, importing salted fish into his Majesty's dominions in

the West Indies; by laying a duty on that imported by foreigners, and

giving out the same, in bounty, to native importers. This opinion shows

itself more remarkably in the late _Arrets_ of the 18th and 25th of

September, which, increasing to excess the duty on foreign importations

of fish into the West Indies, giving the double, in bounty, on those

of natives, and thereby rendering it impossible for the former to

sell in competition with the latter, have, in effect, prohibited the

importation of that article by the citizens of the United States.

Both nations, perhaps, may come into the opinion, that their friendship

and their interests may be better cemented, by approaching the

condition of their citizens, reciprocally, to that of _natives_, as a

better ground of intercourse than that of _the most favored nation_.

I shall rest with hopes of being authorized, in due time, to inform

your Excellency that nothing will be wanting, on our part, to evince a

disposition to concur in revising whatever regulations may, on either

side, bear hard on the commerce of the other nation. In the meantime,

I have the honor to assure you of the profound respect and esteem with

which I have the honor to be, your Excellency's most obedient, and most

humble servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

PARIS, November 27, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 5th came to hand yesterday, and Colonel

Smith, and Colonel Humphreys (by whom you will receive one of the

19th, from me) being to set out to-morrow, I hasten to answer it. I

sincerely rejoice that Portugal is stepping forward in the business

of treaty, and that there is a probability that we may at length do

something under our commissions, which may produce a solid benefit to

our constituents. I as much rejoice, that it is not to be negotiated

through the medium of the torpid, uninformed machine, at first made

use of. I conjecture, from your relation of the conference with the

Chevalier de Pinto, that he is well informed and sensible. So much the

better. It is one of those cases, where the better the interest of the

two parties are understood, the broader will be the basis on which they

will connect them.

To the very judicious observations on the subjects of the conference,

which were made by you, I have little to add.

_Flour._ It may be observed, that we can sell them the flour ready

manufactured for much less than the wheat of which it is made. In

carrying to them wheat, we carry also the bran, which does not pay its

own freight. In attempting to save and transport wheat to them, much is

lost by the weavil, and much spoiled by heat in the hold of the vessel.

This loss must be laid on the wheat which gets safe to market, where

it is paid for by the consumer. Now, this is much more than the cost of

manufacturing it with us, which would prevent that loss. I suppose the

cost of manufacturing does not exceed seven per cent. on the value. But

the loss by the weavil, and other damage on shipboard, amount to much

more. Let them buy of us as much wheat as will make a hundred weight

of flour. They will find that they have paid more for the wheat than we

should have asked for the flour, besides having lost the labor of their

mills in grinding it. The obliging us, therefore, to carry it to them

in the form of wheat, is a useless loss to both parties.

_Iron._ They will get none from us. We cannot make it in competition

with Sweden, or any other nation of Europe, where labor is so much

cheaper.

_Wines._ The strength of the wines of Portugal will give them always

an almost exclusive possession of a country, where the summers are

so hot as in America. The present demand will be very great, if they

will enable us to pay for them; but if they consider the extent and

rapid population of the United States, they must see that the time

is not distant, when they will not be able to make enough for us, and

that it is of great importance to avail themselves of the prejudices

already established in favor of their wines, and to continue them by

facilitating the purchase. Let them do this, and they need not care for

the decline of their use in England. They will be independent of that

country.

_Salt._ I do not know where the northern States supplied themselves

with salt, but the southern ones took great quantities from Portugal.

_Cotton_ and _Wool_. The southern States will take manufactures of

both: the northern will take both the manufactures and raw materials.

_East India goods of every kind._ Philadelphia and New York have begun

trade to the East Indies. Perhaps Boston may follow their example. But

their importations will be sold only to the country adjacent to them.

For a long time to come, the States south of the Delaware will not

engage in a direct commerce with the East Indies. They neither have,

nor will have ships or seamen for their other commerce: nor will they

buy East India goods of the northern States. Experience shows that the

States never bought foreign good of one another. The reasons are, that

they would, in so doing, pay double freight and charges; and again,

that they would have to pay mostly in cash, what they could obtain for

commodities in Europe. I know that the American merchants have looked,

with some anxiety, to the arrangements to be taken with Portugal, in

expectation that they could, through her, get their East India articles

on better and more convenient terms; and I am of opinion, Portugal will

come in for a good share of this traffic with the southern States, if

they facilitate our payments.

_Coffee._ Can they not furnish us with this article from Brazil?

_Sugar._ The Brazil sugars are esteemed, with us, more than any other.

_Chocolate._ This article, when ready made, as also the cocoa, becomes

so soon rancid, and the difficulties of getting in fresh have been

so great in America, that its use has spread but little. The way to

increase its consumption would be, to permit it to be brought to us

immediately from the country of its growth. By getting it good in

quality, and cheap in price, the superiority of the article, both for

health and nourishment, will soon give it the same preference over tea

and coffee in America, which it has in Spain, where they can get it

by a single voyage, and, of course, while it is sweet. The use of the

sugars, coffee, and cotton of Brazil, would also be much extended by a

similar indulgence.

Ginger and spices from the Brazils, if they had the advantage of a

direct transportation, might take place of the same articles from the

East Indies.

_Ginseng._ We can furnish them with enough to supply their whole demand

for the East Indies.

They should be prepared to expect, that in the beginning of this

commerce, more money will be taken by us, than after awhile. The

reasons are, that our heavy debt to Great Britain must be paid, before

we shall be masters of our own returns; and again, that habits of using

particular things are produced only by time and practice.

That as little time as possible may be lost in this negotiation, I will

communicate to you, at once, my sentiments as to the alterations in the

draught sent them, which will probably be proposed by them, or which

ought to be proposed by us, noting only those articles.

Article 3. They will probably restrain us to their dominions in

Europe. We must expressly include the Azores, Madeiras, and Cape de

Verd islands, some of which are deemed to be in Africa. We should also

contend for an access to their possessions in America, according to the

gradation in the 2d article of our instructions of May the 7th, 1784.

But if we can obtain it in no one of these forms, I am of opinion we

should give it up.

Article 4. This should be put into the form we gave it, in the draught

sent you by Dr. Franklin and myself, for Great Britain. I think we had

not reformed this article, when we sent our draught to Portugal. You

know the Confederation renders the reformation absolutely necessary; a

circumstance which had escaped us at first.

Article 9. Add, from the British draught, the clause about wrecks.

Article 13. The passage "nevertheless," &c., to run as in the British

draught.

Article 18. After the word "accident," insert "or wanting supplies

of provisions or other refreshments." And again, instead of "take

refuge," insert "come," and after "of the other" insert "in any part

of the world." The object of this is to obtain leave for our whaling

vessels to refit and refresh on the coast of the Brazils; an object

of immense importance to that class of our vessels. We must acquiesce

under such modifications as they may think necessary, for regulating

this indulgence, in hopes to lessen them in time, and to get a _pied a

terre_ in that country.

Article 19. Can we get this extended to the Brazils? It would be

precious in case of a war with Spain.

Article 23. Between "places" and "whose," insert "and in general, all

others," as in the British draught.

Article 24. For "necessaries," substitute "comforts."

Article 25. Add "but if any such consuls shall exercise commerce," &c.,

as in the British draught.

We should give to Congress as early notice as possible of the

re-institution of this negotiation; because, in a letter by a gentleman

who sailed from Havre, the 10th instant, I communicated to them the

answer of the Portuguese minister, through the ambassador here, which

I sent to you. They may, in consequence, be making other arrangements

which might do injury. The little time which now remains, of the

continuance of our commissions, should also be used with the Chevalier

de Pinto, to hasten the movements of his court.

But all these preparations for trade with Portugal will fail in their

effect, unless the depredations of the Algerines can be prevented.

I am far from confiding in the measures taken for this purpose. Very

possibly war must be recurred to. Portugal is at war with them. Suppose

the Chevalier de Pinto was to be sounded on the subject of an union of

force, and even a stipulation for contributing, each, a certain force,

to be kept in constant cruise. Such a league once begun, other nations

would drop into it, one by one. If he should seem to approve it, it

might then be suggested to Congress, who, if they should be forced to

try the measure of war, would doubtless be glad of such an ally. As the

Portuguese negotiation should be hastened, I suppose our communications

must often be trusted to the post, availing ourselves of the cover of

our cypher.

I am, with sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS.

PARIS, December 4, 1785.

_Dear Sir_,--I enclose you a letter from Gatteaux, observing that

there will be an anachronism, if, in making a medal to commemorate

the victory of Saratoga, he puts on General Gates the insignia of the

Cincinnati, which did not exist at that date. I wrote him, in answer,

that I thought so too, but that you had the direction of the business;

that you were now in London; that I would write to you, and probably

should have an answer within a fortnight; and, that in the meantime,

he could be employed on other parts of the die. I supposed you might

not have observed, on the print of General Gates, the insignia of the

Cincinnati, or did not mean that that particular should be copied.

Another reason against it strikes me. Congress have studiously avoided

giving to the public their sense of this institution. Should medals be

prepared, to be presented from them to certain officers, and bearing

on them the insignia of the order, as the presenting them would involve

an approbation of the institution, a previous question would be forced

on them, whether they would present these medals? I am of opinion it

would be very disagreeable to them to be placed under the necessity of

making this declaration. Be so good as to let me know your wishes on

this subject, by the first post.

Mr. Short has been sick ever since you left us. Nothing new has

occurred here, since your departure. I imagine you have American news.

If so, pray give us some. Present me affectionately to Mr. Adams and

the ladies, and to Colonel Smith; and be assured of the esteem with

which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

PARIS, December 10, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--On the arrival of Mr. Boylston, I carried him to the Marquis

de La Fayette, who received from him communications of his object.

This was to get a remission of the duties on his cargo of oil, and he

was willing to propose a future contract. I suggested, however, to the

Marquis, when we were alone, that instead of wasting our efforts on

individual applications, we had better take up the subject on general

ground, and whatever could be obtained, let it be common to all. He

concurred with me. As the jealousy of office between ministers does not

permit me to apply immediately to the one in whose department this was,

the Marquis's agency was used. The result was, to put us on the footing

of the Hanseatic towns, as to whale oil, and to reduce the duties to

eleven livres and five sols for five hundred and twenty pounds, French,

which is very nearly two livres on the English hundred weight, or about

a guinea and a half the ton. But the oil must be brought in American

or French ships, and the indulgence is limited to one year. However,

as to this, I expressed to Count de Vergennes my hopes that it would

be continued; and should a doubt arise, I should propose, at the proper

time, to claim it under the treaty, on the footing _gentis amicissimæ_.

After all, I believe Mr. Boylston has failed of selling to Sangrain,

and, from what I learn, through a little too much hastiness of temper.

Perhaps they may yet come together, or he may sell to somebody else.

When the general matter was thus arranged, a Mr. Barrett arrived here

from Boston, with letters of recommendation from Governor Bowdoin,

Cushing, and others. His errand was, to get the whale business here

put on a general bottom, instead of the particular one, which had been

settled, you know, the last year, for a special company. We told him

what was done. He thinks it will answer, and proposes to settle at

L'Orient, for conducting the sales of the oil, and the returns. I hope,

therefore, that this matter is tolerably well fixed, as far as the

consumption of this country goes. I know not, as yet, to what amount

that is; but shall endeavor to find out how much they consume, and how

much they furnish themselves. I propose to Mr. Barrett, that he should

induce either his State or individuals to send a sufficient number

of boxes of the spermaceti candle, to give one to every leading house

in Paris; I mean to those who lead the ton; and, at the same time, to

deposit a quantity for sale here, and advertise them in the _petites

affiches_. I have written to Mr. Carmichael, to know on what footing

the use and introduction of the whale oil is there, or can be placed.

I have the honor to be, with very sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most

obedient humble servant.

TO THE GOVERNOR OF GEORGIA.

PARIS, December 22, 1785.

SIR,--The death of the late General Oglethorpe, who had considerable

possessions in Georgia, has given rise, as we understand, to questions

whether those possessions have become the property of the State, or

have been transferred by his will to his widow, or descended on the

nearest heir capable in law of taking them. In the latter case, the

Chevalier de Mezieres, a subject of France, stands foremost, as being

made capable of the inheritance by the treaty between this country and

the United States. Under the regal government, it was the practice with

us, when lands passed to the crown by escheat or forfeiture, to grant

them to such relation of the party, as stood on the fairest ground.

This was even a chartered right in some of the States. The practice has

been continued among them, as deeming that the late Revolution should,

in no instance, abridge the rights of the people. Should this have been

the practice in the State of Georgia, or should they, in any instance,

think proper to admit it, I am persuaded none will arise, in which

it would be more expedient to do it, than in the present, and that no

person's expectations should be fairer than those of the Chevalier de

Mezieres. He is the nephew of General Oglethorpe, he is of singular

personal merit, an officer of rank, of high connections, and patronized

by the ministers. His case has drawn their attention, and seems to be

considered as protected by the treaty of alliance, and as presenting

a trial of our regard to that. Should these lands be considered as

having passed to the State, I take the liberty of recommending him

to the legislature of Georgia, as worthy of their generosity, and as

presenting an opportunity of proving the favorable dispositions which

exist throughout America, towards the subjects of this country, and an

opportunity too, which will probably be known and noted here.

In the several views, therefore, of personal merit, justice, generosity

and policy, I presume to recommend the Chevalier de Mezieres, and his

interests, to the notice and patronage of your Excellency, whom the

choice of your country has sufficiently marked, as possessing the

dispositions, while it has, at the same time, given you the power,

to befriend just claims. The Chevalier de Mezieres will pass over to

Georgia in the ensuing spring; but, should he find an opportunity,

he will probably forward this letter sooner. I have the honor to be,

with sentiments of the most profound respect, your Excellency's most

obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE GEORGIA DELEGATES IN CONGRESS.

PARIS, December 22, 1785.

GENTLEMEN,--By my despatch to Mr. Jay, which accompanies this, you

will perceive that the claims of the Chevalier de Mezieres, nephew

to the late General Oglethorpe, to his possessions within your

State, have attracted the attention of the ministry here; and that,

considering them as protected by their treaty with us, they have viewed

as derogatory of that, the doubts which have been expressed on the

subject. I have thought it best to present to them those claims in the

least favorable point of view, to lessen, as much as possible, the ill

effects of a disappointment; but I think it my duty to ask your notice

and patronage of this case as one whose decision will have an effect on

the general interests of the Union.

The Chevalier de Mezieres is nephew to General Oglethorpe; he is a

person of great estimation, powerfully related and protected. His

interests are espoused by those whom it is our interest to gratify. I

will take the liberty, therefore, of soliciting your recommendations

of him to the generosity of your legislature, and to the patronage and

good offices of your friends, whose efforts, though in a private case,

will do a public good. The pecuniary advantages of confiscation, in

this instance, cannot compensate its ill effects. It is difficult to

make foreigners understand those legal distinctions between the effects

of forfeiture, of escheat, and of conveyance, on which the professors

of the law might build their opinions in this case. They can see only

the outlines of the case; to wit, the death of a possessor of lands

lying within the United States, leaving an heir in France, and the

State claiming those lands in opposition to the heir. An individual,

thinking himself injured, makes more noise than a State. Perhaps, too,

in every case which either party to a treaty thinks to be within its

provisions, it is better not to weigh the syllables and letters of the

treaty, but to show that gratitude and affection render that appeal

unnecessary. I take the freedom, therefore, of submitting to your

wisdom, the motives which present themselves in favor of a grant to the

Chevalier de Mezieres, and the expediency of urging them on your State,

as far as you may think proper.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect,

Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

PARIS, December 27, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--Your favors of the 13th and 20th, were put in my hands

to-day. This will be delivered you by Mr. Dalrymple, secretary to the

legation of Mr. Crawford. I do not know whether you were acquainted

with him here. He is a young man of learning and candor, and exhibits

a phenomenon I never before met with, that is, a republican born on the

north side of the Tweed.

You have been consulted in the case of the Chevalier de Mezieres,

nephew to General Oglethorpe, and are understood to have given an

opinion derogatory of our treaty with France. I was also consulted,

and understood in the same way. I was of opinion the Chevalier had no

right to the estate, and as he had determined the treaty gave him a

right, I suppose he made the inference for me, that the treaty was of

no weight. The Count de Vergennes mentioned it to me in such a manner,

that I found it was necessary to explain the case to him, and show

him the treaty had nothing to do with it. I enclose you a copy of the

explanation I delivered him.

Mr. Boylston sold his cargo to an agent of Monsieur Sangrain. He got

for it fifty-five livres the hundred weight. I do not think that his

being joined to a company here would contribute to its success. His

capital is not wanting. Le Conteux has agreed that the merchants

of Boston, sending whale oil here, may draw on him for a certain

proportion of money, only giving such a time in their drafts, as will

admit the actual arrival of the oil into a port of France, for his

security. Upon these drafts, Mr. Barrett is satisfied they will be able

to raise money, to make their purchases in America. The duty is seven

livres and ten sols on the barrel of five hundred and twenty pounds,

French, and ten sous on every livre, which raises it to eleven livres

and five sols, the sum I mentioned to you. France uses between five and

six millions of pounds' weight French, which is between three and four

thousand tons, English. Their own fisheries do not furnish one million,

and there is no probability of their improving. Sangrain purchases

himself upwards of a million. He tells me our oil is better than the

Dutch or English, because we make it fresh, whereas they cut up the

whale, and bring it home to be made, so that it is, by that time,

entered into fermentation. Mr. Barrett says, that fifty livres the

hundred weight will pay the prime cost and duties, and leave a profit

of sixteen per cent to the merchant. I hope that England will, within

a year or two, be obliged to come here to buy whale oil for her lamps.

I like as little as you do to have the gift of appointments. I hope

Congress will not transfer the appointment of their consuls to their

ministers. But if they do, Portugal is more naturally under the

superintendence of the minister at Madrid, and still more naturally

under that of the minister at Lisbon, where it is clear they ought to

have one. If all my hopes fail, the letters of Governor Bowdoin and

Cushing, in favor of young Mr. Warren, and your more detailed testimony

in his behalf, are not likely to be opposed by evidence of equal

weight, in favor of any other. I think with you, too, that it is for

the public interest to encourage sacrifices and services, by rewarding

them, and that they should weigh to a certain point, in the decision

between candidates.

I am sorry for the illness of the Chevalier Pinto. I think that treaty

important; and the moment to urge it is that of a treaty between France

and England.

Lambe, who left this place the 6th of November, was at Madrid the 10th

of this month. Since his departure, Mr. Barclay has discovered that no

copies of the full powers were furnished to himself, nor of course to

Lambe. Colonel Franks has prepared copies, which I will endeavor to

get, to send by this conveyance for your attestation; which you will

be so good as to send back by the first safe conveyance, and I will

forward them. Mr. Barclay and Colonel Franks being at this moment at

St. Germain's, I am not sure of getting the papers in time to go by Mr.

Dalrymple. In that case, I will send them by Mr. Bingham.

Be so good as to present me affectionately to Mrs. and Miss Adams, to

Colonels Smith and Humphreys, and accept assurances of the esteem with

which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO F. HOPKINSON.

PARIS, January 3, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last, on the 25th of September. Since that,

I have received yours of October the 25th, enclosing a duplicate of

the last invented tongue for the harpsichord. The letter enclosing

another of them, and accompanied by newspapers, which you mention in

that of October the 25th, has never come to hand. I will embrace the

first opportunity of sending you the crayons. Perhaps they may come

with this, which I think to deliver to Mr. Bingham, who leaves us on

Saturday, for London. If, on consulting him, I find the conveyance from

London uncertain, you shall receive them by a Mr. Barrett, who goes

from hence for New York, next month. You have not authorized me to try

to avail you of the new tongue. Indeed, the ill success of my endeavors

with the last does not promise much with this. However, I shall try.

Houdon only stopped a moment, to deliver me your letter, so that I have

not yet had an opportunity of asking his opinion of the improvement.

I am glad you are pleased with his work. He is among the foremost, or,

perhaps, the foremost artist in the world.

Turning to your Encyclopedie, Arts et Metiers, tome 3, part 1, page

393, you will find mentioned an instrument, invented by a Monsieur

Renaudin, for determining the true time of the musical movements,

largo, adagio, &c. I went to see it. He showed me his first invention;

the price of the machine was twenty-five guineas; then his second,

which he had been able to make for about half that sum. Both of these

had a mainspring and a balance wheel, for their mover and regulator.

The strokes were made by a small hammer. He then showed me his last,

which is moved by a weight and regulated by a pendulum, and which cost

only two guineas and a half. It presents, in front, a dial-plate like

that of a clock, on which are arranged, in a circle, the words largo,

adagio, andante, allegro, presto. The circle is moreover divided into

fifty-two equal degrees. Largo is at 1, adagio at 11, andante at 22,

allegro at 36, and presto at 46. Turning the index to any one of these,

the pendulum (which is a string, with a ball hanging to it) shortens or

lengthens, so that one of its vibrations gives you a crotchet for that

movement. This instrument has been examined by the academy of music

here, who are so well satisfied of its utility, that they have ordered

all music which shall be printed here, in future, to have the movements

numbered in correspondence with this plexi-chronometer. I need not

tell you that the numbers between two movements, as between 22 and 36,

give the quicker or slower degrees of the movements, such as the quick

andante, or moderate allegro. The instrument is useful, but still it

may be greatly simplified. I got him to make me one, and having fixed

a pendulum vibrating seconds, I tried by that the vibrations of his

pendulum, according to the several movements.

I find the pendulum regulated to Largo } { 52 }

Adagio } { 60 } times

Andante } vibrates { 70 } in a

Allegro } { 95 } minute.

Presto } {135 }

Every one, therefore, may make a chronometer adapted to his instrument.

For a harpsichord, the following occurs to me.

[Illustration:

Largo, 1

Adagio, 2

Andante, 3

Allegro, 4

Presto, 5]

In the wall of your chamber, over the instrument, drive five little

brads, as 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, in the following manner. Take a string with

a bob to it, of such length, as that hung on No. 1, it shall vibrate

fifty-two times in a minute. Then proceed by trial to drive No. 2, at

such a distance, that drawing the loop of the string to that, the part

remaining between 1 and the bob, shall vibrate sixty times in a minute.

Fix the third for seventy vibrations, &c.; the cord always hanging over

No. 1, as the centre of vibration. A person, playing on the violin, may

fix this on his music stand. A pendulum thrown into vibration, will

continue in motion long enough to give you the time of your piece. I

have been thus particular, on the supposition that you would fix one of

these simple things for yourself.

You have heard often of the metal, called platina, to be found only

in South America. It is insusceptible of rust, as gold and silver

are, none of the acids affecting it, excepting the aqua regia. It

also admits of as perfect a polish as the metal hitherto used for

the specula of telescopes. These two properties had suggested to the

Spaniards the substitution of it for that use. But the mines being

closed up by the government, it is difficult to get the metal. The

experiment has been lately tried here by the Abbé Rochon, (whom I

formerly mentioned to Mr. Rittenhouse, as having discovered that

lenses of certain natural crystals have two different and uncombined

magnifying powers) and he thinks the polish as high as that of the

metal heretofore used, and that it will never be injured by the air,

a touch of the finger, &c. I examined it in a dull day, which did not

admit a fair judgment of the strength of its reflection.

Good qualities are sometimes misfortunes. I will prove it from

your own experience. You are punctual; and almost the only one of

my correspondents on whom I can firmly rely for the execution of

commissions which combine a little trouble with more attention. I am

very sorry, however, that I have three commissions to charge you with,

which will give you more than a little trouble. Two of them are for

Monsieur de Buffon. Many, many years ago, Cadwallader Colden wrote a

very small pamphlet on the subjects of attraction and impulsion, a copy

of which he sent to Monsieur de Buffon. He was so charmed with it, that

he put it into the hands of a friend to translate, who lost it. It has

ever since weighed on his mind, and he has made repeated trials to have

it found in England. But in vain. He applied to me. I am in hopes, if

you will write a line to the booksellers of Philadelphia to rummage

their shops, that some of them may find it. Or, perhaps, some of the

careful old people of Pennsylvania or New Jersey may have preserved a

copy. In the King's cabinet of Natural history, of which Monsieur de

Buffon has the superintendence, I observed that they had neither our

grouse nor our pheasant. These, I know, may be bought in the market of

Philadelphia, on any day while they are in season. Pray buy the male

and female of each, and employ some apothecary's boy to prepare them,

and pack them. Methods may be seen in the preliminary discourse to the

first volume of Birds, in the Encyclopedie, or in the Natural history

of Buffon, where he describes the King's cabinet. And this done, you

will be so good as to send them to me. The third commission is more

distant. It is to procure me two or three hundred paccan-nuts from

the western country. I expect they can always be got at Pittsburg,

and am in hopes, that by yourself or your friends, some attentive

person there may be engaged to send them to you. They should come as

fresh as possible, and come best, I believe, in a box of sand. Of this

Barham could best advise you. I imagine vessels are always coming from

Philadelphia to France. If there be a choice of ports, Havre would

be best. I must beg you to direct them to the care of the American

consul or agent at the port, to be sent by the Diligence or Fourgon. A

thousand apologies would not suffice for this trouble, if I meant to

pay you in apologies only. But I sincerely ask, and will punctually

execute, the appointment of your chargé des affaires in Europe

generally. From the smallest to the highest commission, I will execute

with zeal and punctuality, in buying, or doing anything you wish, on

this side the water. And you may judge from the preceding specimen,

that I shall not be behind hand in the trouble I shall impose on you.

Make a note of all the expenses attending my commissions, and favor

me with it every now and then, and I will replace them. My daughter is

well, and retains an affectionate remembrance of her ancient patroness,

your mother, as well as your lady and family. She joins me in wishing

to them, and to Mr. and Mrs. Rittenhouse and family, every happiness.

Accept, yourself, assurances of the esteem with which I am, dear Sir,

your friend and servant.

P. S. What is become of the Lunarium for the King?

TO A. CARY.

PARIS, January 7, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--The very few of my countrymen, who happen to be punctual,

will find their punctuality a misfortune to them. Of this, I shall give

you a proof by the present application, which I should not make to you

if I did not know you to be superior to the torpidity of our climate.

In my conversations with the Count de Buffon on the subjects of natural

history, I find him absolutely unacquainted with our elk and our deer.

He has hitherto believed that our deer never had horns more than a

foot long; and has, therefore, classed them with the roe buck, which

I am sure you know them to be different from. I have examined some of

the red deer of this country at the distance of about sixty yards, and

I find no other difference between them and ours than a shade or two

in the color. Will you take the trouble to procure for me the largest

pair of buck's horns you can, and a large skin of each color, that

is to say, a red and a blue? If it were possible to take these from a

buck just killed, to leave all the bones of the head in the skin, with

the horns on, to leave the bones of the legs in the skin also, and

the hoofs to it, so that, having only made an incision all along the

belly and neck, to take the animal out at, we could, by sewing up that

incision, and stuffing the skin, present the true size and form of the

animal, it would be a most precious present. Our deer have been often

sent to England and Scotland. Do you know (with certainty) whether they

have ever bred with the red deer of those countries? With respect to

the elk, I despair of your being able to get for me anything but the

horns of it. David Ross, I know, has a pair; perhaps he would give

them to us. It is useless to ask for the skin and skeleton, because

I think it not in your power to get them, otherwise, they would be

most desirable. A gentleman, fellow passenger with me from Boston to

England, promised to send to you, in my name, some hares, rabbits,

pheasants, and partridges, by the return of the ship, which was to go

to Virginia, and the captain promised to take great care of them. My

friend procured the animals, and the ship changing her destination,

he kept them in hopes of finding some other conveyance, till they all

perished. I do not despair, however, of finding some opportunity still

of sending a colony of useful animals. I am making a collection of

vines for wine and for the table; also of some trees, such as the cork

oak, &c., &c.

Everything is absolutely quiet in Europe. There is not, therefore, a

word of news to communicate. I pray you to present me affectionately to

your family, and that of Tuckahoe. Whatever expense is necessary for

procuring me the articles above-mentioned, I will instantly replace,

either in cash or in anything you may wish from hence.

I am, with very sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient humble

servant.

TO MAJOR GENERAL GREENE.

PARIS, January 12, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of June the 1st did not come to hand till the

3d of September. I immediately made inquiries on the subject of the

frigate you had authorized your relation to sell to this government,

and I found that he had long before that sold her to government, and

sold her very well, as I understood. I noted the price on the back

of your letter, which I have since unfortunately mislaid, so that I

cannot at this moment state to you the price. But the transaction is

of so long a standing that you cannot fail to have received advice of

it. I should without delay have given you this information, but that I

hoped to be able to accompany it with information as to the live oak,

which was another object of your letter. This matter, though it has

been constantly pressed by Mr. St. John, and also by the Marquis de La

Fayette since his return from Berlin, has been spun to a great length,

and at last they have only decided to send to you for samples of the

wood. Letters on this subject from the Marquis de La Fayette accompany

this.

Everything in Europe is quiet, and promises quiet for at least a year

to come. We do not find it easy to make commercial arrangements in

Europe. There is a want of confidence in us. This country has lately

reduced the duties on American whale oil to about a guinea and a half

the ton, and I think they will take the greatest part of what we can

furnish. I hope, therefore, that this branch of our commerce will

resume its activity. Portugal shows a disposition to court our trade,

but this has for some time been discouraged by the hostilities of the

piratical States of Barbary. The Emperor of Morocco, who had taken

one of our vessels, immediately consented to suspend hostilities, and

ultimately gave up the vessel, cargo and crew. I think we shall be able

to settle matters with him. But I am not sanguine as to the Algerines.

They have taken two of our vessels, and I fear will ask such a tribute

for a forbearance of their piracies as the United States would be

unwilling to pay. When this idea comes across my mind, my faculties

are absolutely suspended between indignation and impatience. I think,

whatever sums we are obliged to pay for freedom of navigation in the

European seas, should be levied on the European commerce with us by

a separate impost, that these powers may see that they protect these

enormities for their own loss.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and

respect, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.