I formerly communicated the overtures for a treaty which had been

made by the imperial ambassador. The instructions from Congress being

in their favor, and Mr. Adams' opinion also, I encouraged them.

He expected his full powers when I went to England. Yet I did not

think, nor did Mr. Adams, that this was of importance enough to weigh

against the objects of that journey. He received them soon after my

departure, and communicated it to me on my return, asking a copy of

our propositions. I gave him one, but observed our commission had

then but a few days to run. He desired I should propose to Congress

the giving new powers to go on with this, and said, that in the

meantime he would arrange with us the plan. In a commercial view,

no great good is to be gained by this; but in a political one, it

may be expedient. As the treaty would, of course, be in the terms of

those of Prussia and Portugal, it will give us but little additional

embarrassment in any commercial regulations we may wish to establish.

The exceptions from these, which the other treaties will require, may

take in the treaty with the Emperor. I should be glad to communicate

some answer as soon as Congress shall have made up their minds on it.

My information to Congress on the subject of our commercial articles

with this country has only come down to January the 27th. Whether I

shall say anything on it in my letter to Mr. Jay by this conveyance,

depends on its not being too early for an appointment I expect hourly

from the Count de Vergennes, to meet him on this and other subjects. My

last information was, that the lease was too far advanced to withdraw

from it the article of tobacco, but that a clause is inserted in it,

empowering the King to discontinue it at any time. A discontinuance

is, therefore, the only remaining object, and as even this cannot

be effected till the expiration of the old lease, which is about the

end of the present year, I have wished only to stir the subject from

time to time, so as to keep it alive. This idea led me into a measure

proposed by the Marquis de La Fayette, whose return from Berlin found

the matter at that point, to which my former report to Congress had

conducted it. I communicated to him what I had been engaged on, what

were my prospects, and my purpose of keeping the subject just open.

He offered his services with that zeal which commands them on every

occasion respecting America. He suggested to me the meeting two or

three gentlemen, well acquainted with this business. We met. They urged

me to propose to the Count de Vergennes, the appointing a committee

to take the matter into consideration. I told them that decency would

not permit me to point out to the Count de Vergennes the mode by

which he should conduct a negotiation, but that I would press again

the necessity of an arrangement, if, whilst that should be operating

on his mind, they would suggest the appointment of a committee. The

Marquis offered his services for this purpose. The consequence was

the appointment of a committee, and the Marquis as a member of it. I

communicated to him my papers. He collected other lights wherever he

could, and particularly from the gentlemen with whom we had before

concerted, and who had a good acquaintance with the subject. The

Marquis became our champion in the committee, and two of its members,

who were of the corps of Farmers General, entered the lists on the

other side. Each gave in memorials. The lease, indeed, was signed

while I was gone to England, but the discussions were, and still are

continued in the committee, from which we derive two advantages: first,

that of showing that the object is not to be relinquished; and second,

that of enlightening government as to its true interest. The Count

de Vergennes is absolutely for it; but it is not in his department.

Calonnes is his friend, and in this instance his principle seems to

be, _Amica veritas, sed magis amicus Plato_. An additional hope is

founded in the expectation of a change of the minister of finance.

The present one is under the absolute control of the Farmers General.

The committee's views have been somewhat different from mine. They

despair of a suppression of the Farm, and therefore wish to obtain

palliatives, which would coincide with the particular good of this

country. I think that so long as the monopoly in the sale is kept up,

it is of no consequence to us how they modify the pill for their own

internal relief; but, on the contrary, the worse it remains, the more

necessary it will render a reformation. Any palliative would take

from us all those arguments and friends, that would be satisfied with

accommodation. The Marquis, though differing in opinion from me on this

point, has, however, adhered to my principle of absolute liberty or

nothing. In this condition is the matter at this moment. Whether I say

anything on the subject to Mr. Jay will depend on my interview with the

Count de Vergennes. I doubt whether that will furnish anything worth

communicating, and whether it will be in time. I therefore state thus

much to you, that you may see the matter is not laid aside.

I must beg leave to recommend Colonel Humphreys to your acquaintance

and good offices. He is an excellent man, an able one, and in need of

some provision. Besides former applications to me in favor of Dumas,

the Rhingrave of Salm (the effective minister of the government of

Holland, while their two ambassadors here are ostensible) who is

conducting secret arrangements for them with this court, presses his

interests on us. It is evident the two governments make a point of

it. You ask why they do not provide for him themselves? I am not able

to answer the question, but by a conjecture that Dumas's particular

ambition prefers an appointment from us. I know all the difficulty of

this application which Congress has to encounter. I see the reasons

against giving him the primary appointment at that court, and the

difficulty of his accommodating himself to a subordinate one. Yet I

think something must be done in it to gratify this court, of which we

must be always asking favors. In these countries, personal favors weigh

more than public interest. The minister who has asked a gratification

for Dumas, has embarked his own feelings and reputation in that demand.

I do not think it was discreet by any means. But this reflection might,

perhaps, aggravate a disappointment. I know not really what you can do;

but yet hope something will be done. Adieu, my dear Sir, and believe me

to be yours, affectionately.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

PARIS, May 11, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--I do myself the honor of enclosing to you letters which came

to hand last night, from Mr. Lambe, Mr. Carmichael and Mr. Barclay.

By these you will perceive that our peace is not to be purchased at

Algiers but at a price far beyond our powers. What that would be,

indeed, Mr. Lambe does not say, nor probably does he know. But, as he

knew our ultimatum, we are to suppose from his letter, that it would

be a price infinitely beyond that. A reference to Congress hereon

seems to be necessary. Till that can be obtained, Mr. Lambe must be

idle at Algiers, Carthagena, or elsewhere. Would he not be better

employed in going to Congress? They would be able to draw from him

and Mr. Randall, the information necessary to determine what they will

do. And if they determine to negotiate, they can re-appoint the same,

or appoint a new negotiator, according to the opinion they shall form

on their examination. I suggest this to you as my first thoughts; an

ultimate opinion should not be formed till we see Mr. Randall, who

may be shortly expected. In the meantime, should an opportunity occur,

favor me with your ideas hereon, that we may be maturing our opinions.

I shall send copies of these three letters to Mr. Jay, by the packet

which sails from L'Orient the first of next month.

* * * * *

I have the honor to be, with great esteem, dear Sir, your most

obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MESSRS. ST. VICTOUR AND BETTINGER.

PARIS, May 12, 1786.

GENTLEMEN,--On my return from London, which was but a few days ago, I

found your letter of April 8th. I communicated it to the Marquis de La

Fayette, to whom, equally with myself, an attention to the purchase of

arms has been recommended by the State of Virginia. Before we can order

the receipt of the arms at Bordeaux, we are of opinion they should

previously go through all the examinations and proofs usually practised

with the King's arms. As the Marquis is best acquainted with the detail

of these, I have asked and obtained his leave to refer you to him on

the subject. You will, therefore, be so good as to confer with him

thereon. I have an opportunity of writing to the Governor of Virginia

to-morrow, and I should be well pleased to be able to inform him what

number of arms you have now ready to deliver, and what other numbers

you expect to deliver, with the epochs of delivery. If you could give

me this information by the return of the bearer, at any time to-day, it

would much oblige, Gentlemen, your most obedient humble servant.

TO HONORABLE J. JAY.

PARIS, May 12, 1786.

SIR,--The last letters I had the honor of addressing you from this

place were of the 2d and 27th of January. Those from London were of the

12th of March, and 23d of April.

In the month of February, the Baron de Blome, minister plenipotentiary

at this court from Denmark, informed me that he was instructed by

his court to give notice to the ministers from the United States,

appointed to negotiate a treaty of commerce with them that the Baron

de Waltersdorff, formerly commissioned by them for the same purpose,

had received another destination, which called him to the West

Indies, that they were sensible of the advantages which would arise

to the two countries from a commercial intercourse--that their ports

accordingly were placed on a very free footing, as they supposed ours

to be also--that they supposed the commerce on each part might be

well conducted under the actual arrangements, but that whenever any

circumstances should arise which would render particular stipulations

more eligible, they would be ready to concur with the United States

in establishing them, being desirous of continuing on the terms of the

strictest harmony and friendship with them.

In my letter of Jan. 27th, I informed you of what had passed between

the Imperial Ambassador and Secretary of Embassy and myself, on the

subject of the treaty with their sovereign. The Ambassador was in

hourly expectation of receiving his full powers when I was called

to London. Though I had received Mr. Adams's opinion in favor of

our proceeding in the treaty, yet it was neither his nor my opinion

that this object should overweigh those which called me to London. A

treaty with Portugal was more important, exclusive of what was to be

done with England and the States of Barbary. On my return to Paris,

the Secretary called on me to inform me the Ambassador had received

his full powers very soon after my departure, and was now ready to

begin on our arrangements; that he was sensible, however, that these

could not be settled before our commission would expire, but as he

supposed Congress would be willing to renew it, we might proceed to

confer together, leaving the effect of our conferences to rest on the

event of a removal of the commission. He asked, also, a draft of our

propositions as a ground work to proceed on. I met with the Ambassador

a few days after. He said the same things in substance, and concluded

by asking our propositions. I gave him a draught, which was a copy

of what we had originally proposed to Denmark, with such alterations

as had occurred, and been approved in our negotiations with Prussia,

Tuscany and Portugal.

The enclosed letters of December 9th and January 18th, from O'Bryan,

of February 24th, March 12th, 20th, 23d, 27th, 31st, April 8th and

10th from Mr. Barclay, of March 29th from Mr. Lambe, and February 3d

and April 12th from Mr. Carmichael, will put you in possession of my

latest intelligence of the affairs of Morocco and Algiers. You will

perceive by them that Mr. Randall may be daily expected here. If the

propositions to Algiers appear from his account to be as unhopeful

as Mr. Lambe seems to consider them, it is not impossible that Mr.

Adams and myself may think that, instead of remaining at Carthagena,

as Mr. Lambe proposes, it will be better for him to proceed to

Congress. Without occasioning any loss of time, this will offer the two

advantages of giving them all the information he may be possessed of,

and of putting it in their power to appoint any negotiator they may

think proper, should they find negotiations still eligible. However,

Mr. Adams and myself shall have better grounds to decide on when we

shall receive the information from Mr. Randall.

Colonel Humphreys carried you the London Gazette to the beginning of

April. I now enclose it from that to the present date, together with

the Gazette of France from February 3d, to May 12th. I have the honor

to be, with sentiments of the highest esteem and respect, Sir, your

most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE HONORABLE MR. JAY.

PARIS, May 22, 1786.

SIR,--The duty has been imposed on me of making the following

communication to Congress. It is necessary for me previously to observe

that, though the government of the United Netherlands have both an

ordinary and an extraordinary ambassador here, yet the Patriotic party,

now decisively possessed of the powers of government, have sent hither

the Rhingrave de Salm, as possessing their plenary confidence, to treat

with this Court on some matters not yet made known to the public. His

character and credit accordingly are so well known here, that, passing

by the regular ambassador, they are actually in negotiation with him.

He took occasion to speak with me to-day on the subject of Mr. Dumas.

After saying much in his favor, he assured me that Congress could not

so much oblige the Patriotic party as by naming Mr. Dumas to their

diplomatic appointment at the Hague; and, further, that should they

have anything interesting to do there, there was no other man who

could do it so effectually as Mr. Dumas. I wished to avoid flattering

his expectations, and therefore mentioned to him the resolution of

Congress confining their diplomatic appointments to citizens of the

United States. He seemed to admit they could not expect him to be made

minister plenipotentiary, but asked if it would not be possible to give

him another character. I told him we were in the usage of appointing

only one character inferior to that of minister plenipotentiary,

which was that of chargé des affaires. That I was far from presuming

to say that could be obtained in the present case; but that one other

difficulty occurred to me in that moment. I observed that they had a

minister plenipotentiary with Congress, and that Congress, naming for

their Court only a chargé des affaires, might, perhaps, be considered

as disrespectful, and might occasion the recall of their minister. He

assured me it could not; nay, that it should not. We are, continued

he, but a party, and therefore cannot make a general declaration on

this subject; but we know how far we can undertake; and, if you please,

the members of our party shall go and make a declaration privately

before the French ambassador at our Court, that nothing amiss shall

be conceived of it. I told him this would not be desired. He asked

me if I thought Count de Vergennes' writing a second letter on this

subject would be of service. I told him not to suppose a repetition

of his application could be material. My object in avoiding a second

letter from the Count de Vergennes as well as the declaration before

the French ambassador, was that embarrassments might not be multiplied,

if Congress should not think proper to comply with their request.

He concluded by desiring I would urge this matter to Congress. It

seems certain that Mr. Dumas has rendered himself very useful to the

government of both France and Holland in the late negotiations. It was

natural, therefore, that these governments should provide for him. I

know not how it has happened that we are resorted to on the occasion,

unless, perhaps, it is the particular wish of Mr. Dumas to receive this

species of reward. Be this as it may, the reigning party in the United

Netherlands, and the government of this country, commit themselves on

this application, and it becomes a matter of calculation, in which

their favor and the occasions we may have for it, are to be weighed

against the sacrifices the present application call for. To pronounce

on this would be beyond my province, which is merely that of being the

channel of communication. This being desired in form, I suppose it is

my duty to comply with.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and

respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

PARIS, May 23, 1786.

SIR,--Letters received both from Madrid and Algiers, while I was in

London, having suggested that treaties with the States of Barbary

would be much facilitated by a previous one with the Ottoman porte, it

was agreed between Mr. Adams and myself, that, on my return, I should

consult on this subject the Count de Vergennes, whose long residence

at Constantinople rendered him the best judge of its expediency.

Various circumstances have put it out of my power to consult him, till

to-day. I stated to him the difficulties we were likely to meet with at

Algiers; and asked his opinion what would be the probable expense of a

diplomatic mission to Constantinople, and what its effect at Algiers.

He said that the expense would be very great, for that presents must

be made at that court, and every one would be gaping after them; and

that it would not procure us a peace at Algiers one penny the cheaper.

He observed that the Barbary States acknowledged a sort of vassalage

to the Porte, and availed themselves of that relation, when anything

was to be gained by it; but that whenever it subjected them to a

demand from the Porte, they totally disregarded it; that money was the

sole agent at Algiers, except so far as fear could be induced also.

He cited the present example of Spain, which, though having a treaty

with the Porte, would probably be obliged to buy a peace at Algiers,

at the expense of upwards of six millions of livres. I told him we had

calculated from the demands and information of the Tripoline ambassador

at London, that to make peace with the four Barbary States would cost

us between two and three hundred thousand guineas, if bought with

money. The sum did not seem to exceed his expectations. I mentioned

to him that, considering the uncertainty of a peace, when bought,

perhaps Congress might think it more eligible to establish a cruise

of frigates in the Mediterranean, and even to blockade Algiers. He

supposed it would require ten vessels, great and small. I observed to

him that Monsieur de Massiac had formerly done it with five; he said

it was true, but that vessels of relief would be necessary. I hinted

to him that I thought the English capable of administering aid to the

Algerines. He seemed to think it impossible, on account of the scandal

it would bring on them. I asked him what had occasioned the blockade

by Monsieur de Massiac; he said an infraction of their treaty by the

Algerines.

I had a good deal of conversation with him, also, on the situation

of affairs between England and the United States; and particularly

on their refusal to deliver up our posts. I observed to him that the

obstructions thrown in the way of the recovery of their debts were

the effect, and not the cause, as they pretended, of their refusal to

deliver up the posts; that the merchants interested in these debts,

showed a great disposition to make arrangements with us; that the

article of time we could certainly have settled, and probably that

of the interest during the war; but that the minister, showing no

disposition to have these matters arranged, I thought it a sufficient

proof that this was not the true cause of their retaining the posts.

He concurred as to the justice of our requiring time for the payment

of our debts; said nothing which showed a difference of opinion as to

the article of interest, and seemed to believe fully that their object

was to divert the channel of the fur trade, before they delivered

up the posts, and expressed a strong sense of the importance of that

commerce to us. I told him I really could not foresee what would be

the event of this detention; that the situation of the British funds,

and the desire of their minister to begin to reduce the national debt,

seemed to indicate that they could not wish a war. He thought so, but

that neither were we in a condition to go to war. I told him I was yet

uninformed what Congress proposed to do on this subject, but that we

should certainly always count on the good offices of France, and I was

sure that the offer of them would suffice to induce Great Britain to do

us justice. He said that surely we might always count on the friendship

of France. I added, that by the treaty of alliance, she was bound to

guarantee our limits to us, as they should be established at the moment

of peace. He said they were so, "_mais qu'il nous etoit necessaire de

les constater_." I told him there was no question what our boundaries

were; that the English themselves admitted they were clear beyond

all question. I feared, however, to press this any further, lest a

reciprocal question should be put to me, and therefore diverted the

conversation to another object.

This is a sketch only of a conference which was long. I have endeavored

to give the substance, and sometimes the expressions, where they were

material. I supposed it would be agreeable to Congress to have it

communicated to them, in the present undecided state in which these

subjects are. I should add, that an explanation of the transaction of

Monsieur de Massiac with the Algerines, before hinted at, will be found

in the enclosed letter from the Count d'Estaing to me, wherein he gives

also his own opinion. The whole is submitted to Congress, as I conceive

it my duty to furnish them with whatever information I can gather,

which may throw any light on the subjects depending before them.

I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir,

your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO COUNT DE VERGENNES.[117]

PARIS, May 31, 1786.

SIR,--I have been honored with your Excellency's letter of yesterday,

enclosing a copy of the Resolutions of the Committee on the subject of

tobacco, and am bound to make my acknowledgments for this attention to

the commerce between this country and the United States, which will,

I hope, by this measure, be kept alive till more simple and permanent

arrangements become practicable. I have communicated it to Congress by

an opportunity which offered this morning. Perhaps it is for the want

of information that I apprehend it possible for the London merchants,

availing themselves of their early notice of this regulation, and

their proximity to the port of France, to run in French vessels the

whole 15,000 hogsheads of the first year, before the French or American

merchants can possibly bring them from America. This might defeat the

end of the regulation, as those merchants would take payment in cash

and not in merchandise. I suppose the Committee had in view _Tobaccos

coming last from a port of the United States_, and that it may not

be yet too late to restrain the orders to such only. Of this your

Excellency is the best judge, to whom I have the honor of submitting

the doubt; and am, with sentiments of the most profound respect and

esteem, your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant.

TO M. LA MORLIENE.

PARIS, June 3, 1786.

SIR,--It is six years since the paper money of New England has ceased

to circulate as money. It is considered at present as making a part

of the national debt, and that the holders of it will be entitled

to receive from the public as much gold or silver as the paper money

could have brought at the time it was received by the holder, with an

interest of 6 per cent. per annum. But, as yet, no precise arrangements

have been taken for the payment either of principal or interest. Most

of the subjects of France, having paper money, have deposited it in the

hands of the French Minister or Council at New York, that payment may

be demanded whenever it shall be provided by Congress. There are even

speculators in America who will purchase it. But they give much less

than its worth. As for myself I do not deal in it. I am, Sir, your very

humble servant.

TO MESSRS. BUCHANAN AND HAY.

PARIS, June 15, 1786.

GENTLEMEN,--The model of the Capitol being at length finished, I have

sent it down the Seine to Havre, it being necessary that it should go

by water. I have not collected the accounts, but shall soon do it, and

forward them to you; they will be less than I had expected. I shall

pray you to account for their amount to the Governor and Council, as

I have with them an account into which it will be easier for me to

transfer the article. I enclose directions for opening the boxes in

which the model is, and I shall put two copies of those directions

under other covers to you in hopes some one of them may reach you

with or before the model. I have the honor to be with much esteem,

Gentlemen, your most obedient and humble servant.

TO LA FAYETTE.

PARIS, June 15, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--Monsieur Farrin called on me on the subject of making

Honfleur a free port, and wished me to solicit it. I told him it was

for our interest, as for that also of all the world, that every port of

France, and of every other country, should be free: that therefore we

would wish Honfleur to be made so: that if the matter was in agitation,

the Count de Vergennes would probably speak of it to me, in which case

I should tell him with candor what I thought of it, but that I could

not solicit it, as I had no instructions to do so. So far I said to

him. I did not add, what I may safely do to you, that the measures

proposed being more for the interest of France than of the United

States, there is no reason for our desiring its adoption to be placed

on the ground of favor to us; and again, that those who have had and

who may yet have occasion to ask great favors, should never ask small

ones. I have, therefore, thought it better that the United States

should not be engaged in this negotiation. If the government, for its

own interest, will make the port free, I shall be glad of it; but do

not wish it enough to ask it. If you should be of a different opinion,

I should be glad to converse with you on the subject. I write without

reserve, knowing that you will be pleased with it; and that your zeal

for our interest will induce you to do what is for the best. I am, my

dear Sir, yours affectionately.

TO MR. CARMICHAEL.

PARIS, June 20, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of the 5th of May, by Baron Waltersdorff.

Since that I have been honored with yours of April the 13th, and May

the 16th and 18th. The present covers letters to Mr. Lambe and Mr.

Randall, informing them that the demands of Algiers for the ransom

of our prisoners and also for peace are so infinitely beyond our

instructions, that we must refer the matter back to Congress, and

therefore praying them to come on immediately. I will beg the favor of

you to forward these letters. The whole of this business, therefore, is

suspended till we receive further orders, except as to Mr. Barclay's

mission. Your bills have been received and honored. The first, naming

expressly a letter of advice, and none coming, it was refused till the

receipt of your letter to me, in which you mentioned that you had drawn

two bills. I immediately informed Mr. Grand, who thereupon honored the

bill.

I have received no public letters of late date. Through other channels,

I have collected some articles of information, which may be acceptable

to you.

* * * * *

In a letter of March the 20th, from Dr. Franklin to me, is this

passage: "As to public affairs, the Congress has not been able to

assemble more than seven or eight States during the whole winter,

so the treaty with Prussia remains still unratified, though there is

no doubt of its being done soon, as a full Congress is expected next

month. The disposition to furnish Congress with ample powers augments

daily, as people become more enlightened. And I do not remember ever

to have seen, during my long life, more signs of public felicity than

appear at present throughout these States; the cultivators of the

earth, who make the bulk of our nation, have made good crops, which are

paid for at high prices, with ready money; the artisans too, receive

high wages; and the value of all real estates is augmented greatly.

Merchants and shopkeepers, indeed, complain that there is not business

enough. But this is evidently not owing to the fewness of buyers,

but to the too great number of sellers; for the consumption of goods

was never greater, as appears by the dress, furniture, and manner of

living, of all ranks of the people." His health is good, except as to

the stone, which does not grow worse. I thank you for your attention

to my request about the books, which Mr. Barclay writes me he has

forwarded from Cadiz. I have the honor to be with great respect, dear

Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO MR. LAMBE.

PARIS, June 20, 1786.

SIR,--Having communicated to Mr. Adams the information received at

different times, from yourself, from Mr. Randall and Mr. Carmichael,

we find that the sum likely to be demanded by Algiers for the ransom

of our prisoners, as well as for peace, is so infinitely beyond our

powers, and the expectations of Congress, that it has become our duty

to refer the whole matter back to them. Whether they will choose to buy

a peace, to force one, or to do nothing, will rest in their pleasure.

But that they may have all the information possible to guide them in

their deliberations, we think it important that you should return to

them. No time will be lost by this, and perhaps time may be gained. It

is, therefore, our joint desire, that you repair immediately to New

York, for the purpose of giving to Congress all the information on

this subject which your journey has enabled you to acquire. You will

consider this request as coming from Mr. Adams as well as myself, as

it is by express authority from him that I join him in it. I am of

opinion it will be better for you to come to Marseilles and by Paris;

because there is a possibility that fresh orders to us, from Congress,

might render it useful that we, also, should have received from you

all possible information on this subject. And, perhaps, no time may be

lost by this, as it might be long before you would get a passage from

Alicant to America.

I am, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. JAY.

PARIS, July 8, 1786

SIR,--My letters to you by the last French packet were dated May 12,

22, 23, 27, 27, and I sent, by the way of London, one dated May 21.

Since this, I have been honored with yours of May the 5th. The letter

therein enclosed for Mr. Dumas has been duly forwarded; and the report

on the subject of the Consular convention I delivered to Count de

Vergennes the first levee day after the return of the King, who was

gone to Cherbourg at the time of my receiving it. Mr. Randall, being so

far on his return, and meaning to go by the way of London, where his

stay will be short, he will be the bearer of this letter, with which

I have an opportunity of enclosing the last letters I have received

from Mr. Barclay and Mr. Lambe. Mr. Barclay left Cadiz soon after the

date of his letter. I wrote to Mr. Lambe on the 20th of June, with

the concurrence of Mr. Adams, to repair to Congress with all possible

despatch, recommending, but not enjoining, his coming by the way of

Versailles and Paris, supposing it possible that the information he

might communicate might be usefully applied by Mr. Adams and myself

in the execution of the commands of Congress. I afterwards wrote him

another letter, desiring expressly that if this route was likely to

retard much his attendance on Congress, he would take such other as

would be shortest. At the desire of Monsieur Houdon, I have the honor

to enclose to you his propositions for making the equestrian statue of

General Washington. In the autumn of the last year, I received letters

from an American master of a ship of the name of Asquith, informing me

that he had had a most disastrous passage across the Atlantic, that

they had put into Brest then in such distress that they were obliged

to make the first port possible, that they had been immediately seized

by the officers of the Farmers General, their vessel and her lading

seized, and that themselves were then in jail suffering from every

want. Letters by every post gave me to believe their distress was very

real. As all their cash was soon exhausted, and the winter setting in

very severely, I desired a merchant in Brest to furnish them a livre

a day a piece. It was sometime before I could ascertain the nature of

the proceedings against them. It proved at length to be a prosecution

as for endeavoring to introduce tobacco in contraband. I was induced

to order this allowance from evidence that the men, six in number,

must inevitably perish if left to the pittance allowed by the Farmers

General to their prisoners, and from a hope that the matter would soon

be decided. I was led on by this delusive hope from week to week,

and month to month, and it proved to be ten months before they were

discharged. I applied early to Count de Vergennes, and was informed

by him that the matter being in a regular course of law, there could

be no interference, and that if the sentence should be against them I

might expect a remission of so much of it as should depend on the King.

They were condemned to forfeit their vessel and cargo, to a fine, and

to the gallies. The fine and condemnation to the gallies were remitted

immediately by the King, but the forfeiture of vessel and cargo being

for the benefit of the Farmers, he could not remit that. They were

also to pay the expenses of their prosecution, and to remain in jail

till they did it. So that, upon the whole, I was obliged to advance

for them 2620_l._ 2_s._, being somewhat upwards of 100 guineas; for

which I informed Asquith, from the beginning, he must consider himself

as answerable to the United States. I accordingly enclose the account

showing the purposes for which the money was paid, and his own original

acknowledgment that it was for his use. I own I am uncertain whether

I have done right in this; but I am persuaded some of them would have

perished without this advance; I therefore thought it one of those

cases where citizens, being under unexpected calamity, have a right to

call for the patronage of the public servants. All the disinterested

testimony I have been able to get has been in favor of the innocence

of these men. Count de Vergennes, however, believed them guilty; and

I was assured the depositions regularly taken were much against them.

I enclose herewith the state of their case as it appeared to me in the

beginning, and as I communicated it by letter to the minister.

Having been lately desired by the Swedish Ambassador here, to state

to him what I thought the best measure for rendering the island of St.

Bartholomew useful to the commerce of Sweden and the United States, I

did it in a letter of which I enclose a copy. My view in doing it is,

that if any farther or better measure should occur to Congress, on its

being communicated to me, I can still suggest it to the Ambassador,

probably before any final decision.

It being material that the reduction of the duties on whale oil, which

would expire with the close of this year, should be revised in time

for the whalemen to take measures in consequence, we have applied

for a continuance of the reduction, and even for an abolition of all

duties. The committee, of the creation of which I informed you in my

letter of May 27, and of which the M. de La Fayette is a member, were

in favor of the abolition. But there is little prospect, perhaps none

at all, of obtaining confirmation of their sentence. I have no doubt of

the continuance of the abatement of the duties on the footing stated

in that letter. The term of three years will probably be adopted. The

gazettes of Leyden and of France, from the former to the present date,

accompany this. I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most

perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO MR. ADAMS.

PARIS, July 9, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 23d of May. Your favor of that

date did not come to hand till the 19th of June. In consequence of it

I wrote the next day letters to Mr. Lambe and Mr. Randall, copies of

which I have now the honor to enclose you. In these, you will perceive

I had desired Mr. Randall, who was supposed to be at Madrid, to return

immediately to Paris and London, and to Mr. Lambe, supposed at Alicant,

I recommended the route of Marseilles and Paris, expecting that no

direct passage could be had from Alicant to America, and meaning,

on his arrival here, to advise him to proceed by the way of London,

that you also might have an opportunity of deriving from him all the

information he could give. On the 2d of July, Mr. Randall arrived here,

and delivered me a letter from Mr. Lambe, dated May the 20th, of which

I enclose you a copy, as well as of another of June the 5th, which

had come to hand some time before. Copies of these I have also sent

to Mr. Jay. Yours of the 29th of June, by Dr. Bancroft, and enclosing

a draught of a joint letter to Mr. Lambe, came to hand on the 5th

instant. I immediately signed and forwarded it, as it left him more at

liberty as to his route than mine had done. Mr. Randall will deliver

you the present and supply the informations heretofore received. I

think with you that Congress must begin by getting money. When they

have this, it is a matter of calculation whether they will buy a peace,

or force one, or do nothing. I am also to acknowledge the receipt of

your favors of June 6, 25 and 26. The case of Grosse shall be attended

to. I am not certain, however, whether my appearing in it may not do

him harm by giving the captors a hope that our government will redeem

their citizens. I have, therefore, taken measures to find them out

and sound them. If nothing can be done privately, I will endeavor to

interest this government.

Have you no news yet of the treaty with Portugal? does it hang with

that court? My letters from New York of the 11th of May inform me

that there were then eleven States present, and that they should

ratify the Prussian treaty immediately. As the time for the exchange

of ratifications is drawing to a close, tell me what is to be done,

and how this exchange is to be made. We may as well have this settled

between us before the arrival of the ratification, that no time may

be lost after that. I learn through the Marechal de Castries that he

has information of New York's having ceded the impost in the form

desired by Congress, so as to close this business. Corrections in

the acts of Maryland, Pennsylvania, &c., will come of course. We

have taken up again the subject of whale oil, that they may know in

time in America what is to be done in it. I fear we shall not obtain

any farther abatement of duties; but the last abatement will be

continued for three years. The whole duties payable here are nearly

one hundred and two livres on the English ton, which is an atom more

than four guineas, according to the present exchange. The monopoly of

the purchase of tobacco for this country, which had been obtained by

Robert Morris, had thrown the commerce of that article in agonies. He

had been able to reduce the price in America from 40 to 22_l._ lawful

the hundred weight, and all other merchants being deprived of that

medium of remittance, the commerce between American and that country,

so far as it depended on that article, which was very capitally too,

was absolutely ceasing. An order has been obtained, obliging the

Farmers General to purchase from such other merchants as shall offer

fifteen thousand hogsheads of tobacco at thirty-four, thirty-six and

thirty-eight livres the hundred, according to the quality, and to grant

to the sellers in other respects the same terms as they had granted

to Robert Morris. As this agreement with Morris is the basis of this

order, I send you some copies of it, which I will thank you to give to

any American (not British) merchants in London who may be in that line.

Seeing the year this contract has subsided, Virginia and Maryland have

lost £400,000 by the reduction of the price of their tobacco.

I am meditating what step to take to provoke a letter from Mrs. Adams,

from whom my files inform me I have not received one these hundred

years. In the meantime, present my affectionate respects to her, and be

assured of the friendship and esteem with which I have the honor to be,

Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO COLONEL MONROE.

PARIS, July 9, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 10th of May; since which your favor

of May the 11th has come to hand. The political world enjoys great

quiet here. The King of Prussia is still living, but like the snuff

of a candle, which sometimes seems out, and then blazes up again. Some

think that his death will not produce any immediate effect in Europe.

His kingdom, like a machine, will go on for some time with the winding

up he has given it. The King's visit to Cherbourg has made a great

sensation in England and here. It proves to the world, that it is a

serious object to this country, and that the King commits himself for

the accomplishment of it. Indeed, so many cones have been sunk, that no

doubt remains of the practicability of it. It will contain, as is said,

eighty ships of the line, be one of the best harbors in the world, and

by means of two entrances, on different sides, will admit vessels to

come in and go out with every wind. The effect of this, in another war

with England, defies calculation. Having no news to communicate, I will

recur to the subjects of your letter of May the 11th.

With respect to the new States, were the question to stand simply in

this form, How may the ultramontane territory be disposed of, so as to

produce the greatest and most immediate benefit to the inhabitants of

the maritime States of the Union? the plan would be more plausible,

of laying it off into two or three States only. Even on this view,

however, there would still be something to be said against it, which

might render it at least doubtful. But that is a question which good

faith forbids us to receive into discussion. This requires us to state

the question in its just form, How may the territories of the Union

be disposed of, so as to produce the greatest degree of happiness

to their inhabitants? With respect to the maritime States, little or

nothing remains to be done. With respect, then, to the ultramontane

States, will their inhabitants be happiest, divided into States of

thirty-thousand square miles, not quite as large as Pennsylvania, or

into States of one hundred and sixty thousand square miles, each, that

is to say, three times as large as Virginia within the Alleghany? They

will not only be happier in States of moderate size, but it is the

only way in which they can exist as a regular society. Considering the

American character in general, that of those people particularly, and

the energetic nature of our governments, a State of such extent as one

hundred and sixty thousand square miles, would soon crumble into little

ones. These are the circumstances which reduce the Indians to such

small societies. They would produce an effect on our people, similar

to this. They would not be broken into such small pieces, because they

are more habituated to subordination, and value more a government of

regular law. But you would surely reverse the nature of things, in

making small States on the ocean, and large ones beyond the mountains.

If we could, in our consciences, say, that great States beyond the

mountains will make the people happiest, we must still ask, whether

they will be contented to be laid off into large States? They certainly

will not; and, if they decide to divide themselves, we are not able

to restrain them. They will end by separating from our confederacy,

and becoming its enemies. We had better, then, look forward, and see

what will be the probable course of things. This will surely be a

division of that country into States of a small, or, at most, of a

moderate size. If we lay them off into such, they will acquiesce; and

we shall have the advantage of arranging them, so as to produce the

best combinations of interest. What Congress have already done in this

matter is an argument the more in favor of the revolt of those States

against a different arrangement, and of their acquiescence under a

continuance of that. Upon this plan, we treat them as fellow citizens;

they will have a just share in their own government; they will love

us, and pride themselves in an union with us. Upon the other, we treat

them as subjects; we govern them, and not they themselves; they will

abhor us as masters, and break off from us in defiance. I confess to

you, that I can see no other turn that these two plans would take. But

I respect your opinion, and your knowledge of the country too much, to

be ever confident in my own.

I thank you sincerely for your communication, that my not having

sooner given notice of the _Arrets_ relative to fish gave discontent

to some persons. These are the most friendly offices you can do me,

because they enable me to justify myself, if I am right, or correct

myself, if wrong. If those, who thought I might have been remiss,

would have written to me on the subject, I should have admired them

for their candor, and thanked them for it: for I have no jealousies

nor resentments at things of this kind, where I have no reason to

believe they have been excited by a hostile spirit; and I suspect

no such spirit in a single member of Congress. You know there were

two _Arrets_; the first of August the 30th, 1784, the second of the

18th and 25th of September, 1785. As to the first, it would be a

sufficient justification of myself to say, that it was in the time

of my predecessor, nine months before I came into office, and that

there was no more reason for my giving information of it, when I did

come into office, than of all the other transactions which preceded

that period. But this would seem to lay a blame on Dr. Franklin, for

not communicating it, which I am confident he did not deserve. This

government affects a secrecy in all its transactions whatsoever, though

they be of a nature not to admit a perfect secrecy. Their _Arrets_,

respecting the islands, go to those islands, and are unpublished and

unknown in France, except in the bureau where they are formed. That of

August, 1784, would probably be communicated to the merchants of the

seaport towns also. But Paris having no commercial connections with

them, if anything makes its way from a seaport town to Paris, it must

be by accident. We have, indeed, agents in these seaports; but they

value their offices so little, that they do not trouble themselves to

inform us of what is passing there. As a proof that these things do

not transpire here, nor are easily got at, recollect that Mr. Adams,

Dr. Franklin, and myself were all here, on the spot together, from

August, 1784, to June, 1785, that is to say, ten months, and yet not

one of us knew of the _Arret_ of August, 1784. September the 18th and

25th, 1785, the second was passed. And here alone I became responsible.

I think it was about six weeks before I got notice of it, that is, in

November. On the 20th of that month, writing to Count de Vergennes on

another subject, I took occasion to remonstrate to him on that. But

from early in November, when the Fitzhughs went to America, I had

never a confidential opportunity of writing to Mr. Jay from hence,

directly, for several months. In a letter of December the 14th to Mr.

Jay, I mentioned to him the want of an opportunity to write to him

confidentially, which obliged me, at that moment, to write by post, via

London, and on such things only as both post offices were welcome to

see. On the 2d of January, Mr. Bingham setting out for London, I wrote

to Mr. Jay, sending him a copy of my letter to Count de Vergennes, and

stating something which had passed in conversation on the same subject.

I prayed Mr. Bingham to take charge of the letter, and either to send

it by a safe hand, or carry it himself, as circumstances should render

most advisable. I believe he kept it, to carry himself. He did not

sail from London till about the 12th of March, nor arrived in America

till about the middle of May. Thus you see, that causes had prevented

a letter which I had written on the 20th of November from getting

to America till the month of May. No wonder, then, if notice of this

_Arret_ came first to you by way of the West Indies; and, in general,

I am confident that you will receive notice of the regulations of this

country, respecting their islands, by the way of those islands before

you will from hence. Nor can this be remedied, but by a system of

bribery which would end in the corruption of your own ministers, and

produce no good adequate to the expense. Be so good as to communicate

these circumstances to the persons who you think may have supposed me

guilty of remissness on this occasion.

I will turn to a subject more pleasing to both, and give you my

sincere congratulations on your marriage. Your own dispositions and the

inherent comforts of that state, will insure you a great addition of

happiness. Long may you live to enjoy it, and enjoy it in full measure.

The interest I feel in every one connected with you, will justify my

presenting my earliest respects to the lady, and of tendering her the

homage of my friendship. I shall be happy, at all times, to be useful

to either of you, and to receive your commands. I enclose you the bill

of lading of your Encyclopedie. With respect to the remittance of it,

of which you make mention, I beg you not to think of it. I know, by

experience, that on proceeding to make a settlement in life, a man has

need of all his resources; and I should be unhappy were you to lessen

them, by an attention to this trifle. Let it be till you have nothing

else to do with your money. Adieu, my dear Sir, and be assured of the

esteem with which I am, your friend and servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

PARIS, July 11, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--Our instructions relative to the Barbary States having

required us to proceed by way of negotiation to obtain their peace, it

became our duty to do this to the best of our power. Whatever might be

our private opinions, they were to be suppressed, and the line, marked

out to us, was to be followed. It has been so, honestly and zealously.

It was, therefore, never material for us to consult together, on the

best plan of conduct towards these States. I acknowledge, I very early

thought it would be best to effect a peace through the medium of war.

Though it is a question with which we have nothing to do, yet as you

propose some discussion of it, I shall trouble you with my reasons. Of

the four positions laid down in your letter of the 3d instant, I agree

to the three first, which are, in substance, that the good offices of

our friends cannot procure us a peace, without paying its price; that

they cannot materially lessen that price; and that paying it, we can

have the peace in spite of the intrigues of our enemies. As to the

fourth, that the longer the negotiation is delayed, the larger will be

the demand; this will depend on the intermediate captures: if they are

many and rich, the price may be raised; if few and poor, it will be

lessened. However, if it is decided that we shall buy a peace, I know

no reason for delaying the operation, but should rather think it ought

to be hastened; but I should prefer the obtaining it by war.

1. Justice is in favor of this opinion. 2. Honor favors it. 3. It will

procure us respect in Europe; and respect is a safeguard to interest.

4. It will arm the federal head with the safest of all the instruments

of coercion over its delinquent members, and prevent it from using what

would be less safe. I think that so far, you go with me. But in the

next steps, we shall differ. 5. I think it least expensive. 6. Equally

effectual. I ask a fleet of one hundred and fifty guns, the one-half

of which shall be in constant cruise. This fleet, built, manned and

victualled for six months will cost four hundred and fifty thousand

pounds sterling. Its annual expense will be three hundred pounds

sterling a gun, including everything; this will be forty-five thousand

pounds sterling a year. I take British experience for the basis of

my calculation: though we know, from our own experience, that we can

do in this way, for pounds lawful, what costs them pounds sterling.

Were we to charge all this to the Algerine war, it would amount to

little more than we must pay, if we buy peace. But as is it proper and

necessary that we should establish a small marine force, (even were we

to buy a peace from the Algerines,) and as that force, laid up in our

dock-yards, would cost us half as much annually, as if kept in order

for service, we have a right to say that only twenty-two thousand

and five hundred pounds sterling, per annum, should be charged to the

Algerine war. 6. It will be as effectual. To all the mismanagements

of Spain and Portugal, urged to show that war against those people is

ineffectual, I urge a single fact to prove the contrary, where there

is any management. About forty years ago, the Algerines having broke

their treaty with France, this court sent Monsieur de Massiac, with

one large, and two small frigates; he blockaded the harbor of Algiers

three months, and they subscribed to the terms he proposed. If it be

admitted, however, that war, on the fairest prospects, is still exposed

to uncertainties, I weigh against this, the greater uncertainty of

the duration of a peace bought with money, from such a people, from a

Dey eighty years old, and by a nation who, on the hypothesis of buying

peace, is to have no power on the sea, to enforce an observance of it.

So far, I have gone on the supposition that the whole weight of this

war would rest on us. But, 1. Naples will join us. The character

of their naval minister (Acton), his known sentiments with respect

to the peace Spain is officiously trying to make for them, and his

dispositions against the Algerines, give the best grounds to believe

it. 2. Every principle of reason assures us that Portugal will join us.

I state this as taking for granted, what all seem to believe, that they

will not be at peace with Algiers. I suppose, then, that a convention

might be formed between Portugal, Naples and the United States, by

which the burthen of the war might be quotaed on them, according to

their respective wealth; and the term of it should be, when Algiers

should subscribe to a peace with all three, on equal terms. This might

be left open for other nations to accede to, and many, if not most of

the powers of Europe, (except France, England, Holland, and Spain, if

her peace be made) would sooner or later enter into the confederacy,

for the sake of having their peace with the piratical States guaranteed

by the whole. I suppose, that, in this case, our proportion of force

would not be the half of what I first calculated on.

These are the reasons which have influenced my judgment on this

question. I give them to you, to show you that I am imposed on by a

semblance of reason, at least; and not with an expectation of their

changing your opinion. You have viewed the subject, I am sure, in

all its bearings. You have weighed both questions, with all their

circumstances. You make the result different from what I do. The same

facts impress us differently. This is enough to make me suspect an

error in my process of reasoning, though I am not able to detect it. It

is of no consequence; as I have nothing to say in the decision, and am

ready to proceed heartily on any other plan which may be adopted, if

my agency should be thought useful. With respect to the dispositions

of the State, I am utterly uninformed. I cannot help thinking, however,

that on a view of all the circumstances, they might be united in either

of the plans.

Having written this on the receipt of your letter, without knowing

of any opportunity of sending it, I know not when it will go; I add

nothing, therefore, on any other subject, but assurances of the sincere

esteem and respect with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO COMMODORE JONES.

PARIS, July 11, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--I am perfectly ready to transmit to America any accounts or

proofs you may think proper. Nobody can wish more that justice be done

you, nor is more ready to be instrumental in doing whatever may insure

it. It is only necessary for me to avoid the presumption of appearing

to decide where I have no authority to do it. I will this evening lodge

in the hands of Mr. Grand the original order of the board of treasury,

with instructions to receive from you the balance you propose to pay,

for which he will give you a receipt on the back of the order. I will

confer with you when you please on the affair of Denmark, and am,

with very great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble

servant.

TO M. DE CREVECOEUR.

PARIS, July 11, 1786.

SIR,--I have been honored with a letter from M. Delisle, Lieutenant

General au bailleage de lain, to which is annexed a postscript from

yourself. Being unable to write in French so as to be sure of conveying

my true meaning, or perhaps any meaning at all, I will beg of you to

interpret what I have now the honor to write.

It is time that the United States, generally, and most of the separate

States in particular, are endeavoring to establish means to pay the

interest of their public debt regularly, and to sink its principal by

degrees. But as yet, their efforts have been confined to that part of

their debts which is evidenced by _certificate_. I do not think that

any State has yet taken measures for paying their _paper money_ debt.

The principle on which it shall be paid I take to be settled, though

not directly, yet virtually, by the resolution of Congress of June 3d,

1784; that is, that they will pay the holder, or his representative,

what the money was worth at the time he received it, with an interest

from that time of six per cent, per annum. It is not said in the letter

whether the money received by Barboutin was Continental money; nor

is it said at what time it was received. But, that M. Delisle may be

enabled to judge what the five thousand three hundred and ninety-eight

dollars were worth in hard money when Barboutin received them, I will

state to you what was the worth of one hard dollar, both in Continental

and Virginia money, through the whole of the years 1779 and 1780,

within some part of which it was probably received:

CONTINENTAL MONEY. VIRGINIA MONEY.

1779--Jan. 9, 7-72/100 1779--Jan., 8 1780-Jan., 42

" 24, 8-34/100 Feb., 10 Feb., 45

Feb. 11, 9-13/100 Mar., 10 Mar., 50

Mar. 2, 10 Apr., 16 Apr., 60

Apr. 2, 11-12/100 May, 20 May, 60

May 10, 12-51/100 June, 20 June, 65

June 21, 14- 3/10 July, 21 July, 65

Aug. 8, 16-69/100 Aug., 22 Aug., 70

Sept. 28, 20 Sept., 26 Sept., 72

Nov. 22, 25- 6/100 Oct., 28 Oct., 73

1780--Feb. 2, 33-44/100 Nov., 36 Nov., 74

Mar. 18, 40 Dec., 40 Dec., 75

Thus you see that, in January 1779, seven dollars and seventy-two

hundredths of a dollar of Continental money were worth one dollar of

silver, and at the same time, eight dollars of Virginia paper were

worth one dollar of silver, &c. After March 18th, 1780, Continental

paper, received in Virginia, will be estimated by the table of Virginia

paper. I advise all the foreign holders of paper money to lodge it in

the office of their consul for the State where it was received, that

he may dispose of it for their benefit the first moment that payment

shall be provided by the State or Continent. I had lately the pleasure

of seeing the Countess d'Houditot well at Sanois, and have that now of

assuring you of the perfect esteem and respect with which I have the

honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.

PARIS, July 17, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--I have now the honor of enclosing to you an estimate of the

exports and imports of the United States. Calculations of this kind

cannot pretend to accuracy, where inattention and fraud combine to

suppress their objects. Approximation is all they can aim at. Neither

care nor candor have been wanting on my part to bring them as near the

truth as my skill and materials would enable me to do. I have availed

myself of the best documents from the custom-houses, which have been

given to the public, and have been able to rectify these in many

instances by information collected by myself on the spot in many of the

States. Still remember, however, that I call them but approximations,

and that they must present some errors as considerable as they were

unavoidable.

Our commerce divides itself into European and West Indian. I have

conformed my statement to this division.

On running over the catalogue of American imports, France will

naturally mark out those articles with which she could supply us to

advantage; and she may safely calculate, that, after a little time

shall have enabled us to get rid of our present incumbrances, and of

some remains of attachment to the particular forms of manufacture to

which we have been habituated, we shall take those articles which she

can furnish, on as good terms as other nations, to whatever extent she

will enable us to pay for them. It is her interest, therefore, as well

as ours, to multiply the means of payment. These must be found in the

catalogue of our exports, and among these will be seen neither gold nor

silver. We have no mines of either of these metals. Produce, therefore,

is all we can offer. Some articles of our produce will be found very

convenient to this country for her own consumption. Others will be

convenient, as being more commerciable in her hands than those she

will give in exchange for them. If there be any which she can neither

consume, nor dispose of by exchange, she will not buy them of us,

and of course we shall not bring them to her. If American produce can

be brought into the ports of France, the articles of exchange for it

will be taken in those ports; and the only means of drawing it hither,

is to let the merchant see that he can dispose of it on better terms

here than anywhere else. If the market price of this country does not

in itself offer this superiority, it may be worthy of consideration,

whether it should be obtained by such abatements of duties, and even by

such other encouragements as the importance of the article may justify.

Should some loss attend this in the beginning, it can be discontinued

when the trade shall be well established in this channel.

With respect to the West India commerce, I must apprise you that this

estimate does not present its present face. No materials have enabled

us to say how it stands since the war. We can only show what it was

before that period. This is most sensibly felt in the exports of fish

and flour. The surplus of the former, which these regulations threw

back on us, is forced to Europe, where, by increasing the quantity, it

lessens the price; the surplus of the latter is sunk, and to what other

objects this portion of industry is turned or turning, I am not able to

discover. The imports, too, of sugar and coffee are thrown under great

difficulties. These increase the price; and being articles of food for

the poorer class (as you may be sensible in observing the quantities

consumed), a small increase of price places them above the reach of

this class, which being very numerous, must occasion a great diminution

of consumption. It remains to see whether the American will endeavor

to baffle these new restrictions in order to indulge his habits, or

will adopt his habits to other objects which may furnish employment

to the surplus of industry formerly occupied in raising that bread

which no longer finds a vent in the West Indian market. If, instead

of either of these measures, he should resolve to come to Europe for

coffee and sugar, he must lessen equivalently his consumption of some

other European articles in order to pay for his coffee and sugar, the

bread with which he formerly paid for them in the West Indies not being

demanded in the European market. In fact, the catalogue of imports

offer several articles more dispensable than coffee and sugar. Of all

these subjects, the committee and yourself are the more competent

judges. To you, therefore, I trust them, with every wish for their

improvement; and, with sentiments of that perfect esteem and respect

with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient, and

most humble servant.

ESTIMATE OF THE EXPORTS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

TO EUROPE. TO WEST INDIES. TOTAL.

_Louis._ _Louis._ _Louis._

Fish 107,000 50,000 157,000

Fish Oil 181,688 9,562 191,250

Fish Bones 8,400 ...... 8,400

Salted Meats ...... 131,500 131,500

Live Stock ...... 99,000 99,000

Butter, Cheese ...... 18,000 18,000

Flour, Bread, 660,000 barrels 330,000 330,000 660,000

Wheat, 2,210,000 bushels 331,000 ...... 331,000

Indian Corn 30,000 61,000 91,000

Rice, 130,000 barrels 189,350 70,650 200,000

Indigo 51,700 ...... 51,700

Tobacco, 87,000 hogsheads 1,306,000 ...... 1,305,000

Potash, 20,000 barrels 49,000 ...... 49,000

Peltry 184,900 ...... 184,900

Flax Seed 79,500 ...... 79,500

Hemp 21,000 ...... 21,000

Iron, Copper 84,000 6,000 90,000

Turpentine, &c., 60,000 barrels 29,410 1,800 31,250

Timber, Lumber 82,000 164,000 246,000

Hops, 300 216,500 ...... 216,500

Miscellanies 22,000 ...... 22,000

--------- ------- ---------

3,302,448 941,552 4,244,000

ESTIMATE OF THE IMPORTS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

FROM EUROPE AND AFRICA. }

}

Woollen cloths of every description, }

Linens of every description, }

Hosiery, Hats, }

Gloves, Shoes, Boots, Sadlery and other things of }

leather, }

Silks, Gold and Silver Lace, Jewellery, Millinery, }

Toys, }

East India goods, }

Porcelaine, Glass, Earthenware, }

Silver, Copper, Brass, Tin, Pewter, Lead, Steel, Iron} Louis. l. s.

in every form, }

Upholstery, Cabinet Work, Painters' Colors, } 3,039,000 0 0

Cheese, Pickles, Confitures, Chocolate, }

Wine, 2,000 tons, at 100 louis, 200,000 louis, }

Brandy, Beer, }

Medicinal Drugs, Snuff, Bees' Wax, }

Books, Stationery, Mill Stones, Grind Stones, Marble,}

Sail Cloth, Cordage, Ship Chandlery, Fishing-tackle, }

Ivory, Ebony, Barwood, Dyewood, }

Slaves, Salt, 521,225 bushels, at 24 sous, 26,061 }

louis, 6 livres, }

FROM THE WEST INDIES. }

_Louis._ _l._ _s._

Salt, 500,484 bushels, at 24 sous 25,020 4 16}

Fruits 2,239 12 }

Cocoa, 576,589 lbs., at 12 sous 5,798 12 }

Coffee, 408,494 lbs., at 16 sous 15,249 14 8}

Sugar, 10,232,432 lbs. 168,007 }

Molasses, 3,645,464 gallons, at 24 sous }

186,281 19 4}

Rum, 3,888,370 gallons, at 2 livres 14 sous }

437,441 15 } 927,438 8 8

Ginger, Pimento 1,395 1 4}

Cotton, 356,591 lbs., at 24 sous 17,829 13 4}

Skins 7,870 6 }

Indigo, 4,352 lbs., at 5 livres 8 sous }

979 4 16}

Ivory, Turtle Shell 247 4 16}

Lignum vitæ, Sarsaparilla, Fustic, Annotta }

5,170 }

Logwood 13,624 21 }

Mahogany 23,280 }

---------------

3,966,438 8 8

TO THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.

PARIS, July 22, 1786.

SIR,--An opportunity offering, at a moment's warning only, to London,

I have only time to inform your Excellency that we have shipped from

Bordeaux fifteen hundred stand of arms for the State of Virginia, of

which I now enclose the bill of lading. A somewhat larger number of

cartouch-boxes have been prepared here, are now packing, and will go to

Havre immediately to be shipped there. As soon as these are forwarded,

I will do myself the honor of sending you a state of the expenditures

for these and other objects. The residue of the arms and accoutrements

are in a good course of preparation. I have the honor to be, with

sentiments of the highest respect, your Excellency's most obedient, and

most humble servant.

TO M. CATHALAN.

PARIS, August 8, 1786.

SIR,--I have been duly honored with your favor of July 28. I have in

consequence thereof reconsidered the order of Council of Berny, and

it appears to me to extend as much to the southern ports of France as

to the western; and that for tobacco delivered in any port where there

is no manufacture, only thirty sols per quintal is to be deducted. The

farmers may perhaps evade the purchase of tobacco in a port convenient

to them by purchasing the whole quantity in other ports. I shall

readily lend my aid to promote the mercantile intercourse between your

port and the United States whenever I can aid it. For the present, it

is much restrained by the danger of capture by the piratical States.

I have the honor to be, with much respect, Sir, your most obedient, and

most humble servant.

TO GOVERNOR HENRY.

PARIS, August 9, 1786.

SIR,--I have duly received the honor of your Excellency's letter of May

17, 1786, on the subject of Captain Green, supposed to be in captivity

with the Algerines. I wish I could have communicated the agreeable

news that this supposition was well founded, and I should not have

hesitated to gratify as well your Excellency as the worthy father of

Captain Green, by doing whatever would have been necessary for his

redemption. But we have certainly no such prisoner at Algiers. We have

there twenty-one prisoners in all. Of these only four are Americans by

birth. Three of these are Captains, of the names of O'Brian, Stephens,

and Coffyn. There were only two vessels taken by the Algerines, one

commanded by O'Brian, the other by Stephens. Coffyn, I believe, was a

supercargo. The Moors took one vessel from Philadelphia, which they

gave up again with the crew. No other captures have been made on us

by any of the piratical States. I wish I could say we were likely to

be secure against future captures. With Morocco I have hope we shall;

but the States of Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli hold their peace at a

price which would be felt by every man in his settlement with the

tax-gatherer.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, your

Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.

* * * * *

P. S. _August 13, 1786._ I have this morning received information from

Mr. Barclay that our peace with the Emperor of Morocco would be pretty

certainly signed in a few days. This leaves us the Atlantic free.

Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli, however, remaining hostile, will shut up

the Mediterranean to us. The two latter never come into the Atlantic;

the Algerines rarely, and but a little way out of the Straits. In Mr.

Barclay's letter is this paragraph, "There is a young man now under my

care, who has been a slave sometime with the Arabs in the desert." His

name is James Mercier, born at the town of Suffolk, Nansemond County,

Virginia. The King sent him after the first audience, and I shall take

him to Spain. On Mr. Barclay's return to Spain, he shall find there a

letter from me to forward this young man to his own country, for the

expenses of which I will make myself responsible.

TO JOHN JAY.

PARIS, August 11, 1786.

SIR,--Since the date of my last, which was of July the 8th, I have been

honored with the receipt of yours of June the 16th. I am to thank you

on the part of the minister of Geneva for the intelligence it contained

on the subject of Gallatin, whose relations will be relieved by the

receipt of it.

The inclosed intelligence, relative to the instructions of the court

of London to Sir Guy Carleton, came to me through the Count de La

Touche, and Marquis de La Fayette. De La Touche is a director under the

Marechal de Castries, minister for the marine department, and possibly

receives his intelligence from him, and he from their ambassador at

London. Possibly, too, it might be fabricated here. Yet, weighing the

characters of the ministry of St. James's and Versailles, I think the

former more capable of giving such instructions, than the latter of

fabricating them for the small purposes the fabrication could answer.

The Gazette of France, of July the 28th, announces the arrival of

Peyrouse at Brazil, that he was to touch at Otaheite, and proceed to

California, and still further northwardly. This paper, as you well

know, gives out such facts as the court are willing the world should

be possessed of. The presumption is, therefore, that they will make an

establishment of some sort, on the north-west coast of America.

I trouble you with the copy of a letter from Scheveighauser and Dobrec,

on a subject with which I am quite unacquainted. Their letter to

Congress of November the 30th, 1780, gives their state of the matter.

How far it be true and just can probably be ascertained from Dr.

Franklin, Dr. Lee, and other gentlemen now in America. I shall be glad

to be honored with the commands of Congress on this subject. I have

inquired into the state of their arms, mentioned in their letter to

me. The principal articles were about thirty thousand bayonets, fifty

thousand gunlocks, thirty cases of arms, twenty-two cases of sabres,

and some other things of little consequence. The quay at Nantes, having

been overflowed by the river Loire, the greatest part of these arms

were under water, and they are now, as I am informed, a solid mass of

rust, not worth the expense of throwing them out of the warehouse, much

less that of storage. Were not their want of value a sufficient reason

against reclaiming the property of these arms, it rests with Congress

to decide, whether other reasons are not opposed to this reclamation.

They were the property of a sovereign body, they were seized by an

individual, taken cognizance of by a court of justice, and refused,

or at least not restored by the sovereign within whose States they had

been arrested. These are circumstances which have been mentioned to me.

Dr. Franklin, however, will be able to inform Congress, with precision,

as to what passed on this subject. If the information I have received

be anything like the truth, the discussion of this matter can only be

with the court of Versailles. It would be very delicate, and could have

but one of two objects; either to recover the arms, which are not worth

receiving, or to satisfy us on the point of honor. Congress will judge

how far the latter may be worth pursuing against a particular ally, and

under actual circumstances. An instance, too, of acquiescence on our

part under a wrong, rather than disturb our friendship by altercations,

may have its value in some future case. However, I shall be ready to do

in this what Congress shall be pleased to direct.

I enclose the despatches relative to the Barbary negotiation, received

since my last. It is painful to me to overwhelm Congress and yourself

continually with these voluminous papers. But I have no right to

suppress any part of them, and it is one of those cases where, from a

want of well-digested information, we must be contented to examine a

great deal of rubbish, in order to find a little good matter.

The gazettes of Leyden and France, to the present date, accompany this,

which, for want of direct and safe opportunities, I am obliged to send

by an American gentleman, by the way of London. The irregularity of

the French packets has diverted elsewhere the tide of passengers, who

used to furnish me occasions of writing to you, without permitting my

letters to go through the post office. So that when the packets go now,

I can seldom write by them.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest esteem and

respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

* * * * *

[The annexed is a translation of the paper referred to in the preceding

letter, on the subject of the instructions given to Sir Guy Carleton.]

* * * * *

An extract of English political news, concerning North America. July

14th, 1786.

General Carleton departs in a few days with M. de La Naudiere, a

Canadian gentleman. He has made me acquainted with the Indian, Colonel

Joseph Brandt. It is certain that he departs with the most positive

instructions to distress the Americans as much as possible, and to

create them enemies on all sides.

Colonel Brandt goes loaded with presents for himself, and for several

chiefs of the tribes bordering on Canada. It would be well for the

Americans to know in time, that enemies are raised against them,

in order to derange their system of government, and to add to the

confusion which already exists in it. The new possessions of England

will not only gain what America shall lose, but will acquire strength

in proportion to the weakening of the United States.

Sooner or later, the new States which are forming will place themselves

under the protection of England, which can always communicate with

them through Canada; and which, in case of future necessity, can

harass the United States on one side by her shipping, and on the other

by her intrigues. This system has not yet come to maturity, but it

is unfolded, and we may rely upon the instructions given to Colonel

Brandt.

TO COLONEL MONROE.

PARIS, August 11, 1786.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you last on the 9th of July; and, since that, have

received yours of the 16th of June, with the interesting intelligence

it contained. I was entirely in the dark as to the progress of that

negotiation, and concur entirely in the views you have taken of it.

The difficulty on which it hangs is a _sine qua non_ with us. It

would be to deceive them and ourselves, to suppose that an amity

can be preserved, while this right is withheld. Such a supposition

would argue, not only an ignorance of the people to whom this is most

interesting, but an ignorance of the nature of man, or an inattention

to it. Those who see but half way into our true interest, will think

that that concurs with the views of the other party. But those who see

it in all its extent, will be sensible that our true interest will be

best promoted, by making all the just claims of our fellow citizens,

wherever situated, our own, by urging and enforcing them with the

weight of our whole influence, and by exercising in this, as in every

other instance, a just government in their concerns, and making common

cause even where our separate interest would seem opposed to theirs.

No other conduct can attach us together; and on this attachment depends

our happiness.

The King of Prussia still lives, and is even said to be better. Europe

is very quiet at present. The only germ of dissension, which shows

itself at present, is in the quarter of Turkey. The Emperor, the

Empress, and the Venetians seem all to be picking at the Turks. It is

not probable, however, that either of the two first will do anything to

bring on an open rupture, while the King of Prussia lives.

You will perceive, by the letters I enclose to Mr. Jay, that Lambe,

under the pretext of ill health, declines returning either to

Congress, Mr. Adams, or myself. This circumstance makes me fear

some malversation. The money appropriated to this object being in

Holland, and, having been always under the care of Mr. Adams, it was

concerted between us that all the drafts should be on him. I know not,

therefore, what sums may have been advanced to Lambe; I hope, however,

nothing great. I am persuaded that an angel sent on this business,

and so much limited in his terms, could have done nothing. But should

Congress propose to try the line of negotiation again, I think they

will perceive that Lambe is not a proper agent. I have written to

Mr. Adams on the subject of a settlement with Lambe. There is little

prospect of accommodation between the Algerines, and the Portuguese

and Neapolitans. A very valuable capture, too, lately made by them on

the Empress of Russia, bids fair to draw her on them. The probability

is, therefore, that these three nations will be at war with them,

and the probability is, that could we furnish a couple of frigates, a

convention might be formed with those powers, establishing a perpetual

cruise on the coast of Algiers, which would bring them to reason. Such

a convention, being left open to all powers willing to come into it,

should have for its object a general peace, to be guaranteed to each,

by the whole. Were only two or three to begin a confederacy of this

kind, I think every power in Europe would soon fall into it, except

France, England, and perhaps Spain and Holland. Of these, there is only

England, who would give any real aid to the Algerines. Morocco, you

perceive, will be at peace with us. Were the honor and advantage of

establishing such a confederacy out of the question, yet the necessity

that the United States should have some marine force, and the happiness

of this, as the ostensible cause for beginning it, would decide on its

propriety. It will be said, there is no money in the treasury. There

never will be money in the treasury, till the confederacy shows its

teeth. The States must see the rod; perhaps it must be felt by some

one of them. I am persuaded, all of them would rejoice to see every

one obliged to furnish its contributions. It is not the difficulty of

furnishing them, which beggars the treasury, but the fear that others

will not furnish as much. Every rational citizen must wish to see an

effective instrument of coercion, and should fear to see it on any

other element than the water. A naval force can never endanger our

liberties, nor occasion bloodshed; a land force would do both. It

is not in the choice of the States, whether they will pay money to

cover their trade against the Algerines. If they obtain a peace by

negotiation, they must pay a great sum of money for it; if they do

nothing, they must pay a great sum of money, in the form of insurance;

and in either way, as great a one as in the way of force, and probably

less effectual.

I look forward with anxiety to the approaching moment of your departure

from Congress. Besides the interest of the confederacy and of the

State, I have a personal interest in it. I know not to whom I may

venture confidential communications, after you are gone. I take the

liberty of placing here my respects to Mrs. Monroe, and assurances of

the sincere esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

FOOTNOTES:

[111] [The remainder of this letter is in cypher to which

there is no key in the Editor's possession.]

[112] The original of this letter was in cypher. But annexed

to the copy in cypher, is the above literal copy by the

author.

[113] Mr. Short was Mr. Jefferson's private secretary. The

propositions of our ministers for commercial treaties,

were received with coldness by all the European powers

except Prussia, Denmark, and Tuscany. Frederick met their

propositions cordially, and a treaty was soon concluded with

his minister at the Hague. With Denmark and Tuscany our own

ministers, from considerations of policy, protracted the

negotiations until their powers expired.--ED.

[114] Livy, Sallust, Cæsar, Cicero's epistles, Suetonius,

Tacitus, Gibbon.

[115] This was the officer who, on the evacuation of Fort

Mifflin, after the British had passed the chevaux de frise on

the Delaware, was left with fifteen men to destroy the works,

which he did, and brought off his men successfully. He had,

before that, been commander of the Rattlesnake sloop of war,

and had much annoyed the British trade. Being bred a seaman,

he has returned to that vocation.

[116] A hogshead of tobacco weighs generally about one

thousand pounds English, equal to nine hundred and seventeen

pounds French. The seven hogsheads he sailed with would

therefore weigh, according to this estimate, six thousand

four hundred and twenty-three pounds. They actually

weighed more on the first essay. When afterwards weighed

at Landivisian, they had lost eighty-four pounds on being

carried into a drier air. Perhaps, too, a difference of

weights may have entered into this apparent loss.

[117] [Minister of Foreign Affairs for France.]

INDEX TO VOL. I.

ADAMS, JOHN--His views on Articles of Confederation, 33.

Appointed Minister to England, 63. His presentation at the

Court of St. James, 436.

ADAMS, SAMUEL--His character, 121.

AGRICULTURE--Its superiority to all other pursuits, 403, 465.

That of England and France compared, 549.

ALIENS--Who are and who are not aliens, 530.

ALGIERS--(See Barbary States).

AMERICA, U. STATES OF--Imperfections of Articles of

Confederation, 78. A New Constitution for, necessary, 78. Views

of U. States prevalent in Europe, 407, 413. Views of public

affairs of U. States in A. D. 1785, 423. English calumnies

against, 427. Hostile feeling of England against, 429,

464, 541, 550, 563, 604. Low reputation of, in Europe, 513.

Extravagance of the people, 550. Summary of news from, 349.

ANTOINETTE, MARIA--Her character, 88, 101.

ARMS--Supply of, for Congress, 603.

ARMY, REVOLUTIONARY--Virginia troops, 235. Continental troops,

235. Disasters in South, 241, 249. Success in Canada, 202.

Supplies of men, provisions and ammunition from Virginia for

the Southern Army, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 249, 251, 252,

253, 254, 256, 260, 262, 263, 273, 274, 285, 288, 302, 304.

The movements of the Southern Army, 291, 294, 296, 298, 299,

300, 302, 303, 309. Expedition against Canada, 206. Military

movement in Va., 207. Process of the War, 211. False account of

our battles circulated in Europe, 207.

ARTICLES OF CONFEDERATION--(See Confederation).

ASQUITH, LISTER--Relative to his imprisonment in France on charge

of being engaged in contraband trade, 583.

ASTRONOMY--Discoveries in, 447, 516.

AUSTRIA--Relations between the Emperor and the Dutch, 346, 353,

355, 358, 365, 400, 405. Relations between Austria, Russia, and

Turkey, 400. Treaty of Commerce with, 510, 523, 566, 571.

BALLOONS--Experiments with in France, 354, 441.

BARBARY STATES--Naval alliance against proposed, 65, 591, 606.

It fails, 67. Disposition of towards U. S., 401, 413, 428.

Relations of U. S. with, 376, 393, 557, 560, 565, 570, 572,

575, 584, 591, 601. A mission to, advisable, 406. Mr. Barclay

sent on the mission to Morocco, 416, 474. Letter to Emperor,

418. Instructions to Mr. Barclay, 420. Inquiries to be made by

him, 421. Mr. Lambe sent on mission to Algiers, 376, 438, 457,

474, 581. Embarrassments occasioned by his delay, 376, 385.

Remanded to America to give information in respect to mission,

581. His equivocal conduct, 605. Passports for ministers,

471. American prisoners, 439, 477, 601. Negotiations with the

Tripolitine minister, 551. Naval war against, advisable, 591.

BOSTON PORT BILL--Effects of its passage on colonies, 6.

Proceedings thereon in Va. Assembly, 6. June 1st, appointed day

of general fasting, humiliation and prayer, 7.

BOUNDARY--Between Pennsylvania and Virginia, 399.

BURGESSES, VIRGINIA HOUSE OF--Proceedings in, on Stamp Act, 4.

Distinguished members, 4. Tone and political views of members,

5. Proceedings on Boston Port Bill, 6. Dissolved by Governor,

7. Recommended sending members to Continental Congress, 7. Also

to elect delegates to meet at Williamsburg, 7. Their action, 8,

9.

CAMDEN--Battle of, 263.

CAPITOL OF VIRGINIA--Model for from France, 46.

CARMICHAEL, MR.--The estimation in which held at Court of Spain,

526.

CARR, PETER--Letter of advice to in respect to education, &c.,

395.

CHANCERY COURTS--Expediency of introducing trial by Jury in, 37,

49, 50.

CHERBOURG, PORT OF--Its fortification, 587.

CHURCH, EPISCOPAL--Its first establishment in Virginia, 38.

Character of its clergy, 38. Dissenters from constitute a

majority, 38. Its overthrow as an establishment, 39, 174. Its

maintenance advocated particularly by Pendleton and Robert C.

Nicholas, 39.

CINCINNATI, SOCIETY OF--History of and objections to, 334.

CITIZENSHIP--Act defining it, 40.

CLARKE, COL.--His success at St. Vincennes, 221. Expedition

against Indians, 339, 359, 381, 382, 395.

COLONIES, AMERICAN--Resistance to mother country, 5. Tone and

views of different parties, 5. Resistance to Governor, 5.

Summary view of relations between and the mother country, 8.

Summary view of their rights, 124. Their grievances, 201.

COMMERCE--Commercial treaties under Confederation, 60. Powers of

Congress over, 349. Proposition to exempt merchant vessels from

seizure in time of war, 62. Commercial treaties with European

powers, 62, 371, 455, 459, 465, 478, 487. Benefits of, 404.

Expediency of investing Congress with control of, 425, 475,

487, 531. Commercial relations with France, 378, 386, 491, 499.

Commercial relations with Austria, 511, 512, 523. The commerce

of the U. States, 597. Programme of commercial treaties with

European powers, 350, 360, 371.

COMMITTEES OF CORRESPONDENCE--Their origin, 6, 115, 124.

CONFEDERATION, ARTICLES OF--Report of committee appointed to

prepare, 26. Debates thereon in Continental Congress, 27,

28, 29, 30, 31. Adoption thereof, 36. Executive power lodged

in Committee, 54. The Committee splits into factions, 54.

Character of Congress under, 58. Imperfections of Articles of

Confederation, 78. New Constitution necessary, 78. Financial

embarrassments under Confederation, 83. Powers of over

commerce, 349, 425, 475, 487.

CONGRESS--Proceedings of Continental Congress, 8, 9, 10, 11,

12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19. Address by to people of

Great Britain, 11. Character of Congress under Confederation

at Annapolis, 58. Instructions of Va. to her delegates to

Continental Congress, 122, 142.

CONSTITUTION, FEDERAL--Mr. Jefferson's views on, 79.

CONSULS--Consular Convention with France, 85. Consuls not

recognized by Law of Nations, 426.

CONVENTION--The Assembly of the Convention to amend constitution,

79.

CORNWALLIS, LORD--His military movements in South, 291, 294.

CRIMINAL CODE--Revision of Criminal Code of Va., 43. Whether

punishment of death should be abolished, 45. Bill proportioning

crimes and punishments, 146.

CURRENCY--Notes on Money Unit, 53, 162. Coinage for U. States,

475.

DAVIES, COL. WM.--Recommendation of for Commissioner of War

Office, 301.

DEBT, DOMESTIC--Condition of, 369, 472, 578.

DEBT, FOREIGN--Condition of, 82, 369, 471, 510, 512, 519, 546,

566, 576. Interest on, 357.

DEBT, REVOLUTIONARY--Interest not paid during war, 546, 561. On

what principle paper debt redeemed, 595.

DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE--Moved in Continental Congress by

Va. delegates in conformity with instructions, 12. Debates on

that motion, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17. Action thereon, 17, 18.

Committee appointed to prepare, 17, 18. Report of Committee,

19. Copy of rough draught of Declaration, 19, 20. Facsimile

of rough draught of Declaration, 26. History of circumstances

attending the Declaration of Independence, 118. Necessity of

separation from mother country, 207.

DENMARK--Claim against for prize money, 461, 489. Money paid,

522. Commercial relations of U. S. with, 571.

DUMAS, M.--His personal standing in France and Holland, 527, 568.

Debt due to, 528. His mission to the Hague, 593.

ECLIPSE--The eclipse of 1778, 310.

EDUCATION--General system of, 347. Letter of advice from Mr.

Jefferson in relation to, 395. Relative advantages of foreign

and domestic education, 467.

ENGLAND--Commercial treaty with impracticable, 64, 541, 543,

550, 552, 553. Hostile feelings towards U. States, 429, 464,

541, 550, 563, 604. England and France compared, 549. Relations

of U. States with, 557, 560, 561, 576. Debt of U. S. to, 563.

Incites Indians against our people, 604.

ENTAILS--Abolition of in Va., 37, 138.

EPISCOPAL CHURCH--Its first establishment in Virginia, 38.

Character of its clergy, 38. Dissenters from in the majority,

38. Its overthrow as the established Church, 39, 174. Resisted

by Pendleton and Nicholas, 39.

EUROPE--Political condition of, 346, 353, 355, 358, 365, 366,

400, 435, 442, 453, 509, 559, 605. Relations between Emperor

and Dutch, 346, 353, 355, 358, 365, 400, 405, 412. Relations

between Austria, Russia and Turkey, 400. Mr. Jefferson's views

of Europe, 444.

FRANCE--Influence of American Revolution on, 69. Financial

embarrassments of, 69. Assembly of Notables convened, 70.

They refuse to vote supplies, 70. Constitutional reforms, 71.

Abuses of old government, 86. Assembling of States General, 87.

Progress of the Revolution, 87. Constitution of States General,

87. Character of King and Queen, 88, 101. Severity of winter

of 1788-9, 88. Importation of bread-stuffs from America, 89.

Riots, 89, 97. Opening of States General, 90. Early debates

and difficulties in organizing, 91. Tiers Etat constitute

themselves the National Assembly, 92. Conduct and policy of

Court party, 92. Royal session, 94. Popular demonstrations, 94.

Disaffection of soldiery, 95. Part of Nobles and Clergy join

Tiers Etats, 95. New Constitution for France, 96, 103. Military

interference by Government, 96. Mr. Neckar expelled from

ministry, 96. The new Court Ministry, 97. Bastile taken, 98.

Resignation of Court Ministry and recall of Mr. Neckar, 100.

Flight of aristocracy begins, 100. Views on the execution of

King and Queen, 101. The Neckar Ministry, 102. Great reforms

of National Assembly, 103. Divisions spring up in popular

party, 103. Friendly relations between France and U. S., 456.

Relations between France and England, 381. England and France

compared, 549. Mr. Jefferson's views of French people, 187,

395, 549. Commercial relations with U. S., 378, 386, 491, 499,

561, 567, 586, 589.

FRANKLIN, BENJ.--His views on Articles of Confederation, 31.

Visits to from Jefferson, 108.

GATES, GEN.--His disasters in the South, 241, 249. Supplies for

from Virginia, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251,

252, 253, 254, 256, 260, 262, 263, 273, 274, 285, 288, 302,

304. Consolations of Jefferson on his failures, 314.

GEOLOGY--516.

GREENE, GEN.--His military movements in South, 291, 294, 296,

298, 299, 300, 302, 303, 309.

HAMILTON, GEN.--His detention as prisoner of war, 231, 232, 233,

237, 258, 267.

HENRY, PATRICK--His connection with Revolution, 116. His

eloquence, 4.

HISTORY, NATURAL--Objects of, 500. The grouse, pheasant, elk,

&c., 506, 507, 519. The big bones of the West, 323. Whether

animals degenerate in America, 340.

HONFLEUR, CITY OF--Relative to making it a free port, 579.

HOPKINSON, MR.--His views on Articles of Confederation, 34.

HOUDON--His Statue of Washington, 513, 533.

HUMPHREYS, COL.--Testimonial of his character, 538, 568.

INDEPENDENCE, DECLARATION OF--First moved in Continental Congress

by the Delegates from Va., in obedience to instructions,

12. Debates on that motion, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17. Action

of Congress thereon, 17, 18. Committee appointed to prepare

Declaration, 17, 18.

INDEPENDENCE, DECLARATION OF--Report of Committee, 19. Copy of

rough draught of Declaration, 19, 20, &c. Facsimile of rough

draught of Declaration, 26. History of the circumstances

attending the Declaration, 118. Separation from mother country

necessary and inevitable, 207,

INDIANS--Expeditions of Clarke and Shelby against, 221.

Expedition by Clarke, 239, 259, 281, 282, 295. England incites

them against our people, 604.

IRELAND--Commerce with U. S., 478.

JEFFERSON, THOMAS--His Family, 1, 2. His birth, 2. His early

education, 2. Elected to Virginia Legislature, 3. Endeavors to

have slavery abolished in Va., 3. His marriage, 4. Student at

William and Mary College, 4. Resolutions against Stamp Act, 4.

Proceedings thereon in Va., 4. Appointed member of Continental

Congress, 10. Elected to Va. Legislature after separation from

England, 36. Brings in bill for establishing courts of justice,

36. Also declaring that tenants entail shall hold their lands

in fee, 36. Appointed member of committee to revise laws of

Va., 42. Overthrow of landed aristocracy of Va., 49. Elected

Governor of Va., 50, 216. His resignation in favor of Gen.

Nelson, 50. Appointed Commissioner to France, 50. Declines in

favor of Dr. Lee, 51. Appointed minister plenipotentiary to

negotiate peace, 51. Declines at first, but accepts afterwards,

51, 313, 321. Prepares to sail, 322, 324, 326. His detentions,

327, 332. Treaty of peace being concluded before he sails, he

resigns and returns home, 52, 329, 330, 331. Appointed delegate

to Congress, 52. Executive powers of Confederation to lodge in

committee, 54. Committee split into factions, 54. Appointed

minister plenipotentiary to negotiate treaties with foreign

nations, 60. Sails for Europe, 60. Appointed minister to

France, 63. Subjects of negotiation with France, 64. Visit to

South of France, 72. Dislocated wrist, 72. Takes management of

European debt of U. S., 83. Visit to Holland and journey along

Rhine, 85. Refuses to aid in framing Constitution for France,

103. Consultation at his house in Paris among the leaders of

liberal party of France, 104. His views of French revolution,

106. His views of the French people, 107. His return to U.

S., 107. Appointed Sec'y of State, 108, 176. Visits Franklin,

108. A summary of his public services, 174. Love affair in

Williamsburg, 181, 186, 188, 190. Relative to his residence in

Williamsburg; friends and things there, 184, 193, 194. Loss of

his library and papers by fire, 193. His opinion of Ossian,

196. Member of the association against importing goods from

England, 197. His love of music, 209. His views of Europe, 444.

His salary as minister insufficient, 452.

JUDICIARY--Jefferson's views on, 81. Expediency of introducing

jury trial in chancery courts, 37, 49, 50.

KENTUCKY, STATE OF--Danger of her secession, 518.

LA FAYETTE--Presentation of bust of, by Virginia to City of

Paris, 403, 514. Grant of land to, 533.

LAMBE, MR.--His mission to Algiers, 376, 581. Embarrassments

resulting from his delay, 376, 385. Remanded to America to

give information in reference to his mission, 581. His conduct

equivocal, 605.

LAND--Colonial tenure of, 138.

LANDS, PUBLIC--Best disposition to be made of, 347. Ordinance in

relation to, 407.

LANDS--Purchase of by Congress, 423. Land office, 423, 430. Sale

of, 430.

LAW, INTERNATIONAL--Proposition to introduce new principle in,

62. Free ships free goods, enemy's ships enemy's goods, 62.

LAWS OF VIRGINIA--Revision thereof, 42, 45.

LEDYARD, JOHN--Expedition to explore western part of American

Continent, 68. Defeated by Empress of Russia, 68.

LESLIE, MAJ. GEN.--Letter from to Cornwallis intercepted, 271.

LEXINGTON, BATTLE OF--Account of killed and wounded, 207.

LOANS--European loans to U. S., 210.

LOUIS XVI.--His Character, 88, 101.

LUZERNE, CHEVALIER DE--His appointment as minister to U. S., 350.

MADISON, JAMES--His character and early history, 41.

MAP--Map of Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Maryland, 536.

MARIA ANTOINETTE--Her character, 88, 101.

MASON, GEORGE--His character, 41.

MATHEWS, COL.--Prisoner of war, 231, 232, 233.

MONROE, COL. JAMES--His character, 555. His marriage, 590.

MOROCCO--(See Barbary States).

MUSKETS--Improvement in the manufacture of, 412, 514.

MUSIC--New musical instrument, 504.

NETHERLANDS--Insurrection against Stadtholder, 73. France

promises assistance, 73. Difficulties compromised, 77.

NOTABLES, ASSEMBLY OF--Notables convened, 70. They refuse to vote

supplies, 70. Make reforms in constitution, 71.

NOVA SCOTIA--Relations of with U. S., 488.

OFFICE--Question whether a citizen has right to decline office,

420.

OGLETHORPE, GEN.--His claim to certain lands in Georgia, 499,

500, 501.

OSSIAN--Jefferson's opinions of Ossian's poems, 199.

OTTO, M.--His mission to U. S., 346.

PEACE--Ratification of at Annapolis, 55, 56. Debate thereon, 56,

59.

PENDLETON, EDMUND--His character, 37. Opposed to abolition of

entails, 37. Also to abolition of church establishment in Va.,

39.

PENITENTIARY--Model for Virginia penitentiary, 46. Question as to

solitary confinement, 46, 47.

PENNSYLVANIA--Boundary between and Virginia, 399.

PEYROUSE, M.--His expedition, 454, 602.

PHILLIPS, GEN.--Point of etiquette between him and Jefferson,

308.

PLATINA--Its Uses, 505.

PORTUGAL--Treaty of commerce with defeated, 64. Proposed again,

406, 458, 460, 492, 539, 543, 551.

POST OFFICE--Postal arrangements between France and the U. S,

410. Rascalities of French and English post offices, 442.

POSTS, WESTERN--Refusal of England to surrender them, 450.

PRIMOGENITURE--Its abolition in Va., 43, 39, 138.

PRISONERS OF WAR--The Saratoga prisoners, 202, 268, 276. Case

of Col. Hamilton, 231, 232, 233, 237, 258, 267. Case of Col.

Mathews, 231, 232, 233. Jefferson's attention to Saratoga

prisoners, 278.

PRIZES--Claim against Denmark for prize money, 461, 522. Against

France, 364, 374, 392.

PRUSSIA--Commercial negotiations with, 355, 368, 372, 382, 416,

469. Bad health of King of, 586. His death and the effects of

in Europe, 586.

RELIGION--Bill establishing religious freedom, 45.

REVOLUTION, AMERICAN--Its early stages, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14,

15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20. Association against importing foreign

goods, 197. Outbreak at Boston, 199, 202. Tone of Colonies,

201, 203, 204. Expedition against Canada, 202, 206. Military

movement in Va., 207. Progress of the war, 211. History of,

535. Disasters in South, 241, 249. False accounts of the war

propagated in Europe, 207.

RICHMOND, CITY OF--Removal of government from Williamsburg to,

40.

RIEDESEL, GEN. DE--His imprisonment in Albemarle, 240.

RUSSIA--Relations between Russia, Austria and Turkey, 400.

SCIENCE--Discoveries in, 364, 446, 516. Scientific news of

Europe, 364.

SHORT, MR.--Appointed Jefferson's private Secretary, 407, 411.

SLAVERY--Effort to abolish arrested by royal veto, 3. Views of

different sections of U. S. on, 377.

SLAVES--Their first importation into Va., 38. First law

prohibiting their importation, 38. Bill relative to, 48.

Prospective emancipation proposed, but defeated, 49. King's

veto to bill abolishing, 135.

STEAM--Its application to mills, 543. To navigation, 543.

TERRITORY, NORTH-WESTERN--Right of Va. to controverted, 315.

TIMBER--American ship timber, 488.

TOBACCO--Shipments of to England, 488. Trade in with France, 343,

362, 515, 547, 561, 563, 577, 600.

TREASURY--State of our finances in Europe, 450.

TROOPS--Virginia troops in Continental service, 235. Continental

troops, 235.

TURKEY--Relations between Turkey, Austria and Russia, 400.

UNITED STATES--Imperfections of Articles of Confederation, 78.

They require remodelling, 78. Views of U. S. prevalent in

Europe, 407, 413. Account of public affairs in 1785, 423.

English calumnies against, 427. Bad reputation of in Europe,

513. Extravagance of people of, 550. Summary of news from at

different times, 349.

UNIVERSITIES--Relative merits of Universities of Rome and Geneva,

466.

VERGENNES, CT. DE--Conference with, 576.

VIRGINIA--Abolition of entails, 37, 138. Primogeniture, 39,

43, 138. Church establishment, 38, 39, 174. Revision of her

code, 43, 45, 146. History of by Girardin, 50. The lawyers

of Va., 217. Right of Va. to Western territory controverted,

315. Boundary between Va. and Pennsylvania, 399. Her militia

in Southern army, 266, 249, 250, 256, 285. Her supplies for

Southern army, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249, 250, 251,

252, 253, 254, 256, 260, 262, 263, 273, 274, 285, 288, 302,

304. Model of capitol of Va., 432, 434, 578. Notes of Va., 6,

297, 340, 464, 528, 531, 536. Supplies of arms from France,

570, 600. Invasion of Va., 265, 266, 267, 269, 270, 271, 273,

274, 275, 278, 282, 284, 288, 290, 291, 304, 306.

WASHINGTON, GEORGE--Expression of Mr. Jefferson's esteem for,

326. Statue of by Houdon, 513, 533.

WESTERN COUNTRY--Division of into States, 587.

WILLIAM AND MARY COLLEGE--Character of, 48. Change in its

organization, 50.

WILLIAMSBURG--Removal of government from to Richmond, 40.

WILSON, MR.--His views on Articles of Confederation, 35.

WYTHE, GEORGE--His character, 41. His biography, 111.

YORKTOWN, BATTLE OF--Congratulations of Jefferson to Washington

on that battle, 314.