An honest heart being the first blessing, a knowing head is the second.

It is time for you now to begin to be choice in your reading; to begin

to pursue a regular course in it; and not to suffer yourself to be

turned to the right or left by reading anything out of that course.

I have long ago digested a plan for you, suited to the circumstances

in which you will be placed. This I will detail to you, from time to

time, as you advance. For the present, I advise you to begin a course

of ancient history, reading everything in the original and not in

translations. First read Goldsmith's history of Greece. This will give

you a digested view of that field. Then take up ancient history in the

detail, reading the following books, in the following order: Herodotus,

Thucydides, Xenophontis Anabasis, Arrian, Quintus Curtius, Diodorus

Siculus, Justin. This shall form the first stage of your historical

reading, and is all I need mention to you now. The next will be of

Roman history.[114] From that, we will come down to modern history. In

Greek and Latin poetry, you have read or will read at school, Virgil,

Terence, Horace, Anacreon, Theocritus, Homer, Euripides, Sophocles.

Read also Milton's Paradise Lost, Shakspeare, Ossian, Pope's and

Swift's works, in order to form your style in your own language. In

morality, read Epictetus, Xenophontis Memorabilia, Plato's Socratic

dialogues, Cicero's philosophies, Antoninus, and Seneca. In order to

assure a certain progress in this reading, consider what hours you

have free from the school and the exercises of the school. Give about

two of them, every day, to exercise; for health must not be sacrificed

to learning. A strong body makes the mind strong. As to the species

of exercise, I advise the gun. While this gives a moderate exercise

to the body, it gives boldness, enterprise, and independence to the

mind. Games played with the ball, and others of that nature, are too

violent for the body, and stamp no character on the mind. Let your

gun, therefore, be the constant companion of your walks. Never think

of taking a book with you. The object of walking is to relax the mind.

You should therefore not permit yourself even to think while you walk;

but divert yourself by the objects surrounding you. Walking is the best

possible exercise. Habituate yourself to walk very far. The Europeans

value themselves on having subdued the horse to the uses of man; but

I doubt whether we have not lost more than we have gained, by the use

of this animal. No one has occasioned so much the degeneracy of the

human body. An Indian goes on foot nearly as far in a day, for a long

journey, as an enfeebled white does on his horse; and he will tire

the best horses. There is no habit you will value so much as that of

walking far without fatigue. I would advise you to take your exercise

in the afternoon: not because it is the best time for exercise, for

certainly it is not; but because it is the best time to spare from

your studies; and habit will soon reconcile it to health, and render

it nearly as useful as if you gave to that the more precious hours of

the day. A little walk of half an hour, in the morning, when you first

rise, is advisable also. It shakes off sleep, and produces other good

effects in the animal economy. Rise at a fixed and an early hour, and

go to bed at a fixed and early hour also. Sitting up late at night is

injurious to the health, and not useful to the mind. Having ascribed

proper hours to exercise, divide what remain (I mean of your vacant

hours) into three portions. Give the principal to History, the other

two, which should be shorter, to Philosophy and Poetry. Write to me

once every month or two, and let me know the progress you make. Tell

me in what manner you employ every hour in the day. The plan I have

proposed for you is adapted to your present situation only. When that

is changed, I shall propose a corresponding change of plan. I have

ordered the following books to be sent to you from London, to the

care of Mr. Madison: Herodotus, Thucydides, Xenophon's Hellenics,

Anabasis and Memorabilia, Cicero's works, Baretti's Spanish and English

Dictionary, Martin's Philosophical Grammar, and Martin's Philosophia

Britannica. I will send you the following from hence: Bezout's

Mathematics, De la Lande's Astronomy, Muschenbrock's Physics, Quintus

Curtius, Justin, a Spanish Grammar, and some Spanish books. You will

observe that Martin, Bezout, De la Lande, and Muschenbrock, are not

in the preceding plan. They are not to be opened till you go to the

University. You are now, I expect, learning French. You must push this;

because the books which will be put into your hands when you advance

into Mathematics, Natural philosophy, Natural history, &c., will be

mostly French, these sciences being better treated by the French than

the English writers. Our future connection with Spain renders that

the most necessary of the modern languages, after the French. When you

become a public man, you may have occasion for it, and the circumstance

of your possessing that language, may give you a preference over other

candidates. I have nothing further to add for the present, but husband

well your time, cherish your instructors, strive to make everybody your

friend; and be assured that nothing will be so pleasing as your success

to, Dear Peter,

Yours affectionately.

TO JOHN PAGE.

PARIS, August 20, 1785.

DEAR PAGE,--I received your friendly letter of April the 28th, by Mr.

Mazzei, on the 22d of July. That of the month before, by Monsieur

le Croix, has not come to hand. This correspondence is grateful to

some of my warmest feelings, as the friendships of my youth are those

which adhere closest to me, and in which I most confide. My principal

happiness is now in the retrospect of life.

I thank you for your notes of your operations on the Pennsylvania

boundary. I am in hopes that from yourself, Madison, Rittenhouse or

Hutchings, I shall receive a chart of the line as actually run. It

will be a great present to me. I think Hutchings promised to send it

to me. I have been much pleased to hear you had it in contemplation,

to endeavor to establish Rittenhouse in our College. This would be an

immense acquisition, and would draw youth to it from every part of the

continent. You will do much more honor to our society, on reviving it,

by placing him at its head, than so useless a member as I should be. I

have been so long diverted from this my favorite line, and that, too,

without acquiring an attachment to my adopted one, that I am become

a mongrel, of no decided order, unowned by any, and incapable of

serving any. I should feel myself out of my true place too, to stand

before McLurg. But why withdraw yourself? You have more zeal, more

application, and more constant attention to the subjects proper to the

society, and can therefore, serve them best.

The affair of the Emperor and Dutch is settled, though not signed.

The particulars have not yet transpired. That of the Bavarian exchange

is dropped, and his views on Venice defeated. The alliance of Russia

with Venice, to prevent his designs in that quarter, and that of the

Hanoverian Elector with the King of Prussia and other members of the

Germanic body, to prevent his acquisition of Bavaria, leave him in

a solitary situation. In truth, he has lost much reputation by his

late manœuvres. He is a restless, ambitious character, aiming

at everything, persevering in nothing, taking up designs without

calculating the force which will be opposed to him, and dropping

them on the appearance of firm opposition. He has some just views,

and much activity. The only quarter in which the peace of Europe

seems at present capable of being disturbed, is on that of the

Porte. It is believed that the Emperor and Empress have schemes in

contemplation, for driving the Turks out of Europe. Were this with

a view to re-establish the native Greeks in the sovereignty of their

own country, I could wish them success, and to see driven from that

delightful country a set of barbarians, with whom an opposition to all

science is an article of religion. The modern Greek is not yet so far

departed from its ancient model, but that we might still hope to see

the language of Homer and Demosthenes flow with purity, from the lips

of a free and ingenious people. But these powers have in object to

divide the country between themselves. This is only to substitute one

set of barbarians for another, breaking, at the same time, the balance

among the European powers. You have been told, with truth, that the

Emperor of Morocco has shown a disposition to enter into treaty with

us; but not truly, that Congress has not attended to his advances, and

thereby disgusted him. It is long since they took measures to meet his

advances. But some unlucky incidents have delayed their effect. His

dispositions continue good. As a proof of this, he has lately released

freely, and clothed well, the crew of an American brig he took last

winter; the only vessel ever taken from us by any of the States of

Barbary. But what is the English of these good dispositions? Plainly

this; he is ready to receive us into the number of his tributaries.

What will be the amount of tribute, remains yet to be known, but it

probably will not be as small as you may have conjectured. It will

surely be more than a free people ought to pay to a power owning only

four or five frigates, under twenty-two guns: he has not a port into

which a larger vessel can enter. The Algerines possess fifteen or

twenty frigates, from that size up to fifty guns. Disinclination on

their part, has lately broken off a treaty between Spain and them,

whereon they were to have received a million of dollars, besides great

presents in naval stores. What sum they intend we shall pay, I cannot

say. Then follow Tunis and Tripoli. You will probably find the tribute

to all these powers make such a proportion of the federal taxes, as

that every man will feel them sensibly, when he pays those taxes.

The question is, whether their peace or war will be cheapest? But it

is a question which should be addressed to our honor, as well as our

avarice. Nor does it respect us as to these pirates only, but as to the

nations of Europe. If we wish our commerce to be free and uninsulted,

we must let these nations see, that we have an energy which at present

they disbelieve. The low opinion they entertain of our powers, cannot

fail to involve us soon, in a naval war.

I shall send you with this, if I can, and if not, then by the first

good conveyance, the Connoissance de tems for the years 1786 and 1787,

being all as yet published. You will find in these the tables for the

planet Herschel, as far as the observations hitherto made, admit them

to be calculated. You will see, also, that Herschel was only the first

astronomer who discovered it to be a planet, and not the first who saw

it. Mayer saw it in the year 1756, and placed it in the catalogue of

his zodiacal stars, supposing it to be such. A Prussian astronomer,

in the year 1781, observed that the 964th star of Mayer's catalogue

was missing; and the calculations now prove that at the time Mayer

saw his 964th star, the planet Herschel should have been precisely in

the place where he noted that star. I shall send you also a little

publication here, called the Bibliothéque Physico-œconomique. It

will communicate all the improvements and new discoveries in the arts

and sciences, made in Europe for some years past. I shall be happy to

hear from you often. Details, political and literary, and even of the

small history of our country, are the most pleasing communications

possible. Present me affectionately to Mrs. Page, and to your family,

in the members of which, though unknown to me, I feel an interest on

account of their parents. Believe me to be with warm esteem, dear Page,

your sincere friend and servant.

TO THE GOVERNOR OF VIRGINIA.

PARIS, August 22, 1785.

SIR,--I was honored yesterday with your Excellency's letter of June

the 16th, enclosing the resolution of Assembly relative to the bust of

the M. de La Fayette. I shall render cheerfully any services I can in

aid of Mr. Barclay for carrying this resolution into effect. The M.

de La Fayette being to pass into Germany and Prussia, it was thought

proper to take the model of his bust in plaister before his departure.

Monsieur Houdon was engaged to do it, and did it accordingly. So far

Mr. Barclay had thought himself authorized to go in consequence of

orders formerly received. You will be so good as to instruct me as

to the moneys hereafter to be remitted to me, whether I am to apply

them solely to the statue of General Washington, or to that, and the

Marquis's bust in common, as shall be necessary. Supposing you wish to

know the application of the money's remitted from time to time, I state

hereon an account thereof so far as I am able at present. Before your

receipt of this letter I am in hopes mine of July 11th, by Monsieur

Houdon, will have come to your hands; in that I enclosed you a copy of

the contract with him.

I have the honor to be, with due respect, your Excellency's most

obedient, and most humble servant,

TH: JEFFERSON.

TO JOHN JAY.

(Private.) PARIS, August 23, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--I shall sometimes ask your permission to write you letters,

not official, but private. The present is of this kind, and is

occasioned by the question proposed in yours of June the 14th; "whether

it would be useful to us, to carry all our own productions, or none?"

Were we perfectly free to decide this question, I should reason as

follows. We have now lands enough to employ an infinite number of

people in their cultivation. Cultivators of the earth are the most

valuable citizens. They are the most vigorous, the most independent,

the most virtuous, and they are tied to their country, and wedded

to its liberty and interests, by the most lasting bonds. As long,

therefore, as they can find employment in this line, I would not

convert them into mariners, artisans, or anything else. But our

citizens will find employment in this line, till their numbers, and

of course their productions, become too great for the demand, both

internal and foreign. This is not the case as yet, and probably will

not be for a considerable time. As soon as it is, the surplus of hands

must be turned to something else. I should then, perhaps, wish to turn

them to the sea in preference to manufactures; because, comparing the

characters of the two classes, I find the former the most valuable

citizens. I consider the class of artificers as the panders of vice,

and the instruments by which the liberties of a country are generally

overturned. However, we are not free to decide this question on

principles of theory only. Our people are decided in the opinion, that

it is necessary for us to take a share in the occupation of the ocean,

and their established habits induce them to require that the sea be

kept open to them, and that that line of policy be pursued, which will

render the use of that element to them as great as possible. I think

it a duty in those entrusted with the administration of their affairs,

to conform themselves to the decided choice of their constituents; and

that therefore, we should, in every instance, preserve an equality of

right to them in the transportation of commodities, in the right of

fishing, and in the other uses of the sea.

But what will be the consequence? Frequent wars without a doubt.

Their property will be violated on the sea, and in foreign ports,

their persons will be insulted, imprisoned, &c., for pretended debts,

contracts, crimes, contraband, &c., &c. These insults must be resented,

even if we had no feelings, yet to prevent their eternal repetition;

or, in other words, our commerce on the ocean and in other countries,

must be paid for by frequent war. The justest dispositions possible in

ourselves, will not secure us against it. It would be necessary that

all other nations were just also. Justice indeed, on our part, will

save us from those wars which would have been produced by a contrary

disposition. But how can we prevent those produced by the wrongs of

other nations? By putting ourselves in a condition to punish them.

Weakness provokes insult and injury, while a condition to punish, often

prevents them. This reasoning leads to the necessity of some naval

force; that being the only weapon by which we can reach an enemy. I

think it to our interest to punish the first insult; because an insult

unpunished is the parent of many others. We are not, at this moment,

in a condition to do it, but we should put ourselves into it, as soon

as possible. If a war with England should take place, it seems to me

that the first thing necessary would be a resolution to abandon the

carrying trade, because we cannot protect it. Foreign nations must,

in that case, be invited to bring us what we want, and to take our

productions in their own bottoms. This alone could prevent the loss

of those productions to us, and the acquisition of them to our enemy.

Our seamen might be employed in depredations on their trade. But how

dreadfully we shall suffer on our coasts, if we have no force on the

water, former experience has taught us. Indeed, I look forward with

horror to the very possible case of war with an European power, and

think there is no protection against them, but from the possession of

some force on the sea. Our vicinity to their West India possessions,

and to the fisheries, is a bridle which a small naval force, on our

part, would hold in the mouths of the most powerful of these countries.

I hope our land office will rid us of our debts, and that our first

attention then, will be, to the beginning a naval force of some sort.

This alone can countenance our people as carriers on the water, and I

suppose them to be determined to continue such.

I wrote you two public letters on the 14th instant, since which I have

received yours of July the 13th. I shall always be pleased to receive

from you, in a private way, such communications as you might not choose

to put into a public letter.

I have the honor to be, with very sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most

obedient humble servant.

TO COLONEL MONROE.

PARIS. August 28, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you on the 5th of July, by Mr. Franklin and on the

12th of the same month, by Monsieur Houdon. Since that date, yours of

June the 16th, by Mazzei, has been received. Everything looks like

peace here. The settlement between the Emperor and the Dutch is not

yet published, but it is believed to be agreed on. Nothing is done, as

yet, between him and the Porte. He is much wounded by the confederation

of several of the Germanic body, at the head of which is the King

of Prussia, and to which the King of England, as Elector of Hanover,

is believed to accede. The object is to preserve the constitution of

that empire. It shows that these princes entertain serious jealousies

of the ambition of the Emperor, and this will very much endanger

the election of his nephew as King of the Romans. A late _Arret_ of

this court against the admission of British manufactures produces

a great sensation in England. I wish it may produce a disposition

there to receive our commerce in all their dominions, on advantageous

terms. This is the only balm which can heal the wounds that it has

received. It is but too true, that that country furnished markets for

three-fourths of the exports of the eight northern-most States. A truth

not proper to be spoken of, but which should influence our proceedings

with them.

The July French packet having arrived without bringing any news of Mr.

Lambe, if the English one of the same month be also arrived, without

news of him, I expect Mr. Adams will concur with me in sending some

other person to treat with the Barbary States. Mr. Barclay is willing

to go, and I have proposed him to Mr. Adams, but have not yet received

his answer. The peace expected between Spain and Algiers, will probably

not take place. It is said, the former was to have given a million of

dollars. Would it not be prudent to send a minister to Portugal? Our

commerce with that country is very important; perhaps more so than

with any other country in Europe. It is possible, too, that they might

permit our whaling vessels to refresh in Brazil, or give some other

indulgences in America. The lethargic character of their ambassador

here gives a very unhopeful aspect to a treaty on this ground. I lately

spoke with him on the subject, and he has promised to interest himself

in obtaining an answer from his court.

I have waited to see what was the pleasure of Congress, as to the

secretaryship of my office here; that is, to see whether they proposed

to appoint a secretary of legation, or leave me to appoint a private

secretary. Colonel Humphreys' occupation in the despatches and records

of the matters which relate to the general commissions, does not afford

him leisure to aid me in my office, were I entitled to ask that aid. In

the meantime, the long papers, which often accompany the communications

between the ministers here, and myself, and the other business of the

office, absolutely require a scribe. I shall, therefore, on Mr. Short's

return from the Hague, appoint him my private secretary, till Congress

shall think proper to signify their pleasure. The salary allowed Mr.

Franklin in the same office, was one thousand dollars a year. I shall

presume that Mr. Short may draw the same allowance from the funds of

the United States here. As soon as I shall have made this appointment,

I shall give official notice of it to Mr. Jay, that Congress may, if

they disapprove it, say so.

I am much pleased with your land ordinance, and think it improved from

the first, in the most material circumstances. I had mistaken the

object of the division of the lands among the States. I am sanguine

in my expectations of lessening our debts by this fund, and have

expressed my expectations to the minister and others here. I see by the

public papers, you have adopted the dollar as your money unit. In the

arrangement of coins I proposed, I ought to have inserted a gold coin

of five dollars, which, being within two shillings of the value of a

guinea, would be very convenient.

The English papers are so incessantly repeating their lies about the

tumults, the anarchy, the bankruptcies and distresses of America,

that these ideas prevail very generally in Europe. At a large table

where I dined the other day, a gentleman from Switzerland expressed

his apprehensions for the fate of Dr. Franklin, as he said he had

been informed, that he would be received with stones by the people,

who were generally dissatisfied with the Revolution, and incensed

against all those who had assisted in bringing it about. I told him his

apprehensions were just, and that the people of America would probably

salute Dr. Franklin with the same stones they had thrown at the Marquis

Fayette. The reception of the Doctor is an object of very general

attention, and will weigh in Europe, as an evidence of the satisfaction

or dissatisfaction of America, with their Revolution. As you are to

be in Williamsburg early in November, this is the last letter I shall

write you till about that time.

I am, with very sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

PARIS, August 30, 1785.

SIR,--I had the honor of writing to you on the 14th instant, by a Mr.

Cannon of Connecticut, who was to sail in the packet. Since that date,

yours of July 13th has come to hand. The times for the sailing of the

packets being somewhat deranged, I avail myself of a conveyance for

the present, by the Mr. Fitzhughs of Virginia, who expect to land at

Philadelphia.

I enclose you a correspondence which has taken place between the

Marechal de Castries, minister of the Marine, and myself. It is on

the subject of the prize money due to the officers and crew of the

Alliance, for prizes taken in Europe, under the command of Captain

Jones. That officer has been here, under the direction of Congress,

near two years, soliciting the liquidation and payment of that money.

Infinite delays had retarded the liquidation till the month of June. It

was expected, when the liquidation was announced to be completed, that

the money was to be received. The M. de Castries doubted the authority

of Captain Jones to receive it, and wrote to me for information. I

wrote him the letter dated July the 10th, which seemed to clear away

that difficulty. Another arose. A Mr. Puchilberg presented powers to

receive the money. I wrote, then, the letter of August the 3d, and

received that of the M. de Castries, of August the 12th, acknowledging

he was satisfied as to this difficulty, but announcing another; to

wit, that possibly some French subjects might have been on board the

Alliance, and, therefore, that Captain Jones ought to give security

for the repayment of their portions. Captain Jones had before told

me there was not a Frenchman on board that vessel, but the Captain. I

inquired of Mr. Barclay. He told me he was satisfied there was not one.

Here then, was a mere possibility, a shadow of a right, opposed to a

certain, to a substantial one which existed in the mass of the crew,

and which was likely to be delayed; for it was not to be expected that

Captain Jones could, in a strange country, find the security required.

These difficulties I suppose to have been conjured up, one after

another, by Mr. Puchilberg, who wanted to get hold of the money. I saw

but one way to cut short these everlasting delays, which were ruining

the officer soliciting the payment of the money, and keeping our

seamen out of what they had hardly fought for, years ago. This was, to

undertake to ask an order from Congress, for the payment of any French

claimants by their banker in Paris; and, in the meantime, to undertake

to order such payment, should any such claimant prove his title, before

the pleasure of Congress should be made known to me. I consulted with

Mr. Barclay, who seemed satisfied I might venture this undertaking,

because no such claim could be presented. I therefore wrote the letter

of August the 17th, and received that of August the 26th, finally

closing this tedious business. Should what I have done not meet the

approbation of Congress, I would pray their immediate sense, because it

is not probable that the whole of this money will be paid so hastily,

but that their orders may arrive in time, to stop a sufficiency for

any French claimants who may possibly exist. The following paragraph

of a letter from Captain Jones, dated L'Orient, August the 25th, 1785,

further satisfies me that my undertaking amounted to nothing in fact.

He says, "it is impossible that any legal demands should be made on you

for French subjects, in consequence of your engagement to the Marechal.

The Alliance was manned in America, and I never heard of any persons

having served on board that frigate, who had been born in France,

except the captain, who, as I was informed, had, in America, abjured

the church of Rome, and been naturalized." Should Congress approve

what I have done, I will then ask their resolution for the payment, by

their banker here, of any such claims as may be properly authenticated,

and will moreover pray of you an authentic roll of the crew of the

Alliance, with the sums to be allowed to each person; on the subject

of which roll, Captain Jones, in the letter above mentioned, says, "I

carried a set of the rolls with me to America, and, before I embarked

in the French fleet at Boston, I put them into the hands of Mr.

Secretary Livingston, and they were sealed up among the papers of his

office when I left America." I think it possible that Mr. Puchilberg

may excite claims. Should any name be offered which shall not be

found on the roll, it will be a sufficient disproof of the pretension.

Should it be found on the roll, it will remain to prove the identity of

person, and to inquire if payment may not have been made in America.

I conjecture, from the journals of Congress of June 2d, that Landais,

who, I believe, was the captain, may be in America. As his portion of

the prize may be considerable, I hope it will be settled in America,

where only it can be known whether any advances have been made him.

The person at the head of the post office here says, he proposed

to Dr. Franklin a convention to facilitate the passage of letters

through their office and ours, and that he delivered a draught of

the convention proposed, that it might be sent to Congress. I think

it possible he may be mistaken in this, as, on my mentioning it to

Dr. Franklin, he did not recollect any such draught having been put

into his hands. An answer, however, is expected by them. I mention

it, that Congress may decide whether they will make any convention on

the subject, and on what principle. The one proposed here was, that,

for letters passing hence into America, the French postage should

be collected by our post officers, and paid every six months, and

for letters coming from America here, the American postage should be

collected by the post officers here, and paid to us in like manner.

A second plan, however, presents itself; that is, to suppose the sums

to be thus collected, on each side, will be equal, or so nearly equal,

that the balance will not pay for the trouble of keeping accounts, and

for the little bickerings that the settlement of accounts, and demands

of the balances, may occasion; and therefore, to make an exchange of

postage. This would better secure our harmony; but I do not know that

it would be agreed to here. If not, the other might then be agreed to.

I have waited hitherto, supposing that Congress might, possibly,

appoint a secretary to the legation here, or signify their pleasure

that I should appoint a private secretary, to aid me in my office.

The communication between the ministers and myself, requiring often

that many and long papers should be copied, and that, in a shorter

time than could be done by myself, were I otherwise unoccupied,

other correspondences and proceedings, of all which copies must be

retained, and still more the necessity of having some confidential

person, who, in case of any accident to myself, might be authorized

to take possession of the instructions, letters, and other papers of

the office, have rendered it absolutely necessary for me to appoint

a private secretary. Colonel Humphreys finds full occupation, and

often more than he can do, in writing and recording the despatches and

proceedings of the general commissions. I shall, therefore, appoint Mr.

Short, on his return from the Hague, with an express condition, that

the appointment shall cease whenever Congress shall think proper to

make any other arrangement. He will, of course, expect the allowance

heretofore made to the private secretaries of the ministers, which, I

believe, has been a thousand dollars a year.

An improvement is made here in the construction of muskets, which it

may be interesting to Congress to know, should they at any time propose

to procure any. It consists in the making every part of them so exactly

alike, that what belongs to any one, may be used for every other musket

in the magazine. The government here has examined and approved the

method, and is establishing a large manufactory for the purpose of

putting it into execution. As yet, the inventor has only completed the

lock of the musket, on this plan. He will proceed immediately to have

the barrel, stock, and other parts, executed in the same way. Supposing

it might be useful in the United States, I went to the workman. He

presented me the parts of fifty locks taken to pieces, and arranged in

compartments. I put several together myself, taking pieces at hazard

as they came to hand, and they fitted in the most perfect manner. The

advantages of this, when arms need repair, are evident. He effects it

by tools of his own contrivance, which, at the same time, abridge the

work, so that he thinks he shall be able to furnish the musket two

livres cheaper than the common price. But it will be two or three years

before he will be able to furnish any quantity. I mention it now, as

it may have an influence on the plan for furnishing our magazines with

this arm.

Everything in Europe remains as when I wrote you last. The peace

between Spain and Algiers has the appearance of being broken off. The

French packet having arrived without Mr. Lambe, or any news of him, I

await Mr. Adams's acceding to the proposition mentioned in my last. I

send you the gazettes of Leyden and France to this date, and have the

honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, Sir,

Your most obedient humble servant.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PARIS, September 1, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--My last to you by Monsieur de Doradour was dated May the

11th. Since that, I have received yours of January the 22d, with six

copies of the revisal, and that of April the 27th, by Mr. Mazzei.

All is quiet here. The Emperor and Dutch have certainly agreed, though

they have not published their agreement. Most of his schemes in Germany

must be postponed, if they are not prevented by the confederacy of many

of the Germanic body, at the head of which is the King of Prussia, and

to which the Elector of Hanover is supposed to have acceded. The object

of the league is to preserve the members of the empire in their present

state. I doubt whether the jealousy entertained of this prince, and

which is so fully evidenced by this league, may not defeat the election

of his nephew to be King of the Romans, and thus produce an instance

of breaking the lineal succession. Nothing is as yet done between him

and the Turks. If anything is produced in that quarter, it will not

be for this year. The court of Madrid has obtained the delivery of the

crew of the brig Betsey, taken by the Emperor of Morocco. The Emperor

had treated them kindly, new clothed them, and delivered them to the

Spanish minister, who sent them to Cadiz. This is the only American

vessel ever taken by the Barbary States. The Emperor continues to

give proofs of his desire to be in friendship with us, or, in other

words, of receiving us into the number of his tributaries. Nothing

further need be feared from him. I wish the Algerines may be as easily

dealt with. I fancy the peace expected between them and Spain is not

likely to take place. I am well informed that the late proceedings in

America, have produced a wonderful sensation in England in our favor.

I mean the disposition which seems to be becoming general, to invest

Congress with the regulation of our commerce, and, in the meantime,

the measures taken to defeat the avidity of the British government

grasping at our carrying business. I can add with truth, that it was

not till these symptoms appeared in America that I have been able to

discover the smallest token of respect towards the United States in any

part of Europe. There was an enthusiasm towards us all over Europe at

the moment of the peace. The torrent of lies published unremittingly

in every day's London paper first made an impression and produced a

coolness. The republication of these lies in most of the papers of

Europe, (done probably by authority of the governments to discourage

emigrations,) carried them home to the belief of every mind. They

supposed everything in America was anarchy, tumult, and civil war. The

reception of the Marquis Fayette gave a check to these ideas. The late

proceedings seem to be producing a decisive vibration in our favor.

I think it possible that England may ply before them. It is a nation

which nothing but views of interest can govern. If they produce us good

there, they will here also. The defeat of the Irish propositions is

also in our favor.

I have at length made up the purchase of books for you as far as it

can be done at present. The objects which I have not yet been able

to get I shall continue to seek for. Those purchased are packed this

morning in two trunks, and you have the catalogue and prices herein

enclosed. The future charges of transportation shall be carried into

the next bill. The amount of the present is 1154 livres 13 sous, which,

reckoning the French crown of six livres at six shillings and eight

pence Virginia money, is £64, 3_s._, which sum you will be so good as

to keep in your hands, to be used occasionally in the education of my

nephews when the regular resources disappoint you. To the same use I

would pray you to apply twenty-five guineas which I have lent the two

Mr. Fitzhughs of Marmion, and which I have desired them to repay into

your hands. You will of course deduct the price of the revisals, and

of any other articles you may have been so kind as to pay for me. Greek

and Roman authors are dearer here than I believe anywhere in the world.

Nobody here reads them, wherefore they are not reprinted. Don Ulloa,

in the original, is not to be found. The collection of tracts on the

economies of different nations we cannot find, nor Amelot's travels

into China. I shall send these two trunks of books to Havre, there to

wait a conveyance to America; for as to the fixing the packets there,

it is as uncertain as ever. The other articles you mention shall be

procured as far as they can be. Knowing that some of them would be

better got in London, I commissioned Mr. Short, who was going there,

to get them. He has not yet returned. They will be of such a nature as

that I can get some gentleman who may be going to America to take them

in his portmanteau. Le Maire being now able to stand on his legs, there

will be no necessity for your advancing him the money I desired, if it

is not already done. I am anxious to hear from you on the subject of

my Notes on Virginia. I have been obliged to give so many of them here

that I fear their getting published. I have received an application

from the Directors of the public buildings, to procure them a plan for

their capitol. I shall send them one taken from the best morsel of

ancient architecture now remaining. It has obtained the approbation

of fifteen or sixteen centuries, and is therefore preferable to any

design which might be newly contrived. It will give more room, be more

convenient, and cost less, than the plan they sent me. Pray encourage

them to wait for it, and to execute it. It will be superior in beauty

to anything in America, and not inferior to anything in the world. It

is very simple. Have you a copying press? If you have not, you should

get one. Mine (exclusive of paper, which costs a guinea a ream) has

cost me about fourteen guineas. I would give ten times that sum to have

had it from the date of the stamp act. I hope you will be so good as to

continue your communications, both of the great and small kind, which

are equally useful to me. Be assured of the sincerity with which I am,

dear Sir,

Your friend and servant.

TO MESSRS. DUMAS AND SHORT.

_Paris_, September 1, 1785.

_Gentlemen_,--I have been duly honored with the receipt of your

separate letters of August 23d, and should sooner have returned an

answer; but that as you had written also to Mr. Adams, I thought it

possible I might receive his sentiments on the subject in time for the

post. Not thinking it proper to lose the occasion of the post, I have

concluded to communicate to you my separate sentiments, which you will

of course pay attention to only so far as they may concur with what you

shall receive from Mr. Adams.

On a review of our letters to the Baron de Thulemeyer, I do not find

that we had proposed that the treaty should be in two columns, the

one English, and the other what he should think proper. We certainly

intended to have proposed it. We had agreed together that it should be

an article of system with us, and the omission of it in this instance

has been accidental. My own opinion, therefore, is, that to avoid

the appearance of urging new propositions when everything appeared

to be arranged, we should agree to consider the French column as the

original, if the Baron de Thulemeyer thinks himself bound to insist on

it; but, if the practice of his court will admit of the execution in

the two languages, each to be considered as equally original, it would

be very pleasing to me, as it will accommodate it to our views, relieve

us from the embarrassment of this precedent, which may be urged against

us on other occasions, and be more agreeable to our country, where

the French language is spoken by very few. This method will also be

attended with the advantage, that if any expression in any part of the

treaty is equivocal in the one language, its true sense will be known

by the corresponding passage in the other.

The errors of the copyist in the French column you will correct of

course.

I have the honor to be, with very high esteem, Gentlemen, your most

obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

PARIS, September 4, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--On receipt of your favors of August the 18th and 23d, I

conferred with Mr. Barclay on the measures necessary to be taken,

to set our treaty with the piratical States into motion, through his

agency. Supposing that we should begin with the Emperor of Morocco,

a letter to the Emperor and instructions to Mr. Barclay, seemed

necessary. I have therefore sketched such outlines for these, as

appear to me to be proper. You will be so good as to detract, add to,

or alter them as you please, to return such as you approve under your

signature, to which I will add mine. A person understanding English,

French, and Italian, and at the same time meriting confidence, was

not to be met with here. Colonel Franks, understanding the two first

languages perfectly, and a little Spanish instead of Italian, occurred

to Mr. Barclay as the fittest person he could employ for a secretary.

We think his allowance (exclusive of his travelling expenses and

his board, which will be paid by Mr. Barclay in common with his own)

should be between one hundred, and one hundred and fifty guineas a

year. Fix it where you please, between these limits. What is said in

the instructions to Mr. Barclay as to his own allowance, was proposed

by himself. My idea as to the partition of the whole sum to which

we are limited (eighty thousand dollars), was, that one half of it

should be kept in reserve for the Algerines. They certainly possess

more than half of the whole power of the piratical States. I thought

then, that Morocco might claim the half of the remainder, that is to

say, one-fourth of the whole. For this reason, in the instructions,

I propose twenty thousand dollars as the limit of the expenses of

the Morocco treaty. Be so good as to think of it, and make it what

you please. I should be more disposed to enlarge than abridge it, on

account of their neighborhood to our Atlantic trade. I did not think

that these papers should be trusted through the post office, and,

therefore, as Colonel Franks is engaged in the business, he comes

with them. Passing by the diligence, the whole expense will not exceed

twelve or fourteen guineas. I suppose we are bound to avail ourselves

of the co-operation of France. I will join you, therefore, in any

letter you think proper to write to the Count de Vergennes. Would

you think it expedient to write to Mr. Carmichael, to interest the

interposition of the Spanish court? I will join you in anything of this

kind you will originate. In short, be so good as to supply whatever you

may think necessary. With respect to the money, Mr. Jay's information

to you was, that it was to be drawn from Holland. It will rest,

therefore, with you, to avail Mr. Barclay of that fund, either by your

draft, or by a letter of credit to the bankers in his favor, to the

necessary amount. I imagine the Dutch consul at Morocco may be rendered

an useful character, in the remittances of money to Mr. Barclay while

at Morocco.

You were apprised, by a letter from Mr. Short, of the delay which had

arisen in the execution of the treaty with Prussia. I wrote a separate

letter, of which I enclose you a copy, hoping it would meet one from

you, and set them again into motion.

I have the honor to be, with the highest respect, dear Sir, your most

obedient, and most humble servant.

* * * * *

[The following are the sketches of the letter to the Emperor of

Morocco, and of the instructions to Mr. Barclay, referred to in the

preceding letter.]

HEADS FOR A LETTER TO THE EMPEROR OF MOROCCO.

That the United States of America, heretofore connected in government

with Great Britain, had found it necessary for their happiness to

separate from her, and to assume an independent station.

That, consisting of a number of separate States, they had confederated

together, and placed the sovereignty of the whole, in matters relating

to foreign nations, in a body consisting of delegates from every State,

and called the Congress of the United States.

That Great Britain had solemnly confirmed their separation, and

acknowledged their independence.

That after the conclusion of the peace, which terminated the war

in which they had been engaged for the establishment of their

independence, the first attentions of Congress were necessarily

engrossed by the re-establishment of order and regular government.

That they had, as soon as possible, turned their attention to foreign

nations, and, desirous of entering into amity and commerce with them,

had been pleased to appoint us with Dr. Benjamin Franklin, to execute

such treaties for this purpose, as should be agreed on by such nations,

with us, or any two of us.

That Dr. Franklin having found it necessary to return to America, the

execution of these several commissions had devolved on us.

That being placed as Ministers Plenipotentiary for the United States

at the courts of England and France; this circumstance, with the

commissions with which we are charged for entering into treaties with

various other nations, puts it out of our power to attend at the other

courts in person, and obliges us to negotiate by the intervention of

confidential persons.

That, respecting the friendly dispositions shown by his Majesty, the

Emperor of Morocco, towards the United States, and indulging the desire

of forming a connection with a sovereign so renowned for his power, his

wisdom, and his justice, we had embraced the first moment possible, of

assuring him of these, the sentiments of our country and of ourselves,

and of expressing to him our wishes to enter into a connection of

friendship and commerce with him.

That for this purpose, we had commissioned the bearer hereof, Thomas

Barclay, a person in the highest confidence of the Congress of the

United States, and as such, having been several years, and still being

their consul general with our great and good friend and ally, the King

of France, to arrange with his Majesty the Emperor those conditions

which it might be advantageous for both nations to adopt, for the

regulation of their commerce, and their mutual conduct towards each

other.

That we deliver to him a copy of the full powers with which we are

invested, to conclude a treaty with his Majesty, which copy he is

instructed to present to his Majesty.

That though by these, we are not authorized to delegate to him the

power of ultimately signing the treaty, yet such is our reliance on his

wisdom, his integrity, and his attention to the instructions with which

he is charged, that we assure his Majesty, the conditions which he

shall arrange and send to us, shall be returned with our signature, in

order to receive that of the person whom his Majesty shall commission

for the same purpose.

HEADS OF INSTRUCTIONS TO MR. BARCLAY.

Congress having been pleased to invest us with full powers for entering

into a treaty of amity and alliance with the Emperor of Morocco,

and it being impracticable for us to attend his court in person, and

equally impracticable, on account of our separate stations, to receive

a minister from him, we have concluded to effect our object by the

intervention of a confidential person. We concur in wishing to avail

the United States of your talents in the execution of this business,

and therefore furnish you with a letter to the Emperor of Morocco, to

give due credit to your transactions with him.

We advise you to proceed by the way of Madrid, where you will have

opportunities of deriving many lights from Mr. Carmichael, through whom

many communications with the court of Morocco have already passed.

From thence, you will proceed, by such route as you shall think best,

to the court of the Emperor.

You will present to him our letter, with the copy of our full powers,

with which you are furnished, at such time or times, and in such

manner, as you shall find best.

You will proceed to negotiate, with his minister, the terms of a treaty

of amity and commerce, as nearly conformed as possible to the draught

we give you. Where alterations, which, in your opinion, shall not be of

great importance, shall be urged by the other party, you are at liberty

to agree to them. Where they shall be of great importance, and such

as you think should be rejected, you will reject them; but where they

are of great importance, and you think they may be accepted, you will

ask time to take our advice, and will advise with us accordingly, by

letter or by courier, as you shall think best. When the articles shall

all be agreed, you will send them to us by some proper person, for our

signature.

The whole expense of this treaty, including as well the expenses of

all persons employed about it, as the presents to the Emperor and

his servants must not exceed twenty thousand dollars; and we urge you

to use your best endeavors to bring it as much below that sum as you

possibly can. As custom may have rendered some presents necessary in

the beginning or progress of this business, and before it is concluded,

or even in a way to be concluded, we authorize you to conform to the

custom, confiding in your discretion to hazard as little as possible,

before a certainty of the event. We trust to you also to procure the

best information, as to what persons, and in what form, these presents

should be made, and to make them accordingly.

The difference between the customs of that and other courts, the

difficulty of obtaining a knowledge of those customs, but on the spot,

and our great confidence in your discretion, induce us to leave to

that all other circumstances relative to the object of your mission.

It will be necessary for you to take a secretary, well skilled in

the French language, to aid you in your business, and to take charge

of your papers in case of any accident to yourself. We think you may

allow him ---- guineas a year, besides his expenses for travelling and

subsistence. We engage to furnish your own expenses, according to the

respectability of the character with which you are invested; but, as

to the allowance for your trouble, we wish to leave it to Congress. We

annex hereto sundry heads of inquiry which we wish you to make, and to

give us thereon the best information you shall be able to obtain. We

desire you to correspond with us by every opportunity which you think

should be trusted, giving us, from time to time, an account of your

proceedings and prospects.

HEADS OF INQUIRY FOR MR. BARCLAY, AS TO MOROCCO.

1. Commerce. What are the articles of their export and import? What

duties are levied by them on exports and imports? Do all nations pay

the same, or what nations are favored, and how far? Are they their

own carriers, or who carries for them? Do they trade themselves to

other countries, or are they merely passive?

2. Ports. What are their principal ports? What depth of water in them?

What works of defence protect these ports?

3. Naval force. How many armed vessels have they? Of what kind and

force? What is the constitution of their naval force? What resources

for increasing their navy? What number of seamen? Their cruising

grounds, and seasons of cruising?

4. Prisoners. What is their condition and treatment? At what price are

they ordinarily redeemed, and how?

Do they pay respect to the treaties they make?

Land forces. Their numbers, constitution and respectability?

Revenues. Their amount.

Coins. What coins pass there, and at what rates?

TO DAVID HARTLEY.

PARIS, September 5, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of April the 15th, happened to be put into my

hands at the same time with a large parcel of letters from America,

which contained a variety of intelligence. It was then put where I

usually place my unanswered letters; and I, from time to time, put off

acknowledging the receipt of it, till I should be able to furnish you

American intelligence worth communicating. A favorable opportunity, by

a courier, of writing to you, occurring this morning, what has been

my astonishment and chagrin, on reading your letter again, to find

there was a case in it which required an immediate answer, but which,

by the variety of matters which happened to be presented to my mind,

at the same time, had utterly escaped my recollection. I pray you to

be assured, that nothing but this slip of memory would have prevented

my immediate answer, and no other circumstance would have prevented

its making such an impression on my mind, as that it could not have

escaped. I hope you will, therefore, obliterate the imputation of

want of respect, which, under actual appearances, must have arisen in

your mind, but which would refer to an untrue cause the occasion of

my silence. I am not sufficiently acquainted with the proceedings of

the New York Assembly, to say, with certainty, in what predicament the

lands of Mr. Upton may stand. But on conferring with Colonel Humphreys,

who, being from the neighboring State, was more in the way of knowing

what passed in New York, he thinks that the descriptions in their

confiscation laws were such as not to include a case of this nature.

The first thing to be done by Mr. Upton, is, to state his case to some

intelligent lawyer of the country, that he may know with certainty

whether they be confiscated or not; and if not confiscated, to know

what measures are necessary for completing and securing his grant. But

if confiscated, there is, then, no other tribunal of redress but their

General Assembly. If he is unacquainted there, I would advise him to

apply to Colonel Hamilton (who was aid to General Washington), and is

now very eminent at the bar, and much to be relied on. Your letter in

his favor to Mr. Jay will also procure him the benefit of his council.

With respect to America, I will rather give you a general view of

its situation, than merely relate recent events. The impost is still

unpassed by the two States of New York and Rhode Island; for the

manner in which the latter has passed it does not appear to me to

answer the principal object of establishing a fund, which, by being

subject to Congress alone, may give such credit to the certificates of

public debt, as will make them negotiable. This matter, then, is still

suspended.

Congress have lately purchased the Indian right to nearly the whole of

the land lying in the new State, bounded by lake Erie, Pennsylvania,

and the Ohio. The northwestern corner alone is reserved to the

Delawares and Wiandots. I expect a purchase is also concluded with

other tribes, for a considerable proportion of the State next to

this, on the north side of the Ohio. They have passed an ordinance

establishing a land office, considerably improved, I think, on the

plan of which I had the honor of giving you a copy. The lands are to

be offered for sale to the highest bidder. For this purpose, portions

of them are to be proposed in each State, that each may have the means

of purchase carried equally to their doors, and that the purchasers

may be a proper mixture of the citizens from all the different States.

But such lots as cannot be sold for a dollar an acre, are not to be

parted with. They will receive as money the certificates of public

debt. I flatter myself that this arrangement will very soon absorb

the whole of these certificates, and thus rid us of our domestic debt,

which is four-fifths of our whole debt. Our foreign debt will then be

a bagatelle.

I think it probable that Vermont will be made independent, as I am told

the State of New York is likely to agree to it. Maine will probably,

in time, be also permitted to separate from Massachusetts. As yet,

they only begin to think of it. Whenever the people of Kentucky shall

have agreed among themselves, my friends write me word, that Virginia

will consent to their separation. They will constitute the new State

on the south side of Ohio, joining Virginia. North Carolina, by an

act of their Assembly, ceded to Congress all their lands westward of

the Alleghany. The people inhabiting that territory, thereon declared

themselves independent, called their State by the name of Franklin, and

solicited Congress to be received into the Union. But before Congress

met, North Carolina (for what reasons I could never learn) resumed

their cession. The people, however, persist; Congress recommended to

the State to desist from their opposition, and I have no doubt they

will do it. It will, therefore, result from the act of Congress laying

off the western country into new States, that these States will come

into the Union in the manner therein provided, and without any disputes

as to their boundaries.

I am told that some hostile transaction by our people at the Natchez,

against the Spaniards, has taken place. If it be fact, Congress will

certainly not protect them, but leave them to be chastised by the

Spaniards, saving the right to the territory. A Spanish minister being

now with Congress, and both parties interested in keeping the peace, I

think, if such an event has happened, it will be easily arranged.

I told you, when here, of the propositions made by Congress to the

States, to be authorized to make certain regulations in their commerce;

and that, from the disposition to strengthen the hands of Congress,

which was then growing fast, I thought they would consent to it. Most

of them did so, and I suppose all of them would have done it, if they

have not actually done it, but that events proved a much more extensive

power would be requisite. Congress have, therefore, desired to be

invested with the whole regulation of their trade, and forever; and to

prevent all temptations to abuse the power, and all fears of it, they

propose that whatever moneys shall be levied on commerce, either for

the purpose of revenue, or by way of forfeitures or penalty, shall go

directly into the coffers of the State wherein it is levied, without

being touched by Congress. From the present temper of the States, and

the conviction which your country has carried home to their minds,

that there is no other method of defeating the greedy attempts of other

countries to trade with them on equal terms, I think they will add an

article for this purpose to their Confederation. But the present powers

of Congress over the commerce of the States, under the Confederation,

seem not at all understood by your ministry. They say that body has

no power to enter into a treaty of commerce; why then make one? This

is a mistake. By the sixth article of the Confederation, the States

renounce, individually, all power to make any treaty, of whatever

nature, with a foreign nation. By the ninth article, they give the

power of making treaties wholly to Congress, with two reservations

only. 1. That no treaty of commerce shall be made, which shall restrain

the legislature from making foreigners pay the same imposts with their

own people: nor 2d, from prohibiting the exportation or importation

of any species of merchandise, which they might think proper. Were

any treaty to be made which should violate either of these two

reservations, it would be so far void. In the treaties, therefore, made

with France, Holland, &c., this has been cautiously avoided. But are

these treaties of no advantage to these nations? Besides the advantages

expressly given by them, there results another, of great value. The

commerce of those nations with the United States, is thereby under the

protection of Congress, and no particular State, acting by fits and

starts, can harass the trade of France, Holland, &c., by such measures

as several of them have practiced against England, by loading her

merchandise with partial impost, refusing admittance to it altogether,

excluding her merchants, &c., &c. For you will observe, that though

by the second reservation before mentioned, they can prohibit the

importation of any _species_ of merchandise, as for instance, though

they may prohibit the importation of wines in general, yet they cannot

prohibit that of _French_ wines in particular. Another advantage is,

that the nations having treaties with Congress, can and do provide in

such treaties for the admission of their consuls, a kind of officer

very necessary for the regulation and protection of commerce. You

know that a consul is the creature of treaty. No nation without an

agreement, can place an officer in another country, with any powers or

jurisdiction whatever. But as the States have renounced the separate

power of making treaties with foreign nations, they cannot separately

receive a consul; and as Congress have, by the Confederation, no

immediate jurisdiction over commerce, as they have only a power of

bringing that jurisdiction into existence by entering into a treaty,

till such treaty be entered into, Congress themselves cannot receive

a consul. Till a treaty then, there exists no power in any part of our

government, federal or particular, to admit a consul among us; and if

it be true, as the papers say, that you have lately sent one over, he

cannot be admitted by any power in existence, to an exercise of any

function. Nothing less than a new article, to be agreed to by all the

States, would enable Congress, or the particular States, to receive

him. You must not be surprised then, if he be not received.

I think I have by this time tired you with American politics, and

will therefore only add assurances of the sincere regard and esteem,

with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient humble

servant.

TO BARON GEISMER.

PARIS, September 6, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--Your letter of March the 28th, which I received about a

month after its date, gave me a very real pleasure, as it assured

me of an existence which I valued, and of which I had been led to

doubt. You are now too distant from America, to be much interested in

what passes there. From the London gazettes, and the papers copying

them, you are led to suppose that all there is anarchy, discontent

and civil war. Nothing, however, is less true. There are not, on the

face of the earth, more tranquil governments than ours, nor a happier

and more contented people. Their commerce has not as yet found the

channels, which their new relations with the world will offer to best

advantage, and the old ones remain as yet unopened by new conventions.

This occasions a stagnation in the sale of their produce, the only

truth among all the circumstances published about them. Their hatred

against Great Britain, having lately received from that nation new

cause and new aliment, has taken a new spring. Among the individuals

of your acquaintance, nothing remarkable has happened. No revolution

in the happiness of any of them has taken place, except that of the

loss of their only child to Mr. and Mrs. Walker, who, however, left

them a grand-child for their solace, and that of your humble servant,

who remains with no other family than two daughters, the elder here

(who was of your acquaintance), the younger in Virginia, but expected

here the next summer. The character in which I am here at present,

confines me to this place, and will confine me as long as I continue in

Europe. How long this will be, I cannot tell. I am now of an age which

does not easily accommodate itself to new manners and new modes of

living; and I am savage enough to prefer the woods, the wilds, and the

independence of Monticello, to all the brilliant pleasures of this gay

Capital. I shall, therefore, rejoin myself to my native country, with

new attachments, and with exaggerated esteem for its advantages; for

though there is less wealth there, there is more freedom, more ease,

and less misery. I should like it better, however, if it could tempt

you once more to visit it: but that is not to be expected. Be this as

it may, and whether fortune means to allow or deny me the pleasure of

ever seeing you again, be assured that the worth which gave birth to my

attachment, and which still animates it, will continue to keep it up

while we both live, and that it is with sincerity I subscribe myself,

dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO JOHN LANGDON.

PARIS, September 11, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--Your Captain Yeaton being here, furnishes me an opportunity

of paying the tribute of my congratulations on your appointment to

the government of your State, which I do sincerely. He gives me the

grateful intelligence of your health, and that of Mrs. Langdon. Anxious

to promote your service, and believing he could do it by getting

himself naturalized here, and authorized to command your vessel, he

came from Havre to Paris. But on making the best inquiries I could, it

seemed that the time requisite to go through with this business, would

be much more than he could spare. He therefore declined it. I wish

it were in my power to give you a hope that our commerce, either with

this country, or its islands, was likely to be put on a better footing.

But if it be altered at all, it will probably be for the worse. The

regulations respecting their commerce are by no means sufficiently

stable to be relied on.

Europe is in quiet, and likely to remain so. The affairs of the Emperor

and Dutch are as good as settled, and no other cloud portends any

immediate storm. You have heard much of American vessels taken by the

Barbary pirates. The Emperor of Morocco took one last winter, (the

brig Betsey from Philadelphia;) he did not however reduce the crew to

slavery, nor confiscate the vessel or cargo. He has lately delivered

up the crew on the solicitation of the Spanish court. No other has

ever been taken by them. There are, indeed, rumors of one having

been lately taken by the Algerines. The fact is possible, as there is

nothing to hinder their taking them, but it is not as yet confirmed.

I have little doubt, that we shall be able to place our commerce on

a popular footing with the Barbary States, this summer, and thus not

only render our navigation to Portugal and Spain safe, but open the

Mediterranean as formerly. In spite of treaties, England is still our

enemy. Her hatred is deep rooted and cordial, and nothing is wanting

with her but the power, to wipe us and the land we live on out of

existence. Her interest, however, is her ruling passion; and the late

American measures have struck at that so vitally, and with an energy,

too, of which she had thought us quite incapable, that a possibility

seems to open of forming some arrangement with her. When they shall

see decidedly, that, without it, we shall suppress their commerce with

us, they will be agitated by their avarice, on the one hand, and their

hatred and their fear of us, on the other. The result of this conflict

of dirty passions is yet to be awaited. The body of the people of this

country love us cordially. But ministers and merchants love nobody. The

merchants here, are endeavoring to exclude us from their islands. The

ministers will be governed in it by political motives, and will do it,

or not do it, as these shall appear to dictate, without love or hatred

to anybody. It were to be wished that they were able to combine better,

the various circumstances which prove, beyond a doubt, that all the

advantages of their colonies result, in the end, to the mother country.

I pray you to present me in the most friendly terms to Mrs. Langdon,

and to be assured of the esteem with which I am, your Excellency's most

obedient, and most humble servant.

TO M. DE LA VALEE.

PARIS, September 11, 1785.

SIR,--I received duly your favor of August 14th. It is not in my power

to take on the account of Congress any part of the expenses of your

passage, having received no authority of that kind from them; nor

indeed is the encouragement of emigrations among the objects with which

they are charged. I fear that when you get to Portsmouth you will find

difficulties in the winter season to go by water to any more southern

States. Your objects being the manufacture of wool and cotton, you will

of course choose to fix yourself where you can get both or one of these

articles in plenty. The most and best wool is to be had in the middle

States; they begin to make a little cotton in Maryland; they make a

great deal in Virginia, and all the States south of that. The price

of clean cotton in Virginia is from 21 to 26 sols. a pound, that is to

say, from a fifth to a fourth of a dollar. General Washington being at

the head of the great works carrying on towards clearing the Potomac,

I have no doubt but that work will be completed. It will furnish great

opportunities of using machines of all kinds; perhaps you may find

employment there for your skill in that way. Alexandria on the Potomac

will undoubtedly become a very great place, but Norfolk would be the

best for cotton manufacture. As you are a stranger, I mention such

facts as I suppose may be useful to you. I wish you success, and am,

Sir, your very humble servant.

TO M. LE MARG. DE PONCENS.

PARIS, September 11, 1785.

SIR,--I received three days ago the letter you did me the honor

to write to me on the 2d of August. Congress have purchased a very

considerable extent of country from the Indians, and have passed an

ordinance laying down rules for disposing of it. These admit only two

considerations for granting lands; first, military service rendered

during the late war; and secondly, money to be paid at the time of

granting, for the purpose of discharging their national debt. They

direct these lands to be sold at auction to him who will give most

for them, but that, at any rate, they shall not be sold for less than

a dollar an acre. However, as they receive as money the certificates

of public debt, and these can be bought for the half or fourth of

their nominal value, the price of the lands is reduced in proportion.

As Congress exercise their government by general rules only, I do

not believe they will grant lands to any individual for any other

consideration than those mentioned in their ordinance. They have

ordered the lands to be surveyed, and this work is now actually going

on under the directions of their own geographer. They do not require

information of the quality of the soil, because they will sell the

lands faster than this could be obtained; and after they are sold,

it is the interest of the purchaser to examine for what the soil is

proper. As ours is a country of husbandmen, I make no doubt they will

receive the book of which you write to me with pleasure and advantage.

I have stated to you such facts as might enable you to decide for

yourself how far that country presents advantages which might answer

your views. It is proper for me to add that everything relative to

the sale and survey of these lands is out of the province of my duty.

Supposing you might be desirous of receiving again the letters of Dr.

Franklin, I enclose them, and have the honor to be, with the greatest

respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JAMES MADISON.

PARIS, September 20, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--By Mr. Fitzhugh, you will receive my letter of the first

instant. He is still here, and gives me an opportunity of again

addressing you much sooner than I should have done, but for the

discovery of a great piece of inattention. In that letter I send you a

detail of the cost of your books, and desire you to keep the amount in

your hands, as if I had forgot that a part of it was in fact your own,

as being a balance of what I had remained in your debt. I really did

not attend to it in the moment of writing, and when it occurred to me,

I revised my memorandum book from the time of our being in Philadelphia

together, and stated our account from the beginning, lest I should

forget or mistake any part of it. I enclose you this statement. You

will always be so good as to let me know, from time to time, your

advances for me. Correct with freedom all my proceedings for you, as,

in what I do, I have no other desire than that of doing exactly what

will be most pleasing to you.

I received this summer a letter from Messrs. Buchanan and Hay,

as Directors of the public buildings, desiring I would have drawn

for them, plans of sundry buildings, and, in the first place, of

a capitol. They fixed, for their receiving this plan, a day which

was within about six weeks of that on which their letter came to my

hand. I engaged an architect of capital abilities in this business.

Much time was requisite, after the external form was agreed on, to

make the internal distribution convenient for the three branches of

government. This time was much lengthened by my avocations to other

objects, which I had no right to neglect. The plan, however, was

settled. The gentlemen had sent me one which they had thought of. The

one agreed on here, is more convenient, more beautiful, gives more

room, and will not cost more than two-thirds of what that would. We

took for our model what is called the Maison quarrée of Nismes, one of

the most beautiful, if not the most beautiful and precious morsel of

architecture left us by antiquity. It was built by Caius and Lucius

Cæsar, and repaired by Louis XIV., and has the suffrage of all the

judges of architecture who have seen it, as yielding to no one of

the beautiful monuments of Greece, Rome, Palmyra, and Balbec, which

late travellers have communicated to us. It is very simple, but it is

noble beyond expression, and would have done honor to our country, as

presenting to travellers a specimen of taste in our infancy, promising

much for our maturer age. I have been much mortified with information,

which I received two days ago from Virginia, that the first brick of

the capitol would be laid within a few days. But surely, the delay

of this piece of a summer would have been repaired by the savings in

the plan preparing here, were we to value its other superiorities as

nothing. But how is a taste in this beautiful art to be formed in our

countrymen unless we avail ourselves of every occasion when public

buildings are to be erected, of presenting to them models for their

study and imitation? Pray try if you can effect the stopping of this

work. I have written also to E. R. on the subject. The loss will be

only of the laying the bricks already laid, or a part of them. The

bricks themselves will do again for the interior walls, and one side

wall and one end wall may remain, as they will answer equally well for

our plan. This loss is not to be weighed against the saving of money

which will arise, against the comfort of laying out the public money

for something honorable, the satisfaction of seeing an object and proof

of national good taste, and the regret and mortification of erecting

a monument of our barbarism, which will be loaded with execrations as

long as it shall endure. The plans are in good forwardness, and I hope

will be ready within three or four weeks. They could not be stopped

now, but on paying their whole price, which will be considerable. If

the undertakers are afraid to undo what they have done, encourage them

to it by a recommendation from the Assembly. You see I am an enthusiast

on the subject of the arts. But it is an enthusiasm of which I am not

ashamed, as its object is to improve the taste of my countrymen, to

increase their reputation, to reconcile to them the respect of the

world, and procure them its praise.

I shall send off your books, in two trunks, to Havre, within two or

three days, to the care of Mr. Limozin, American agent there. I will

advise you, as soon as I know by what vessel he forwards them. Adieu.

Yours affectionately.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

PARIS, September 20, 1785,

DEAR SIR,--Being in your debt for ten volumes of Buffon, I have

endeavored to find something that would be agreeable to you to receive,

in return. I therefore send you, by way of Havre, a dictionary of

law, natural and municipal, in thirteen volumes 4to, called le Code

de l'humanité. It is published by Felice, but written by him and

several other authors of established reputation. Is is an excellent

work. I do not mean to say, that it answers fully to its title. That

would have required fifty times the volume. It wants many articles

which the title would induce us to seek in it. But the articles

which it contains are well written. It is better than the voluminous

Dictionnaire diplomatique, and better, also, than the same branch of

the Encyclopedie methodique. There has been nothing published here,

since I came, of extraordinary merit. The Encyclopedie methodique,

which is coming out, from time to time, must be excepted from this.

It is to be had at two guineas less than the subscription price. I

shall be happy to send you anything in this way which you may desire.

French books are to be bought here, for two-thirds of what they can in

England. English and Greek and Latin authors, cost from twenty-five to

fifty per cent. more here than in England.

I received, some time ago, a letter from Messrs. Hay and Buchanan, as

Directors of the public buildings, desiring I would have plans drawn

for our public buildings, and in the first place, for the capitol. I

did not receive their letter until within six weeks of the time they

had fixed on, for receiving the drawings. Nevertheless, I engaged an

excellent architect to comply with their desire. It has taken much

time to accommodate the external adopted, to the internal arrangement

necessary for the three branches of government. However, it is effected

on a plan, which, with a great deal of beauty and convenience within,

unites an external form on the most perfect model of antiquity now

existing. This is the Maison quarrée of Nismes, built by Caius and

Lucius Cæsar, and repaired by Louis XIV., which, in the opinion of

all who have seen it, yields in beauty to no piece of architecture on

earth. The gentlemen enclosed me a plan of which they had thought. The

one preparing here, will be more convenient, give more room, and cost

but two-thirds of that; and as a piece of architecture, doing honor to

our country, will leave nothing to be desired. The plans will be ready

soon. But, two days ago, I received a letter from Virginia, informing

me the first brick of the capitol would be laid in a few days. This

mortifies me extremely. The delay of this summer, would have been amply

repaid by the superiority and economy of the plan preparing here. Is

it impossible to stop the work where it is? You will gain money by

losing what is done, and general approbation, instead of occasioning

a regret, which will endure as long as your building does. How is

a taste for a chaste and good style of building to be formed in our

countrymen, unless we seize all occasions which the erection of public

buildings offers, of presenting to them models for their imitation? Do,

my dear Sir, exert your influence to stay the further progress of the

work, till you can receive these plans. You will only lose the price

of laying what bricks are already laid, and of taking part of them

asunder. They will do again for the inner walls. A plan for a prison

will be sent at the same time.

Mazzei is here, and in pressing distress for money. I have helped him

as far as I have been able, but particular circumstances put it out of

my power to do more. He is looking with anxiety to the arrival of every

vessel, in hopes of relief through your means. If he does not receive

it soon, it is difficult to foresee his fate.

The quiet which Europe enjoys at present leaves nothing to communicate

to you in the political way. The Emperor and Dutch still differ about

the quantum of money to be paid by the latter; they know not what.

Perhaps their internal convulsions will hasten them to a decision.

France is improving her navy, as if she were already in a naval war,

yet I see no immediate prospect of her having occasion for it. England

is not likely to offer war to any nation, unless perhaps to ours. This

would cost us our whole shipping, but in every other respect we might

flatter ourselves with success. But the most successful war seldom pays

for its losses. I shall be glad to hear from you when convenient, and

am, with much esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

PARIS, September 24, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--I have received your favor of the 18th, enclosing

your compliments on your presentation. The sentiments you therein

expressed were such as were entertained in America till the commercial

proclamation, and such as would again return were a rational conduct

to be adopted by Great Britain. I think, therefore, you by no means

compromised yourself or our country, nor expressed more than it would

be our interest to encourage, if they were disposed to meet us. I am

pleased, however, to see the answer of the King. It bears the marks

of suddenness and surprise, and as he seems not to have had time for

reflection, we may suppose he was obliged to find his answer in the

real sentiments of his heart, if that heart has any sentiment. I have

no doubt, however, that it contains the real creed of an Englishman,

and that the word which he has let escape, is the true word of the

enigma. "The moment I see such sentiments as yours prevail, and a

disposition to give this country the _preference_, I will, &c." All

this I steadily believe. But the condition is impossible. Our interest

calls for a perfect equality in our conduct towards these two nations;

but no preference anywhere. If, however, circumstances should ever

oblige us to show a preference, a respect for our character, if we had

no better motive, would decide to which it should be given.

My letters from members of Congress render it doubtful whether they

would not rather that full time should be given for the present

disposition of America to mature itself, and to produce a permanent

improvement in the federal constitution, rather than by removing the

incentive to prevent the improvement. It is certain that our commerce

is in agonies at present, and that these would be relieved by opening

the British ports in the West Indies. It remains to consider whether a

temporary continuance under these sufferings would be paid for by the

amendment it is likely to produce. However, I believe there is no fear

that Great Britain will puzzle us by leaving it in our choice to hasten

or delay a treaty.

Is insurance made on Houdon's life? I am uneasy about it, lest we

should hear of any accident. As yet there is no reason to doubt their

safe passage. If the insurance is not made, I will pray you to have it

done immediately.

As I have not received any London newspapers as yet, I am obliged to

ask you what is done as to them, lest the delay should proceed from

some obstacle to be removed.

There is a Mr. Thompson at Dover, who has proposed to me a method of

getting them post free, but I have declined resorting to it till I

should know in what train the matter is at present.

I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem, dear Sir, your

friend and servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

PARIS, September 24, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--My letter of September the 19th, written the morning after

Mr. Lambe's arrival here, will inform you of that circumstance. I

transmit you herewith copies of the papers he brought to us on the

subject of the Barbary treaties. You will see by them that Congress

have adopted the very plan which we were proposing to pursue. It will

now go on with less danger of objection from the other parties. The

receipt of these new papers, therefore, has rendered necessary no

change, in matter of substance, in the despatches we had prepared. But

they render some formal changes necessary. For instance, in our letter

of credence for Mr. Barclay to the Emperor of Morocco, it becomes

improper to enter into those explanations which seemed proper when that

letter was drawn, because Congress, in their letter, enter into those

explanations. In the letter to the Count de Vergennes, it became proper

to mention the new full powers received from Congress, and which,

in some measure, accord with the idea communicated by him to us from

the Marechal de Castries. These and other formal alterations, which

appeared necessary to me, I have made, leaving so much of the original

draughts, approved and amended by you, as were not inconsistent with

these alterations. I have, therefore, had these prepared fair, to

save you the trouble of copying; yet, wherever you choose to make

alterations, you will be so good as to make them, taking, in that case,

the trouble of having new fair copies made out.

You will perceive by Mr. Jay's letter that Congress had not thought

proper to give Mr. Lambe any appointment. I imagine they apprehend it

might interfere with measures actually taken by us. Notwithstanding

the perfect freedom which they are pleased to leave to us on this

subject, I cannot feel myself clear of that bias which a presumption

of their pleasure gives, and ought to give. I presume that Mr. Lambe

met their approbation, because of the recommendations he carried from

the Governor and State of Connecticut, because of his actual knowledge

of the country and people of the States of Barbary, because of the

detention of these letters from March to July, which, considering their

pressing nature, would otherwise have been sent by other Americans,

who, in the meantime, have come from New York to Paris, and because,

too, of the information we received by Mr. Jarvis. These reasons

are not strong enough to set aside our appointment of Mr. Barclay to

Morocco; that I think should go on, as no man could be sent who would

enjoy more the confidence of Congress. But they are strong enough to

induce me to propose to you the appointment of Lambe to Algiers. He

has followed for many years the Barbary trade, and seems intimately

acquainted with those States. I have not seen enough of him to judge

of his abilities. He seems not deficient, as far as I can see, and

the footing on which he comes, must furnish a presumption for what

we do not see. We must say the same as to his integrity; we must rely

for this on the recommendations he brings, as it is impossible for us

to judge of this for ourselves. Yet it will be our duty to use such

reasonable cautions as are in our power. Two occur to me. 1. To give

him a clerk capable of assisting and attending to his proceedings,

and who, in case he thought anything was going amiss, might give us

information. 2. Not to give him a credit on Van Staphorst and Willinck,

but let his drafts be made on yourself, which, with the knowledge you

will have of his proceedings, will enable you to check them, if you

are sensible of any abuse intended. This will give you trouble; but

as I have never found you declining trouble when it is necessary, I

venture to propose it. I hope it will not expose you to inconvenience,

as by instructing Lambe to insert in his drafts a proper usance, you

can, in the meantime, raise the money for them by drawing on Holland. I

must inform you that Mr. Barclay wishes to be put on the same footing

with Mr. Lambe, as to this article, and therefore I return you your

letter of credit on Van Staphorst & Co. As to the first article, there

is great difficulty. There is nobody at Paris fit for the undertaking

who would be likely to accept it. I mean there is no American, for I

should be anxious to place a native in the trust. Perhaps you can send

us one from London. There is a Mr. Randall there from New York, whom

Mr. Barclay thinks might be relied on very firmly for integrity and

capacity. He is there for his health; perhaps you can persuade him

to go to Algiers in pursuit of it. If you cannot, I really know not

what will be done. It is impossible to propose to Bancroft to go in a

secondary capacity. Mr. Barclay and myself have thought of Cairnes,

at L'Orient, as a dernier resort. But it is uncertain, or rather

improbable, that he will undertake it. You will be pleased, in the

first place, to consider of my proposition to send Lambe to Algiers;

and in the next, all the circumstances before detailed, as consequences

of that.

The enclosed letter from Richard O'Bryan furnishes powerful motives

for commencing, by some means or other, the treaty with Algiers,

more immediately than would be done if left on Mr. Barclay. You

will perceive by that, that two of our vessels, with their crews

and cargoes, have been carried captive into that port. What is to be

done as to those poor people? I am for hazarding the supplementary

instruction to Lambe which accompanies these papers. Alter it, or

reject it, as you please. You ask what I think of claiming the Dutch

interposition. I doubt the fidelity of any interposition too much to

desire it sincerely. Our letters to this court heretofore seemed to

oblige us to communicate with them on the subject. If you think the

Dutch would take amiss our not applying to them, I will join you in the

application. Otherwise, the fewer who are apprised of our proceedings,

the better. To communicate them to the States of Holland, is to

communicate them to the whole world.

Mr. Short returned last night, and brought the Prussian treaty, duly

executed in English and French. We may send it to Congress by the Mr.

Fitzhughs, going from hence. Will you draw and sign a short letter for

that purpose? I send you a copy of a letter received from the Marquis

Fayette. In the present unsettled state of American commerce, I had as

leave avoid all further treaties, except with American powers. If Count

Merci, therefore, does not propose the subject to me, I shall not to

him, nor do more than decency requires, if he does propose it.

I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO F. HOPKINSON.

PARIS, September 25, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of the 6th of July. Since that, I have

received yours of July the 23d. I do not altogether despair of making

something of your method of quilling, though, as yet, the prospect

is not favorable. I applaud much your perseverance in improving this

instrument, and benefiting mankind almost in spite of their teeth.

I mentioned to Piccini the improvement with which I am entrusted. He

plays on the pianoforte, and therefore did not feel himself personally

interested. I hope some better opportunity will yet fall in my way

of doing it justice. I had almost decided, on his advice, to get a

pianoforte for my daughter; but your last letter may pause me, till I

see its effect.

Arts and arms are alike asleep for the moment. Ballooning indeed goes

on. There are two artists in the neighborhood of Paris, who seem to

be advancing towards the desideratum in this business. They are able

to rise and fall at will, without expending their gas, and to deflect

forty-five degrees from the course of the wind.

I desired you, in my last, to send the newspapers, notwithstanding the

expense. I had then no idea of it. Some late instances have made me

perfectly acquainted with it. I have therefore been obliged to adopt

the following plan. To have my newspapers, from the different States,

enclosed to the office for Foreign Affairs, and to desire Mr. Jay to

pack the whole in a box, and send it by the packet as merchandise,

directed to the American consul at L' Orient, who will forward it

to me by the periodical wagons. In this way, they will only cost me

livres where they now cost me guineas. I must pray you, just before

the departure of every French packet, to send my papers on hand, to

Mr. Jay, in this way. I do not know whether I am subject to American

postage or not, in general; but I think newspapers never are. I have

sometimes thought of sending a copy of my Notes to the Philosophical

Society, as a tribute due to them; but this would seem as if I

considered them as worth something, which I am conscious they are not.

I will not ask you for your advice on this occasion, because it is

one of those on which no man is authorized to ask a sincere opinion. I

shall therefore refer it to further thoughts.

I am, with very sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO R. IZARD.

PARIS, September 26, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--I received, a few days ago, your favor of the 10th of June,

and am to thank you for the trouble you have given yourself, to procure

me information on the subject of the commerce of your State. I pray

you also, to take the trouble of expressing my acknowledgments to the

Governor and Chamber of Commerce, as well as to Mr. Hall, for the very

precise details on this subject, with which they have been pleased to

honor me. Your letter of last January, of which you make mention, never

came to my hands. Of course, the papers now received are the first and

only ones which have come safe. The infidelities of the post offices,

both of England and France, are not unknown to you. The former are

the most rascally, because they retain one's letters, not choosing

to take the trouble of copying them. The latter, when they have taken

copies, are so civil as to send the originals, resealed clumsily with a

composition, on which they have previously taken the impression of the

seal. England shows no dispositions to enter into friendly connections

with us. On the contrary, her detention of our posts, seems to be the

speck which is to produce a storm. I judge that a war with America

would be a popular war in England. Perhaps the situation of Ireland

may deter the ministry from hastening it on. Peace is at length made

between the Emperor and Dutch. The terms are not published, but it is

said, he gets ten millions of florins, the navigation of the Scheldt

not quite to Antwerp, and two forts. However, this is not to be

absolutely relied on. The league formed by the King of Prussia against

the Emperor, is a most formidable obstacle to his ambitious designs. It

certainly has defeated his views on Bavaria, and will render doubtful

the election of his nephew to be King of the Romans. Matters are not

yet settled between him and the Turk. In truth, he undertakes too much.

At home he has made some good regulations.

Your present pursuit being (the wisest of all) agriculture, I am not in

a situation to be useful to it. You know that France is not the country

most celebrated for this art. I went the other day to see a plough

which was to be worked by a windlass, without horses or oxen. It was

a poor affair. With a very troublesome apparatus, applicable only to

a dead level, four men could do the work of two horses. There seems a

possibility that the great desideratum in the use of the balloon may be

obtained. There are two persons at Javel (opposite to Auteuil) who are

pushing this matter. They are able to rise and fall at will, without

expending their gas, and they can deflect forty-five degrees from the

course of the wind.

I took the liberty of asking you to order me a Charleston newspaper.

The expense of French postage is so enormous, that I have been obliged

to desire that my newspapers, from the different States, may be sent to

the office for Foreign Affairs at New York; and I have requested of Mr.

Jay to have them always packed in a box, and sent by the French packets

as merchandise, to the care of the American consul at L'Orient, who

will send them on by the periodical wagons. Will you permit me to add

this to the trouble I have before given you, of ordering the printer

to send them, under cover to Mr. Jay, by such opportunities by water,

as occur from time to time. This request must go to the acts of your

Assembly also. I shall be on the watch to send you anything that may

appear here on the subjects of agriculture or the arts, which may be

worth your perusal. I sincerely congratulate Mrs. Izard and yourself,

on the double accession to your family by marriage and a new birth.

My daughter values much your remembrance of her, and prays to have her

respects presented to the ladies and yourself. In this I join her, and

shall embrace with pleasure every opportunity of assuring you of the

sincere esteem, with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most

obedient and most humble servant.

TO MR. BELLINI.

PARIS, September 30, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--Your estimable favor, covering a letter to Mr. Mazzei, came

to hand on the 26th instant. The letter to Mr. Mazzei was put into his

hands in the same moment, as he happened to be present. I leave to him

to convey to you all his complaints, as it will be more agreeable to

me to express to you the satisfaction I received, on being informed

of your perfect health. Though I could not receive the same pleasing

news of Mrs. Bellini, yet the philosophy with which I am told she bears

the loss of health, is a testimony the more how much she deserved

the esteem I bear her. Behold me at length on the vaunted scene of

Europe! It is not necessary for your information, that I should enter

into details concerning it. But you are, perhaps, curious to know how

this new scene has struck a savage of the mountains of America. Not

advantageously, I assure you. I find the general fate of humanity

here most deplorable. The truth of Voltaire's observation, offers

itself perpetually, that every man here must be either the hammer or

the anvil. It is a true picture of that country to which they say we

shall pass hereafter, and where we are to see God and his angels in

splendor, and crowds of the damned trampled under their feet. While the

great mass of the people are thus suffering under physical and moral

oppression, I have endeavored to examine more nearly the condition of

the great, to appreciate the true value of the circumstances in their

situation, which dazzle the bulk of spectators, and, especially, to

compare it with that degree of happiness which is enjoyed in America,

by every class of people. Intrigues of love occupy the younger, and

those of ambition, the elder part of the great. Conjugal love having

no existence among them, domestic happiness, of which that is the

basis, is utterly unknown. In lieu of this, are substituted pursuits

which nourish and invigorate all our bad passions, and which offer only

moments of ecstacy, amidst days and months of restlessness and torment.

Much, very much inferior, this, to the tranquil, permanent felicity

with which domestic society in America blesses most of its inhabitants;

leaving them to follow steadily those pursuits which health and reason

approve, and rendering truly delicious the intervals of those pursuits.

In science, the mass of the people are two centuries behind ours;

their literati, half a dozen years before us. Books, really good,

acquire just reputation in that time, and so become known to us, and

communicate to us all their advances in knowledge. Is not this delay

compensated, by our being placed out of the reach of that swarm of

nonsensical publications which issues daily from a thousand presses,

and perishes almost in issuing? With respect to what are termed polite

manners, without sacrificing too much the sincerity of language, I

would wish my countrymen to adopt just so much of European politeness,

as to be ready to make all those little sacrifices of self, which

really render European manners amiable, and relieve society from the

disagreeable scenes to which rudeness often subjects it. Here, it seems

that a man might pass a life without encountering a single rudeness. In

the pleasures of the table, they are far before us, because, with good

taste they unite temperance. They do not terminate the most sociable

meals by transforming themselves into brutes. I have never yet seen a

man drunk in France, even among the lowest of the people. Were I to

proceed to tell you how much I enjoy their architecture, sculpture,

painting, music, I should want words. It is in these arts they shine.

The last of them, particularly, is an enjoyment, the deprivation of

which with us, cannot be calculated. I am almost ready to say, it is

the only thing which from my heart I envy them, and which, in spite of

all the authority of the Decalogue, I do covet. But I am running on

in an estimate of things infinitely better known to you than to me,

and which will only serve to convince you, that I have brought with

me all the prejudices of country, habit, and age. But whatever I may

allow to be charged to me as prejudice, in every other instance, I have

one sentiment at least, founded on reality: it is that of the perfect

esteem which your merit and that of Mrs. Bellini have produced, and

which will forever enable me to assure you of the sincere regard with

which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO JAMES MADISON, OF WILLIAM AND MARY COLLEGE.

PARIS, October 2, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--I have duly received your favor of April the 10th, by Mr.

Mazzei. You therein speak of a new method of raising water by steam,

which you suppose will come into general use. I know of no new method

of that kind, and suppose (as you say the account you have received of

it is very imperfect) that some person has represented to you, as new,

a fire engine erected at Paris, and which supplies the greater part of

the town with water. But this is nothing more than the fire engine you

have seen described in the books of hydraulics, and particularly in the

Dictionary of Arts and Sciences, published in 8vo, by Owen, the idea of

which was first taken from Papin's Digester. It would have been better

called the steam engine. The force of the steam of water, you know, is

immense. In this engine, it is made to exert itself towards the working

of pumps. That of Paris is, I believe, the largest known, raising four

hundred thousand cubic feet (French) of water, in twenty-four hours; or

rather, I should have said, _those_ of Paris, for there are two under

one roof, each raising that quantity.

The Abbé Rochon not living at Paris, I have not had an opportunity of

seeing him, and of asking him the questions you desire, relative to

the crystal of which I wrote you. I shall avail myself of the earliest

opportunity I can, of doing it. I shall cheerfully execute your

commands as to the Encyclopedie, when I receive them. The price will

be only thirty guineas. About half the work is out. The volumes of your

Buffon which are spoiled, can be replaced here.

I expect that this letter will be carried by the Mr. Fitzhughs, in a

ship from Havre to Portsmouth. I have therefore sent to Havre some

books which I expected would be acceptable to you. These are the

Bibliothéque Physico-œconomique, which will give you most of the

late improvements in the Arts; the Connoissance des Tems for 1786 and

1787, which is as late as they are published; and some pieces on air

and fire, wherein you will find all the discoveries hitherto made on

these subjects. These books are made into a packet, with your address

on them, and are put into a trunk, wherein is a small packet for Mr.

Wythe, another for Mr. Page, and a parcel of books, without direction,

for Peter Carr. I have taken the liberty of directing the trunk to you,

as the surest means of its getting safe. I pay the freight of it here,

so that there will be no new demands, but for the transportation from

the ship's side to Williamsburg, which I will pray you to pay; and as

much the greatest part is for my nephew, I will take care to repay it

to you.

In the last volume of the Connoissance des Tems, you will find the

tables for the planet Herschel. It is a curious circumstance, that this

planet was seen thirty years ago by Mayer, and supposed by him to be a

fixed star. He accordingly determined a place for it, in his catalogue

of the zodiacal stars, making it the 964th of that catalogue. Bode,

of Berlin, observed in 1781 that this star was missing. Subsequent

calculations of the motion of the planet Herschel, show that it must

have been, at the time of Mayer's observation, where he had placed his

964th star.

Herschel has pushed his discoveries of double stars, now, to upwards

of nine hundred, being twice the number of those communicated in the

Philosophical Transactions. You have probably seen, that a Mr. Pigott

had discovered periodical variations of light in the star Algol. He has

observed the same in the η of Antinous, and makes the period of

variation seven days, four hours, and thirty minutes, the duration of

the increase sixty-three hours, and of the decrease thirty-six hours.

What are we to conclude from this? That there are suns which have

their orbits of revolution too? But this would suppose a wonderful

harmony in their planets, and present a new scene, where the

attracting powers should be without, and not within the orbit. The

motion of our sun would be a miniature of this. But this must be left

to you astronomers.

I went some time ago to see a machine which offers something new.

A man had applied to a light boat a very large screw, the thread of

which was a thin plate, two feet broad, applied by its edge spirally

around a small axis. It somewhat resembled a bottle brush, if you will

suppose the hairs of the bottle brush joining together, and forming a

spiral plane. This, turned on its axis in the air, carried the vessel

across the Seine. It is, in fact, a screw which takes hold of the air

and draws itself along by it; losing, indeed, much of its effort by

the yielding nature of the body it lays hold of to pull itself on by.

I think it may be applied in the water with much greater effect, and to

very useful purposes. Perhaps it may be used also for the balloon.

It is impossible but you must have heard long ago of the machine for

copying letters at a single stroke, as we had received it in America

before I left there. I have written a long letter to my nephew, in

whose education I feel myself extremely interested. I shall rely much

on your friendship for conducting him in the plan I mark out for him,

and for guarding him against those shoals on which youth sometimes

shipwreck. I trouble you to present to Mr. Wythe my affectionate

remembrance of him, and am, with very great esteem, dear Sir, your

friend and servant.

TO DR. FRANKLIN.

PARIS, October 5, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--A vessel sailing from Havre to Philadelphia, furnishes the

Messrs. Fitzhughs with a passage to that place. To them, therefore, I

confide a number of letters and packets which I have received for you

from sundry quarters, and which, I doubt not, they will deliver safe.

Among these, is one from M. Du Plessis. On receipt of your letter, in

answer to the one I had written you, on the subject of his memorial,

I sent to M. La Motte, M. Chaumont, and wherever else I thought there

was a probability of finding out Du Plessis' address. But all in vain.

I meant to examine his memoir, as you desired, and to have it copied.

Lately, he came and brought it with him, copied by himself. He desired

me to read it, and enclose it to you, which I have done.

We have no public news worth communicating to you, but the signing of

preliminaries between the Emperor and Dutch. The question is, then,

with whom the Emperor will pick the next quarrel. Our treaty with

Prussia goes by this conveyance. But it is not to be spoken of, till a

convenient time is allowed for exchanging ratifications.

Science offers nothing new since your departure, nor any new

publication worth your notice. All your friends here are well. Those

in England, have carried you captive to Algiers. They have published

a letter, as if written by Truxen, the 20th of August, from Algiers,

stating the circumstances of the capture, and that you bore your

slavery to admiration. I happened to receive a letter from Algiers,

dated August the 24th, informing me that two vessels were then

there, taken from us, and naming the vessels and captains. This was a

satisfactory proof to us, that you were not there. The fact being so,

we would have gladly dispensed with the proof, as the situation of our

countrymen there, was described as very distressing.

Were I to mention all those who make inquiries after you, there would

be no end to my letter. I cannot, however, pass over those of the good

old Countess d'Hoditot, with whom I dined on Saturday, at Sanois. They

were very affectionate. I hope you have had a good passage. Your essay

in crossing the channel, gave us great hopes you would experience

little inconvenience on the rest of the voyage. My wishes place you

in the bosom of your friends, in good health, and with a well-grounded

prospect of preserving it long, for your own sake, for theirs, and that

of the world.

I am, with the sincerest attachment and respect, dear Sir, your most

obedient, and most humble servant.

TO SAMUEL OSGOOD.

PARIS, October 5, 1785

DEAR SIR,--It was with very sincere pleasure, I heard of your

appointment to the board of treasury, as well from the hope that it

might not be disagreeable to yourself, as from the confidence that your

administration would be wise. I heartily wish the States may, by their

contributions, enable you to re-establish a credit, which cannot be

lower than at present, to exist at all. This is partly owing to their

real deficiencies, and partly to the lies propagated by the London

papers, which are probably paid for by the minister, to reconcile the

people to the loss of us. Unluckily, it indisposes them, at the same

time, to form rational connections with us. Should this produce the

amendment of our federal constitution, of which your papers give us

hopes, we shall receive a permanent indemnification for a temporary

loss.

All things here, promise an arrangement between the Emperor and Dutch.

Their ministers have signed preliminary articles, some of which,

however, leave room for further cavil. The Dutch pay ten millions of

florins, yield some forts and territory, and the navigation of the

Scheldt to Saftingen. Till our treaty with England be fully executed,

it is desirable to us, that all the world should be in peace. That

done, their wars would do us little harm.

I find myself under difficulties here, which I will take the liberty

of explaining to you as a friend. Mr. Carmichael lately drew a bill

on Mr. Grand for four thousand livres, I suppose, for his salary. Mr.

Grand said, he was not used to accept drafts but by the desire of Dr.

Franklin, and rested it on me to say, whether this bill should be paid

or not. I thought it improper, that the credit of so confidential

a person as Mr. Carmichael, should be affected by a refusal, and

therefore advised payment. Mr. Dumas has drawn on me for twenty-seven

hundred livres, his half year's salary, informing me he always drew on

Dr. Franklin. I shall advise the payment. I have had loan office bills,

drawn on the commissioners of the United States, presented to me. My

answer has been, "These are very old bills. Had they been presented

while those gentlemen were in Europe, they would have been paid. You

kept them up till Dr. Franklin, the last of them, has returned to

America; you must therefore send them there, and they will be paid.

I am not the drawee described in the bill." It is impossible for me

to meddle with these bills. The gentlemen who had been familiar with

them, from the beginning, who kept books of them, and knew well the

form of these books, often paid bills twice. But how can I interfere

with them, who have not a scrip of a pen on their subject, who never

saw a book relating to them, and who, if I had the books, should much

oftener be bewildered in the labyrinth, than the gentlemen who have

kept them? I think it, therefore, most advisable, that what bills

remain out, should be sent back to America for payment, and therefore

advise Mr. Barclay to return thither, all the books and papers relative

to them. There is the proper and ultimate deposit of all records of

this nature. All these articles are very foreign to my talents, and

foreign also, as I conceive, to the nature of my duties. Dr. Franklin

was obliged to meddle with them, from the circumstances which existed.

But, these having ceased, I suppose it practicable for your board to

direct the administration of your moneys here, in every circumstance.

It is only necessary for me to draw my own allowances, and to order

payment for services done by others, by my direction, and within the

immediate line of my office; such as paying couriers, postage, and

other extraordinary services, which must rest on my discretion, and at

my risk, if disapproved by Congress. I will thank you for your advice

on this subject, and if you think a resolution of your board necessary,

I will pray you to send me such a one, and that it may relieve me from

all concerns with the money of the United States, other than those I

have just spoken of. I do not mean by this, to testify a disposition

to render no service but what is rigorously within my duty. I am the

farthest in the world from this; it is a question I shall never ask

myself; nothing making me more happy than to render any service in

my power, of whatever description. But I wish only to be excused from

intermeddling in business in which I have no skill, and should do more

harm than good.

Congress were pleased to order me an advance of two quarters' salary.

At that time, I supposed that I might refund it, or spare so much

from my expenses, by the time the third quarter became due. Probably,

they might expect the same. But it has been impossible. The expense

of my outfit, though I have taken it up, on a scale as small as could

be admitted, has been very far beyond what I had conceived. I have,

therefore, not only been unable to refund the advance ordered, but

been obliged to go beyond it. I wished to have avoided so much, as was

occasioned by the purchase of furniture. But those who hire furniture,

asked me forty per cent. a year, for the use of it. It was better

to buy, therefore; and this article, clothes, carriage, &c., have

amounted to considerably more than the advance ordered. Perhaps, it

may be thought reasonable to allow me an outfit. The usage of every

other nation has established this, and reason really pleads for it. I

do not wish to make a shilling; but only my expenses to be defrayed,

and in a moderate style. On the most moderate, which the reputation or

interest of those I serve, would admit, it will take me several years

to liquidate the advances for my outfit. I mention this, to enable you

to understand the necessities which have obliged me to call for more

money than was probably expected, and, understanding them, to explain

them to others. Being perfectly disposed to conform myself decisively,

to what shall be thought proper, you cannot oblige me more, than by

communicating to me your sentiments hereon, which I shall receive as

those of a friend, and govern myself accordingly.

I am, with the most perfect esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

PARIS, October 6, 1785.

SIR--My letter of August the 30th, acknowledged the receipt of yours

of July the 13th. Since that, I have received your letter of August

the 13th, enclosing a correspondence between the Marquis de La Fayette

and Monsieur de Calonnes, and another of the same date, enclosing the

papers in Fortin's case. I immediately wrote to M. Limozin, at Havre,

desiring he would send me a state of the case, and inform me what were

the difficulties which suspended its decision. He has promised me,

by letter, to do this as soon as possible, and I shall not fail in

attention to it.

The Emperor and Dutch have signed preliminaries, which are now made

public. You will see them in the papers which accompany this. They

still leave a good deal to discussion. However, it is probable they

will end in peace. The party in Holland, possessed actually of the

sovereignty, wish for peace, that they may push their designs on the

Stadtholderate. This country wishes for peace, because her finances

need arrangement. The Bavarian exchange has produced to public view,

that jealousy and rancor between the courts of Vienna and Berlin,

which existed before, though it was smothered. This will appear by the

declarations of the two courts. The demarcation between the Emperor

and Turk does not advance. Still, however, I suppose neither of those

two germs of war likely to open soon. I consider the conduct of France

as the best evidence of this. If she had apprehended a war from either

of those quarters, she would not have been so anxious to leave the

Emperor one enemy the less, by placing him at peace with the Dutch.

While she is exerting all her powers to preserve peace by land, and

making no preparation which indicates a fear of its being disturbed

in that quarter, she is pushing her naval preparations, with a spirit

unexampled in time of peace. By the opening of the next spring, she

will have eighty ships, of seventy-four guns and upwards, ready for

sea, at a moment's warning; and the further constructions proposed,

will probably, within two years, raise the number to an hundred. New

regulations have been made, too, for perfecting the classification

of her seamen; an institution, which, dividing all the seamen of the

nation into classes, subjects them to tours of duty by rotation, and

enables government, at all times, to man their ships. Their works for

rendering Cherbourg a harbor for their vessels of war, and Dunkirk,

for frigates and privateers, leave now little doubt of success. It is

impossible that these preparations can have in view, any other nation

than the English. Of course, they show a greater diffidence of their

peace with them, than with any other power.

I mentioned to you, in my letter of August the 14th, that I had

desired Captain John Paul Jones to inquire into the circumstances of

Peyrouse's expedition. I have now the honor of enclosing you copies

of my letter to him, and of his answer. He refuses to accept of my

indemnification for his expenses, which is an additional proof of his

disinterested spirit, and of his devotion to the service of America.

The circumstances are obvious, which indicate an intention to settle

factories, and not colonies, at least for the present. However, nothing

shows for what place they are destined. The conjectures are divided

between New Holland, and the Northwest coast of America.