DEAR SIR,--I have been honored with the receipt of your letter of the

2d instant, and am to thank you, as I do sincerely, for the partiality

with which you receive the copy of the Notes on my country. As I can

answer for the facts, therein reported, on my own observation, and

have admitted none on the report of others, which were not supported

by evidence sufficient to command my own assent, I am not afraid that

you should make any extracts you please for the Journal de Physique,

which come within their plan of publication. The strictures on slavery

and on the constitution of Virginia, are not of that kind, and they are

the parts which I do not wish to have made public, at least till I know

whether their publication would do most harm or good. It is possible,

that in my own country, these strictures might produce an irritation,

which would indispose the people towards the two great objects I have

in view; that is, the emancipation of their slaves, and the settlement

of their constitution on a firmer and more permanent basis. If I learn

from thence, that they will not produce that effect, I have printed and

reserved just copies enough to be able to give one to every young man

at the College. It is to them I look, to the rising generation, and not

to the one now in power, for these great reformations. The other copy,

delivered at your hotel, was for Monsieur de Buffon. I meant to ask the

favor of you to have it sent to him, as I was ignorant how to do it. I

have one also for Monsieur Daubenton, but being utterly unknown to him,

I cannot take the liberty of presenting it, till I can do it through

some common acquaintance.

I will beg leave to say here a few words on the general question of

the degeneracy of animals in America. 1. As to the degeneracy of the

man of Europe transplanted to America, it is no part of Monsieur de

Buffon's system. He goes, indeed, within one step of it, but he stops

there. The Abbé Raynal alone has taken that step. Your knowledge of

America enables you to judge this question, to say, whether the lower

class of people in America are less informed and less susceptible

of information, than the lower class in Europe; and whether those in

America, who have received such an education as that country can give,

are less improved by it than Europeans of the same degree of education.

2. As to the aboriginal man of America, I know of no respectable

evidence on which the opinion of his inferiority of genius has been

founded, but that of Don Ulloa. As to Robertson, he never was in

America, he relates nothing on his own knowledge, he is a compiler only

of the relations of others, and a mere translator of the opinions of

Monsieur de Buffon. I should as soon, therefore, add the translators

of Robertson to the witnesses of this fact, as himself. Paw, the

beginner of this charge, was a compiler from the works of others;

and of the most unlucky description; for he seems to have read the

writings of travellers, only to collect and republish their lies. It is

really remarkable, that in three volumes 12mo, of small print, it is

scarcely possible to find one truth, and yet, that the author should

be able to produce authority for every fact he states, as he says he

can. Don Ulloa's testimony is the most respectable. He wrote of what

he saw, but he saw the Indian of South America only, and that after

he had passed through ten generations of slavery. It is very unfair,

from this sample, to judge of the natural genius of this race of men;

and, after supposing that Don Ulloa had not sufficiently calculated

the allowance which should be made for this circumstance, we do him

no injury in considering the picture he draws of the present Indians

of South America, as no picture of what their ancestors were three

hundred years ago. It is in North America we are to seek their original

character. And I am safe in affirming, that the proofs of genius given

by the Indians of North America place them on a level with whites in

the same uncultivated state. The North of Europe furnishes subjects

enough for comparison with them, and for a proof of their equality.

I have seen some thousands myself, and conversed much with them, and

have found in them a masculine, sound understanding. I have had much

information from men who had lived among them, and whose veracity

and good sense were so far known to me, as to establish a reliance on

their information. They have all agreed in bearing witness in favor of

the genius of this people. As to their bodily strength, their manners

rendering it disgraceful to labor, those muscles employed in labor will

be weaker with them, than with the European laborer; but those which

are exerted in the chase, and those faculties which are employed in the

tracing an enemy or a wild beast, in contriving ambuscades for him, and

in carrying them through their execution, are much stronger than with

us, because they are more exercised. I believe the Indian, then, to

be, in body and mind, equal to the white man. I have supposed the black

man, in his present state, might not be so; but it would be hazardous

to affirm, that, equally cultivated for a few generations, he would not

become so. 3. As to the inferiority of the other animals of America,

without more facts, I can add nothing to what I have said in my Notes.

As to the theory of Monsieur de Buffon, that heat is friendly, and

moisture adverse to the production of large animals, I am lately

furnished with a fact by Dr. Franklin, which proves the air of London

and of Paris to be more humid than that of Philadelphia, and so creates

a suspicion that the opinion of the superior humidity of America may,

perhaps, have been too hastily adopted. And, supposing that fact

admitted, I think the physical reasonings urged to show, that in a

moist country animals must be small, and that in a hot one they must

be large, are not built on the basis of experiment. These questions,

however, cannot be decided, ultimately, at this day. More facts must

be collected, and more time flow off, before the world will be ripe for

decision. In the meantime, doubt is wisdom.

I have been fully sensible of the anxieties of your situation, and that

your attentions were wholly consecrated, where alone they were wholly

due, to the succor of friendship and worth. However much I prize your

society, I wait with patience the moment when I can have it without

taking what is due to another. In the meantime, I am solaced with the

hope of possessing your friendship, and that it is not ungrateful to

you to receive assurances of that with which I have the honor to be,

dear Sir,

Your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE GOVERNOR OF MARYLAND.

PARIS, June 16, 1785.

SIR,--I have the honor of enclosing to your Excellency some

propositions which have been made from London to the Farmers General,

to furnish them with the tobaccos of Maryland and Virginia. For this

paper, I am indebted to the zeal of the M. de La Fayette. I take

the liberty of troubling you with it on a supposition that it may

be possible to have this article furnished from those States to this

country immediately without its passing through the entrepôt of London,

and the returns for it being made, of course, in London merchandise.

Twenty thousand hogsheads of tobacco a year delivered here in exchange

for the produce and manufacture of this country, many of which are as

good and cheaper than in England, would establish a rivalship for our

commerce which would have happy effects upon both countries. Whether

this end will be best effected by giving out these propositions to

our merchants and exciting them to become candidates with the Farmers

General for this contract, or by any other means, your Excellency

can best judge. I shall mention this matter also to the Governor of

Virginia. The other paper which accompanies the one before mentioned,

is too miserable to need notice. I will take measures for apprising

them of its errors.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect and

esteem, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. JAY.

PARIS, June 17, 1785.

SIR,--I had the honor of addressing you on the 11th of the last month

by young Mr. Adams, who sailed in the packet of that month. That of the

present is likely to be retarded to the first of July, if not longer.

On the 14th of May I communicated to the Count de Vergennes my

appointment as minister plenipotentiary to this Court, and on the 17th

delivered my letter of credence to the King at a private audience, and

went through the other ceremonies usual on such occasion.

We have reason to expect that Europe will enjoy peace another year.

The negotiations between the Emperor and United Netherlands have been

spun out to an unexpected length, but there seems little doubt but they

will end in peace. Whether the exchange projected between the Emperor

and Elector of Bavaria, or the pretensions of the former in his line of

demarcation with the Ottoman Porte will produce war, is yet uncertain.

If either of them does, this country will probably take part in it to

prevent a dangerous accession of power to the House of Austria. The

zeal with which they have appeared to negotiate a peace between Holland

and the Empire seems to prove that they do not apprehend being engaged

in war against the Emperor for any other power; because, if they had

such an apprehension, they would not wish to deprive themselves of

the assistance of the Dutch: and their opinion on this subject is

better evidence than the details we get from the newspapers, and must

weigh against the affected delays of the Porte, as to the line of

demarcation, the change in their ministry, their preparation for war,

and other symptoms of like aspect. This question is not altogether

uninteresting to us. Should this country be involved in a Continental

war, while differences are existing between us and Great Britain, the

latter might carry less moderation into the negotiations for settling

them.

I send you herewith the gazettes of Leyden and that of France for the

last two months, the latter because it is the best in this country, the

former as being the best in Europe. The Courier de l'Europe you will

get genuine from London. As reprinted here it is of less worth. Should

your knowledge of the newspapers of this country lead you to wish

for any other, I shall take the greatest pleasure in adding it to the

regular transmissions of two others which I shall make you in future.

I have the honor to be, with the highest esteem and respect, your most

obedient, and most humble servant,

TO COLONEL MONROE.

PARIS, June 17, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--I received three days ago your favor of April the 12th.

You therein speak of a former letter to me, but it has not come to

hand, nor any other of later date than the 14th of December. My last

to you was of the 11th of May by Mr. Adams, who went in the packet

of that month. These conveyances are now becoming deranged. We have

had expectations of their coming to Havre, which would infinitely

facilitate the communication between Paris and Congress; but their

deliberations on the subject seem to be taking another turn. They

complain of the expense, and that their commerce with us is too small

to justify it. They therefore talk of sending a packet every six weeks

only. The present one, therefore, which should have sailed about this

time, will not sail till the 1st of July. However, the whole matter is

as yet undecided. I have hopes that when Mr. St. John arrives from New

York, he will get them replaced on their monthly system. By-the-bye,

what is the meaning of a very angry resolution of Congress on his

subject? I have it not by me, and therefore cannot cite it by date,

but you will remember it, and oblige me by explaining its foundation.

This will be handed you by Mr. Otto, who comes to America as Chargé

des Affaires, in the room of Mr. Marbois, promoted to the Intendancy

of Hispaniola, which office is next to that of Governor. He becomes the

head of the civil, as the Governor is, of the military department.

I am much pleased with Otto's appointment; he is good-humored,

affectionate to America, will see things in a friendly light when

they admit of it, in a rational one always, and will not pique himself

on writing every trifling circumstance of irritation to his court. I

wish you to be acquainted with him, as a friendly intercourse between

individuals who do business together produces a mutual spirit of

accommodation useful to both parties. It is very much our interest to

keep up the affection of this country for us, which is considerable.

A court has no affections; but those of the people whom they govern

influence their decisions, even in the most arbitrary governments.

The negotiations between the Emperor and Dutch are spun out to an

amazing length. At present there is no apprehension, but that they

will terminate in peace. This court seems to press it with ardor, and

the Dutch are averse, considering the terms cruel and unjust, as they

evidently are. The present delays, therefore, are imputed to their

coldness and to their forms. In the meantime, the Turk is delaying

the demarcation of limits between him and the Emperor, is making the

most vigorous preparations for war, and has composed his ministry of

warlike characters, deemed personally hostile to the Emperor. Thus

time seems to be spinning out, both by the Dutch and Turks, and time

is wanting for France. Every year's delay is a great thing for her. It

is not impossible, therefore, but that she may secretly encourage the

delays of the Dutch, and hasten the preparations of the Porte, while

she is recovering vigor herself, also, in order to be able to present

such a combination to the Emperor as may dictate to him to be quiet.

But the designs of these courts are unsearchable. It is our interest to

pray that this country may have no continental war till our peace with

England is perfectly settled. The merchants of this country continue

as loud and furious as ever against the _Arret_ of August, 1784,

permitting our commerce with their islands to a certain degree. Many

of them have actually abandoned their trade. The ministry are disposed

to be firm; but there is a point at which they will give way, that is,

if the clamors should become such as to endanger their places. It is

evident that nothing can be done by us at this time, if we may hope

it hereafter. I like your removal to New York, and hope Congress will

continue there, and never execute the idea of building their Federal

town. Before it could be finished, a change of members in Congress, or

the admission of new States, would remove them somewhere else. It is

evident that when a sufficient number of the western States come in,

they will remove it to Georgetown. In the meantime, it is our interest

that it should remain where it is, and give no new pretensions to any

other place. I am also much pleased with the proposition to the States

to invest Congress with the regulation of their trade, reserving its

revenue to the States. I think it a happy idea, removing the only

objection which could have been justly made to the proposition. The

time, too, is the present, before the admission of the western States.

I am very differently affected towards the new plan of opening our

land office, by dividing the lands among the States, and selling

them at vendue. It separates still more the interests of the States,

which ought to be made joint in every possible instance, in order

to cultivate the idea of our being one nation, and to multiply the

instances in which the people shall look up to Congress as their head.

And when the States get their portions, they will either fool them

away, or make a job of it to serve individuals. Proofs of both these

practices have been furnished, and by either of them that invaluable

fund is lost, which ought to pay our public debt. To sell them at

vendue, is to give them to the bidders of the day, be they many or few.

It is ripping up the hen which lays golden eggs. If sold in lots at a

fixed price, as first proposed, the best lots will be sold first; as

these become occupied, it gives a value to the interjacent ones, and

raises them, though of inferior quality, to the price of the first. I

send you by Mr. Otto a copy of my book. Be so good as to apologize to

Mr. Thompson for my not sending him one by this conveyance. I could

not burthen Mr. Otto with more on so long a road as that from here to

L'Orient. I will send him one by a Mr. Williams, who will go ere long.

I have taken measures to prevent its publication. My reason is, that

I fear the terms in which I speak of slavery, and of our constitution,

may produce an irritation which will revolt the minds of our countrymen

against reformation in these two articles, and thus do more harm than

good. I have asked of Mr. Madison to sound this matter as far as he

can, and, if he thinks it will not produce that effect, I have then

copies enough printed to give one to each of the young men at the

College, and to my friends in the country.

I am sorry to see a possibility of * * * being put into the Treasury.

He has no talents for the office, and what he has, will be employed

in rummaging old accounts to involve you in eternal war with * * *

and he will, in a short time, introduce such dissensions into the

commission, as to break it up. If he goes on the other appointment to

Kaskaskia, he will produce a revolt of that settlement from the United

States. I thank you for your attention to my outfit. For the articles

of household furniture, clothes, and a carriage, I have already paid

twenty-eight thousand livres, and have still more to pay. For the

greatest part of this, I have been obliged to anticipate my salary,

from which, however, I shall never be able to repay it. I find, that

by a rigid economy, bordering however on meanness, I can save perhaps

five hundred livres a month, at least in the summer. The residue goes

for expenses so much of course and of necessity, that I cannot avoid

them without abandoning all respect to my public character. Yet I

will pray you to touch this string, which I know to be a tender one

with Congress, with the utmost delicacy. I had rather be ruined in my

fortune than in their esteem. If they allow me half a year's salary

as an outfit, I can get through my debts in time. If they raise the

salary to what it was, or even pay our house rent and taxes, I can

live with more decency. I trust that Mr. Adams's house at the Hague,

and Dr. Franklin's at Passy, the rent of which has been always allowed

him, will give just expectations of the same allowance to me. Mr.

Jay, however, did not charge it, but he lived economically and laid up

money.

I will take the liberty of hazarding to you some thoughts on the

policy of entering into treaties with the European nations, and the

nature of them. I am not wedded to these ideas, and, therefore, shall

relinquish them cheerfully when Congress shall adopt others, and

zealously endeavor to carry theirs into effect. First, as to the policy

of making treaties. Congress, by the Confederation, have no original

and inherent power over the commerce of the States. But, by the 9th

article, we are authorized to enter into treaties of commerce. The

moment these treaties are concluded, the jurisdiction of Congress over

the commerce of the States springs into existence, and that of the

particular States is superseded so far as the articles of the treaty

may have taken up the subject. There are two restrictions only, on

the exercise of the power of treaty by Congress. 1st. That they shall

not, by such treaty, restrain the legislatures of the States from

imposing such duties on foreigners, as their own people are subject

to; nor 2dly, from prohibiting the exportation or importation of any

particular species of goods. Leaving these two points free, Congress

may, by treaty, establish any system of commerce they please; but, as

I before observed, it is by treaty alone they can do it. Though they

may exercise their other powers by resolution or ordinance, those over

commerce can only be exercised by forming a treaty, and this probably

by an accidental wording of our Confederation. If, therefore, it is

better for the States that Congress should regulate their commerce,

it is proper that they should form treaties with all nations with

whom they may possibly trade. You see that my primary object in the

formation of treaties is to take the commerce of the States out of

the hands of the States, and to place it under the superintendence

of Congress, so far as the imperfect provisions of our constitutions

will admit, and until the States shall, by new compact, make them more

perfect. I would say, then, to every nation on earth, _by treaty_,

your people shall trade freely with us, and ours with you, paying no

more than the most favored nation, in order to put an end to the right

of individual States, acting by fits and starts, to interrupt our

commerce, or to embroil us with any nation. As to the terms of these

treaties, the question becomes more difficult. I will mention three

different plans. 1. That no duty shall be laid by either party on the

productions of the other. 2. That each may be permitted to equalize

their duties to those laid by the other. 3. That each shall pay in the

ports of the other, such duties only as the most favored nations pay.

1. Were the nations of Europe as free and unembarrassed of established

systems as we are, I do verily believe they would concur with us in

the first plan. But it is impossible. These establishments are fixed

upon them; they are interwoven with the body of their laws and the

organization of their government, and they make a great part of their

revenue; they cannot then, get rid of them.

2. The plan of equal imposts presents difficulties insurmountable. For

how are the equal imposts to be effected? Is it by laying, in the ports

of A, an equal per cent. on the goods of B, with that which B has laid

in his ports on the goods of A? But how are we to find what is that

per cent.? For this is not the usual form of imposts. They generally

pay by the ton, by the measure, by the weight, and not by the value.

Besides, if A sends a million's worth of goods to B, and takes back

but the half of that, and each pays the same per cent., it is evident

that A pays the double of what he recovers in the same way from B: this

would be our case with Spain. Shall we endeavor to effect equality,

then, by saying A may levy so much on the sum of B's importations into

his ports, as B does on the sum of A's importations into the ports

of B? But how find out that sum? Will either party lay open their

custom-house books candidly to evince this sum? Does either keep their

books so exactly as to be able to do it? This proposition was started

in Congress when our instructions were formed, as you may remember,

and the impossibility of executing it occasioned it to be disapproved.

Besides, who should have a right of deciding, when the imposts were

equal? A would say to B, my imposts do not raise so much as yours: I

raise them therefore. B would then say, you have made them greater than

mine, I will raise mine; and thus a kind of auction would be carried

on between them, and a mutual irritation, which would end in anything,

sooner than equality and right.

3. I confess then to you, that I see no alternative left but that which

Congress adopted, of each party placing the other on the footing of

the most favored nation. If the nations of Europe, from their actual

establishments, are not at liberty to say to America, that she shall

trade in their ports duty free, they may say she may trade there paying

no higher duties than the most favored nation; and this is valuable

in many of these countries, where a very great difference is made

between different nations. There is no difficulty in the execution

of this contract, because there is not a merchant who does not know,

or may not know, the duty paid by every nation on every article.

This stipulation leaves each party at liberty to regulate their own

commerce by general rules, while it secures the other from partial and

oppressive discriminations. The difficulty which arises in our case is,

with the nations having American territory. Access to the West Indies

is indispensably necessary to us. Yet how to gain it, when it is the

established system of these nations to exclude all foreigners from

their colonies. The only chance seems to be this: our commerce to the

mother country is valuable to them. We must endeavor, then, to make

this the price of an admission into their West Indies, and to those who

refuse the admission, we must refuse our commerce, or load theirs by

odious discriminations in our ports. We have this circumstance in our

favor too, that what one grants us in their islands, the others will

not find it worth their while to refuse. The misfortune is, that with

this country we gave this price for their aid in the war, and we have

now nothing more to offer. She, being withdrawn from the competition,

leaves Great Britain much more at liberty to hold out against us. This

is the difficult part of the business of treaty, and I own it does not

hold out the most flattering prospects.

I wish you would consider this subject, and write me your thoughts on

it. Mr. Gerry wrote me on the same subject. Will you give me leave to

impose on you the trouble of communicating this to him? It is long, and

will save me much labor in copying. I hope he will be so indulgent as

to consider it as an answer to that part of his letter, and will give

me his further thoughts on it.

Shall I send you so much of the Encyclopedia as is already published,

or reserve it here till you come? It is about forty volumes, which

probably is about half the work. Give yourself no uneasiness about

the money; perhaps I may find it convenient to ask you to pay trifles

occasionally for me in America. I sincerely wish you may find it

convenient to come here; the pleasure of the trip will be less than

you expect, but the utility greater. It will make you adore your own

country, its soil, its climate, its equality, liberty, laws, people,

and manners. My God! how little do my countrymen know what precious

blessings they are in possession of, and which no other people on

earth enjoy. I confess I had no idea of it myself. While we shall see

multiplied instances of Europeans going to live in America, I will

venture to say, no man now living will ever see an instance of an

American removing to settle in Europe, and continuing there. Come,

then, and see the proofs of this, and on your return add your testimony

to that of every thinking American, in order to satisfy our countrymen

how much it is their interest to preserve, uninfected by contagion,

those peculiarities in their governments and manners, to which they

are indebted for those blessings. Adieu, my dear friend; present

me affectionately to your colleagues. If any of them think me worth

writing to, they may be assured that in the epistolary account I will

keep the debit side against them. Once more, adieu.

Yours affectionately.

* * * * *

P. S. June 19. Since writing the above, we have received the following

account: Monsieur Pilatre de Roziere, who had been waiting for some

months at Boulogne for a fair wind to cross the channel, at length took

his ascent with a companion. The wind changed after awhile, and brought

him back on the French coast. Being at a height of about six thousand

feet, some accident happened to his balloon of inflammable air; it

burst, they fell from that height, and were crushed to atoms. There

was a Montgolfier combined with the balloon of inflammable air. It is

suspected the heat of the Montgolfier rarefied too much the inflammable

air of the other, and occasioned it to burst. The Montgolfier came down

in good order.

TO JOSEPH JONES.

PARIS, June 19, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--I take the liberty of enclosing to you a state of the case

of one Polson, and begging your inquiries and information whether

the lands therein mentioned have been escheated and sold, and, if

they have, what would be the proper method of application to obtain a

compensation for them.

The negotiations between Holland and the Emperor are slow, but will

probably end in peace. It is believed the Emperor will not at present

push the Bavarian exchange. The Porte delays the demarcation of limits

with him, and is making vigorous preparations for war. But neither

will this latter be permitted to produce a war, if France can prevent

it, because, wherever the Emperor is seeking to enlarge his dominions,

France will present to him the point of a bayonet. But she wishes

extremely for repose, and has need of it. She is the wealthiest but

worst governed country on earth; and her finances utterly unprepared

for war. We have need to pray for her repose, and that she may not be

engaged in a continental war while our matters with Great Britain are

so unsettled and so little like being settled.

An accident has happened here which will probably damp the ardor with

which aërial navigation has been pursued. Monsieur Pilatre de Roziere

had been attending many months at Boulogne a fair wind to cross the

channel in a balloon which was compounded of one of inflammable air,

and another called a Montgolfier with rarefied air only. He at length

thought the wind fair and with a companion ascended. After proceeding

a proper direction about two leagues, the wind changed and brought

them again over the French coast. Being at the height of about six

thousand feet, some accident, unknown, burst the balloon of inflammable

air, and the Montgolfier being unequal alone to sustain their weight,

they precipitated from that height to the earth, and were crushed to

atoms. Though navigation by water is attended with frequent accidents,

and in its infancy must have been attended with more, yet these are

now so familiar that we think little of them, while that which has

signalized the two first martyrs to the aëronautical art will probably

deter very many from the experiments they would have been disposed

to make. Will you give me leave to hope the pleasure of hearing from

you sometimes. The details from my own country of the proceedings of

the legislative, executive and judiciary bodies, and even those which

respect individuals only, are the most pleasing treat we can receive

at this distance, and the most useful also. I will promise in return

whatever may be interesting to you here.

I am, with very perfect esteem, Sir,

Your friend and servant.

TO CHARLES THOMPSON.

PARIS, June 21, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of March the 6th, has come duly to hand. You

therein acknowledge the receipt of mine of November the 11th; at that

time you could not have received my last, of February the 8th. At

present there is so little new in politics, literature, or the arts,

that I write rather to prove to you my desire of nourishing your

correspondence, than of being able to give you anything interesting

at this time. The political world is almost lulled to sleep by the

lethargic state of the Dutch negotiation, which will probably end in

peace. Nor does this court profess to apprehend that the Emperor will

involve this hemisphere in war by his schemes on Bavaria and Turkey.

The arts, instead of advancing, have lately received a check, which

will probably render stationary for awhile, that branch of them which

had promised to elevate us to the skies. Pilatre de Roziere, who had

first ventured into that region, has fallen a sacrifice to it. In an

attempt to pass from Boulogne over to England, a change in the wind

having brought him back on the coast of France, some accident happened

to his balloon of inflammable air, which occasioned it to burst, and

that of rarefied air combined with it being then unequal to the weight,

they fell to the earth from a height, which the first reports made six

thousand feet, but later ones have reduced to sixteen hundred. Pilatre

de Roziere was dead when a peasant, distant one hundred yards only,

ran to him; but Romain, his companion, lived about ten minutes, though

speechless, and without his senses. In literature there is nothing

new. For I do not consider as having added anything to that field my

own Notes, of which I have had a few copies printed. I will send you

a copy by the first safe conveyance. Having troubled Mr. Otto with

one for Colonel Monroe, I could not charge him with one for you. Pray

ask the favor of Colonel Monroe, in page 5, line 17, to strike out

the words, "above the mouth of the Appamattox," which makes nonsense

of the passage; and I forgot to correct it before I had enclosed and

sent off the copy to him. I am desirous of preventing the reprinting

this, should any book merchant think it worth it, till I hear from my

friends, whether the terms in which I have spoken of slavery and the

constitution of our State, will not, by producing an irritation, retard

that reformation which I wish, instead of promoting it. Dr. Franklin

proposes to sail for America about the first or second week of July.

He does not yet know, however, by what conveyance he can go. Unable to

travel by land, he must descend the Seine in a boat to Havre. He has

sent to England to get some vessel bound for Philadelphia, to touch at

Havre for him. But he receives information that this cannot be done.

He has been on the look out ever since he received his permission

to return; but, as yet, no possible means of getting a passage have

offered, and I fear it is very uncertain when any will offer.

I am, with very great esteem, dear Sir,

Your friend and servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

PARIS, June 23, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of the 2d instant, since which I have

received yours of the 3d and 7th. I informed you in mine of the

substance of our letter to Baron Thulemeyer: last night came to hand

his acknowledgment of the receipt of it. He accedes to the method

proposed for signing, and has forwarded our dispatch to the King. I

enclose you a copy of our letter to Mr. Jay, to go by the packet of

this month. It contains a state of our proceedings since the preceding

letter, which you had signed with us. This statement contains nothing

but what you had concurred with us in; and, as Dr. Franklin expects

to go early in July to America, it is probable that the future letters

must be written by you and myself. I shall, therefore, take care that

you be furnished with copies of everything which comes to hand on the

joint business.

What has become of this Mr. Lambe? I am uneasy at the delay of

that business, since we know the ultimate decision of Congress. Dr.

Franklin, having a copy of the Corps Diplomatique, has promised to

prepare a draught of a treaty to be offered to the Barbary States: as

soon as he has done so, we will send it to you for your corrections.

We think it will be best to have it in readiness against the arrival

of Mr. Lambe, on the supposition that he may be addressed to the joint

ministers for instructions.

I asked the favor of you in my last, to choose two of the best London

papers for me; one of each party. The Duke of Dorset has given me

leave to have them put under his address, and sent to the office from

which his despatches come. I think he called it Cleveland office, or

Cleveland lane, or by some such name; however, I suppose it can be

easily known there. Will Mr. Stockdale undertake to have these papers

sent regularly, or is this out of the line of his business? Pray order

me, also, any really good pamphlets that come out from time to time,

which he will charge to me.

I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO M. DU PORTAIL.

PARIS, June 27, 1786.

SIR,--I had the honor of informing you some time ago that I had written

to the Board of Treasury on the subject of the arrearages of interest

due to the foreign officers, and urging the necessity of paying them.

I now enclose the extract of a letter which I have just received from

them, and by which you will perceive that their funds were not in a

condition for making that payment in the moment of receiving my letter,

but that they would be attentive to make it in the first moment it

should be in their power. There is still a second letter of mine on the

way to them, on the same subject, which will again press for exertions

in this business, which, however, I am satisfied they will not fail

to do their utmost in. It will give me real pleasure to inform you

of effectual provision for this purpose in the first moment possible,

being with sentiments of esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient

and most humble servant.

TO COLONEL MONROE.

PARIS, July 5, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--I wrote you by Mr. Adams, May the 11th, and by Mr. Otto,

June the 17th. The latter acknowledged the receipt of yours of April

the 12th, which is the only one come to hand of later date than

December the 14th. Little has occurred since my last. Peace seems to

show herself under a more decided form. The Emperor is now on a journey

to Italy, and the two Dutch Plenipotentiaries have set out for Vienna;

there to make an apology for their State having dared to fire a gun

in defence of her invaded rights: this is insisted on as a preliminary

condition. The Emperor seems to prefer the glory of terror to that of

justice; and, to satisfy this tinsel passion, plants a dagger in the

heart of every Dutchman which no time will extract. I enquired lately

of a gentleman who lived long at Constantinople, in a public character,

and enjoyed the confidence of that government, insomuch as to become

well acquainted with its spirit and its powers, what he thought might

be the issue of the present affair between the Emperor and the Porte.

He thinks the latter will not push matters to a war; and, if they do,

they must fail under it. They have lost their warlike spirit, and their

troops cannot be induced to adopt the European arms. We have no news

yet of Mr. Lambe; of course, our Barbary proceedings are still at a

stand.[111]

Yours Affectionately.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

PARIS, July 7, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--This will accompany a joint letter enclosing the draft of

a treaty, and my private letter of June 23d, which has waited so long

for a private conveyance. We daily expect from the Baron Thulemeyer

the French column for our treaty with his sovereign. In the meanwhile,

two copies are preparing with the English column, which Dr. Franklin

wishes to sign before his departure, which will be within four or

five days. The French, when received, will be inserted in the blank

columns of each copy. As the measure of signing at several times and

places is new, we think it necessary to omit no other circumstance

of ceremony which can be observed. That of sending it by a person of

confidence, and invested with a character relative to the object,

who shall attest our signatures here, yours in London, and Baron

Thulemeyer's at the Hague, and who shall make the actual exchanges, we

think will contribute to supply the departure from the usual form, in

other instances. For this reason, we have agreed to send Mr. Short on

this business, to make him a secretary _pro hac vice_, and to join Mr.

Dumas for the operations of exchange, &c. As Dr. Franklin will have

left us before Mr. Short's mission will commence, and I have never been

concerned in the ceremonials of a treaty, I will thank you for your

immediate information as to the papers he should be furnished with from

hence. He will repair first to you in London, thence to the Hague, and

then return to Paris.

What has become of Mr. Lambe? Supposing he was to call on the

commissioners for instructions, and thinking it best these should be in

readiness, Dr. Franklin undertook to consult well the Barbary treaties

with other nations, and to prepare a sketch which we should have sent

for your correction. He tells me he has consulted those treaties, and

made references to the articles proper for us, which, however, he will

not have time to put into form, but will leave them with me to reduce.

As soon as I see them, you shall hear from me. A late conversation with

an English gentleman here makes me believe, what I did not believe

before, that his nation thinks seriously that Congress have no power

to form a treaty of commerce. As the explanations of this matter,

which you and I may separately give, may be handed to their minister,

it would be well that they should agree. For this reason, as well as

for the hope of your showing me wherein I am wrong, and confirming

me where I am right, I will give you my creed on the subject. It is

contained in these four principles. By the Confederation, Congress

have no power given them, in the first instance, over the commerce

of the States. But they have a power given them of entering into

treaties of commerce, and these treaties may cover the whole field of

commerce, with two restrictions only. 1. That the States may impose

equal duties on foreigners as natives: and 2. That they may prohibit

the exportation or importation of any species of goods whatsoever. When

they shall have entered into such treaty, the superintendence of it

results to them; all the operations of commerce, which are protected by

its stipulations, come under their jurisdiction, and the power of the

States to thwart them by their separate acts, ceases. If Great Britain

asks, then, why she should enter into any treaty with us? why not carry

on her commerce without treaty? I answer; because, till a treaty is

made, no consul of hers can be received (his functions being called

into existence by a convention only, and the States having abandoned

the right of separate agreements and treaties); no protection to her

commerce can be given by Congress; no cover to it from those checks

and discouragements with which the States will oppress it, acting

separately, and by fits and starts. That they will act so till a treaty

is made Great Britain has had several proofs; and I am convinced those

proofs will become general. It is, then, to put her commerce with us

on systematical ground, and under safe cover, that it behoves Great

Britain to enter into treaty. As I own to you that my wish to enter

into treaties with the other powers of Europe arises more from a desire

of bringing all our commerce under the jurisdiction of Congress, than

from any other views. Because, according to my idea, the commerce

of the United States with those countries, not under treaty with us,

is under the jurisdiction of each State separately; but that of the

countries, which have treated with us, is under the jurisdiction of

Congress, with the two fundamental restraints only, which I have before

noted.

I shall be happy to receive your corrections of these ideas, as I have

found, in the course of our joint services, that I think right when I

think with you.

I am, with sincere affection, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

* * * * *

P. S. Monsieur Houdon has agreed to go to America to take the figure

of General Washington. In case of his death, between his departure from

Paris, and his return to it, we may lose twenty thousand livres. I ask

the favor of you to enquire what it will cost to ensure that sum, on

his life, in London, and to give me as early an answer as possible,

that I may order the insurance if I think the terms easy enough. He is,

I believe, between thirty and thirty-five years of age, healthy enough,

and will be absent about six months.

TO M. DE CASTRIES.

PARIS, July 10th, 1785.

SIR,--I am honored with your Excellency's letter on the prize money

for which Mr. Jones applies. The papers intended to have been therein

enclosed, not having been actually enclosed, I am unable to say

anything on their subject. But I find that Congress, on the first day

of November, 1783, recommended Captain Jones to their Minister here,

as agent, to solicit, under his direction, payment to the officers and

crews for the prizes taken in Europe under his command; requiring him

previously to give to their superintendent of finance good security for

paying to him whatever he should receive, to be by him distributed to

those entitled. In consequence of this, Captain Jones gave the security

required, as is certified by the superintendent of finance on the 6th

of November, 1783, and received from Doctor Franklin on the 17th of

December, 1783, due authority, as agent, to solicit the said payments.

From these documents, I consider Captain Jones as agent for the

citizens of the United States, interested in the prizes taken in Europe

under his command, and that he is properly authorized to receive the

money due to them, having given good security to transmit it to the

treasury office of the United States, whence it will be distributed,

under the care of Congress, to the officers and crews originally

entitled, or to their representatives.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, your

Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant,

TO MESSRS. FRENCH AND NEPHEW.

PARIS, July 13th, 1785.

GENTLEMEN,--I had the honor of receiving your letter of June the

21st, enclosing one from Mr. Alexander of June the 17th, and a copy

of his application to Monsieur de Calonnes. I am very sensible that

no trade can be on a more desperate footing than that of tobacco, in

this country; and that our merchants must abandon the French markets,

if they are not permitted to sell the productions they bring, on

such terms as will enable them to purchase reasonable returns in the

manufactures of France. I know but one remedy to the evil; that of

allowing a free vent; and I should be very happy in being instrumental

to the obtaining this. But, while the purchase of tobacco is

monopolized by a company, and they pay for that monopoly a heavy price

to the government, they doubtless are at liberty to fix such places and

terms of purchase, as may enable them to make good their engagements

with government. I see no more reason for obliging them to give a

greater price for tobacco than they think they can afford, than to

do the same between two individuals treating for a horse, a house, or

anything else. Could this be effected by applications to the minister,

it would only be a palliative which would retard the ultimate cure, so

much to be wished for and aimed at by every friend to this country, as

well as to America.

I have the honor to be, Gentlemen, your most obedient humble servant,

TO DR. STYLES.

PARIS, July 17, 1785.

SIR,--I have long deferred doing myself the honor of writing to

you, wishing for an opportunity to accompany my letter with a copy

of the Bibliothéque Physico-œconomique; a book published here

lately in four small volumes, and which gives an account of all the

improvements in the arts which have been made for some years past. I

flatter myself you will find in it many things agreeable and useful.

I accompany it with the volumes of the "Connoisance des Tems" for

the years 1781, 1784, 1785, 1786, 1787. But why, you will ask, do I

send you old almanacs, which are proverbially useless? Because, in

these publications have appeared, from time to time, some of the most

precious things in astronomy. I have searched out those particular

volumes which might be valuable to you on this account. That of

1781, contains de la Caille's catalogue of fixed stars reduced to

the commencement of that year, and a table of the aberrations and

nutations of the principal stars. 1784 contains the same catalogue

with the nebuleuses of Messier. 1785 contains the famous catalogue

of Hamsteed, with the positions of the stars reduced to the beginning

of the year 1784, and which supersedes the use of that immense book.

1786 gives you Euler's lunar tables corrected; and 1787, the tables

for the planet Herschel. The two last needed not an apology, as not

being within the description of old almanacs. It is fixed on grounds

which scarcely admit a doubt that the planet Herschel was seen by Mayer

in the year 1756, and was considered by him as one of the zodiacal

stars, and, as such, arranged in his catalogue, being the 964th which

he describes. This 964th of Mayer has been since missing, and the

calculations for the planet Herschel show that it should have been,

at the time of Mayer's observation, where he places his 964th star.

The volume of 1787 gives you Mayer's catalogue of the zodiacal stars.

The researches of the natural philosophers of Europe seem mostly in

the field of chemistry, and here, principally, on the subjects of air

and fire. The analysis of these two subjects, presents to us very new

ideas. When speaking of the "Bibliothéque Physico-œconomique," I

should have observed, that since its publication, a man in this city

has invented a method of moving a vessel on the water, by a machine

worked within the vessel. I went to see it. He did not know himself

the principle of his own invention. It is a screw with a very broad

thin worm, or rather it is a thin plate with its edge applied spirally

round an axis. This being turned, operates on the air, as a screw does,

and may be literally said to screw the vessel along; the thinness of

the medium, and its want of resistance, occasion a loss of much of the

force. The screw, I think, would be more effectual if placed below

the surface of the water. I very much suspect that a countryman of

ours, Mr. Bushnel of Connecticut, is entitled to the merit of a prior

discovery of this use of the screw. I remember to have heard of his

submarine navigation during the war, and, from what Colonel Humphreys

now tells me, I conjecture that the screw was the power he used. He

joined to this a machine for exploding under water at a given moment.

If it were not too great a liberty for a stranger to take, I would

ask from him a narration of his actual experiments, with or without

a communication of his principle, as he should choose. If he thought

proper to communicate it, I would engage never to disclose it, unless

I could find an opportunity of doing it for his benefit. I thank you

for your information as to the great bones found on the Hudson river.

I suspect that they must have been of the same animal with those found

on the Ohio; and, if so, they could not have belonged to any human

figure, because they are accompanied with tusks of the size, form and

substance, of those of the elephant. I have seen a part of the ivory,

which was very good. The animal itself must have been much larger

than an elephant. Mrs. Adams gives me an account of a flower found in

Connecticut, which vegetates when suspended in the air. She brought one

to Europe. What can be this flower? It would be a curious present to

this continent.

The accommodation likely to take place between the Dutch and the

Emperor, leaves us without that unfortunate resource for news, which

wars give us. The Emperor has certainly had in view the Bavarian

exchange of which you have heard; but so formidable an opposition

presented itself, that he has thought proper to disavow it. The Turks

show a disposition to go to war with him, but, if this country can

prevail on them to remain in peace, they will do so. It has been

thought that the two Imperial courts have a plan of expelling the Turks

from Europe. It is really a pity so charming a country should remain in

the hands of a people, whose religion forbids the admission of science

and the arts among them. We should wish success to the object of the

two empires, if they meant to leave the country in possession of the

Greek inhabitants. We might then expect, once more, to see the language

of Homer and Demosthenes a living language. For I am persuaded the

modern Greek would easily get back to its classical models. But this is

not intended. They only propose to put the Greeks under other masters:

to substitute one set of barbarians for another.

Colonel Humphreys, having satisfied you that all attempts would be

fruitless here to obtain money or other advantages for your college,

I need add nothing on that head. It is a method of supporting colleges

of which they have no idea, though they practice it for the support of

their lazy monkish institutions.

I have the honor to be, with the highest respect and esteem, Sir, your

most obedient and most humble servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

PARIS, July 28, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--Your favors of July the 16th and 18th, came to hand the same

day on which I had received Baron Thulemeyer's enclosing the ultimate

draught for the treaty. As this draught, which was in French, was to

be copied into the two instruments which Dr. Franklin had signed, it

is finished this day only. Mr. Short sets out immediately. I have put

into his hands a letter of instructions how to conduct himself, which I

have signed, leaving a space above for your signature. The two treaties

I have signed at the left hand, Dr. Franklin having informed me that

the signatures are read backwards. Besides the instructions to Mr.

Short, I signed also a letter to Mr. Dumas, associating him with Mr.

Short. These two letters I made out as nearly conformably as I could

to your ideas expressed in your letter of the 18th. If anything more

be necessary, be so good as to make a separate instruction for them

signed by yourself, to which I will accede. I have not directed Mr.

Dumas's letter. I have heretofore directed to him as "Agent for the

United States at the Hague," that being the description under which

the journals of Congress speak of him. In his last letter to me, is

a paragraph from which I conclude that the address I have used is not

agreeable, and perhaps may be wrong. Will you be so good as to address

the letter to him, and to inform me how to address him hereafter?

Mr. Short carries also the other papers necessary. His equipment for

his journey requiring expenses which cannot come into the account of

ordinary expenses, such as clothes, &c., what allowance should be made

him? I have supposed somewhere between a guinea a day, and one thousand

dollars a year, which I believe is the salary of a private secretary.

This I mean as over and above his travelling expenses. Be so good as to

say, and I will give him an order on his return. The danger of robbery,

has induced me to furnish him with only money enough to carry him to

London. You will be so good as to procure him enough to carry him to

the Hague, and back to Paris.

The confederation of the King of Prussia with some members of the

Germanic body, for the preservation of their constitution, is, I

think, beyond a doubt. The Emperor has certainly complained of it in

formal communications at several courts. By what can be collected

from diplomatic conversation here, I also conclude it tolerably

certain, that the Elector of Hanover has been invited to accede to

the confederation, and has done, or is doing so. You will have better

circumstances, however, on the spot, to form a just judgment. Our

matters with the first of these powers being now in conclusion, I wish

it was so with the Elector of Hanover. I conclude, from the general

expressions in your letter, that little may be expected. Mr. Short

furnishing so safe a conveyance that the trouble of the cypher may be

dispensed with, I will thank you for such details of what has passed,

as may not be too troublesome to you.

The difficulties of getting books into Paris delayed for some time my

receipt of the Corps Diplomatique left by Dr. Franklin. Since that,

we have been engaged with expediting Mr. Short. A huge packet also,

brought by Mr. Mazzei, has added to the causes which have as yet

prevented me from examining Dr. Franklin's notes on the Barbary treaty.

It shall be one of my first occupations. Still the possibility is too

obvious that we may run counter to the instructions of Congress, of

which Mr. Lambe is said to be the bearer. There is a great impatience

in America for these treaties. I am much distressed between this

impatience and the known will of Congress, on the one hand, and the

uncertainty of the details committed to this tardy servant.

The Duke of Dorset sets out for London to-morrow. He says he shall

be absent two months. There is some whisper that he will not return,

and that Lord Carmarthen wishes to come here. I am sorry to lose so

honest a man as the Duke. I take the liberty to ask an answer about the

insurance of Houdon's life.

Congress is not likely to adjourn this summer. They have passed an

ordinance for selling their lands. I have not received it.

What would you think of the enclosed draught to be proposed to the

courts of London and Versailles? I would add Madrid and Lisbon, but

that they are still more desperate than the others. I know it goes

beyond our powers, and beyond the powers of Congress too; but it is so

evidently for the good of all the States, that I should not be afraid

to risk myself on it, if you are of the same opinion. Consider it, if

you please, and give me your thoughts on it by Mr. Short; but I do not

communicate it to him, nor any other mortal living but yourself.

Be pleased to present me in the most friendly terms to the ladies, and

believe me to be, with great esteem,

Dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO THE BARON DE THULEMEYER.

PARIS, July 28, 1785.

SIR,--I was honored with the receipt of your letter on the 24th

instant, together with the French draught of the treaty proposed.

As it ultimately meets his Majesty's approbation, Dr. Franklin, our

colleague, having assisted us through the progress of this business,

we were desirous he also should join in the execution. Duplicate

instruments were therefore prepared, each divided into two columns, in

one of which we entered the English form as it has been settled between

us, leaving the other blank to receive the French, which we expected

from you. In this state the Doctor, before his departure, put his

signature and seal to the two instruments. We have since put into the

blank column the French form received from you verbatim. As we thought

that such instruments should not be trusted out of confidential hands,

and the bearer thereof, William Short, Esq., heretofore a member of the

Council of State in Virginia, happened to be in Paris, and willing to

give us his assistance herein, they are delivered into his hands with

other necessary papers, according to an arrangement previously made

between Mr. Adams, Dr. Franklin and myself. He will proceed to London

to obtain Mr. Adams's signature, and thence to the Hague, where we

have, according to your desire, associated Mr. Dumas with him to concur

with you in the final execution. It is with singular pleasure I see

this connection formed by my country with a sovereign whose character

gives a lustre to all the transactions of which he makes part. Give me

leave to recommend Mr. Short to your notice. His talents and merits are

such as to have placed him, young as he is, in the Supreme Executive

Council of Virginia, an office which he relinquished to visit Europe.

The letter to Baron Steuben shall be taken care of.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect, Sir,

your most obedient and most humble servant.

TO MESSRS. N. AND J. VAN STAPHORST _Amsterdam_.

PARIS, July 30, 1785.

GENTLEMEN,--I received yesterday your favor of the 25th. Supposing

that the funds which are the object of your enquiry, are those which

constitute what we call our domestic debt, it is my opinion that they

are absolutely secure: I have no doubt at all but that they will be

paid, with their interest at six per cent. But I cannot say that they

are as secure and solid as the funds which constitute our _foreign_

debt; because no man in America ever entertained a doubt that our

foreign debts is to be paid fully; but some people in America have

seriously contended, that the certificates, and other evidences of

our domestic debt, ought to be redeemed only at what they have cost

the holder; for I must observe to you, that these certificates of

domestic debt, having as yet no provision for the payment of principal

or interest, and the original holders being mostly needy, have been

sold at a very great discount. When I left America (July, 1784,) they

sold, in different States, at from 15s. to 2s. 6d. in the pound; and

any amount of them might then have been purchased. Hence some thought

that full justice would be done, if the public paid the purchasers of

them what they actually paid for them, and interest on that. But this

is very far from being a general opinion; a very great majority being

firmly decided that they shall be paid fully. Were I the holder of any

of them, I should not have the least fear of their full payment. There

is also a difference between different species of certificates; some of

them being receivable in taxes, others having the benefit of particular

assurances, &c. Again, some of these certificates are for paper money

debts. A deception here must be guarded against. Congress ordered all

such to be re-settled by the depreciation tables, and a new certificate

to be given in exchange for them, expressing their value in real money.

But all have not yet been re-settled. In short, this is a science in

which few in America are expert, and no person in a foreign country can

be so. Foreigners should therefore be sure that they are well advised,

before they meddle with them, or they may suffer. If you will reflect

with what degree of success persons actually in America could speculate

in the European funds, which rise and fall daily, you may judge how

far those in Europe may do it in the American funds, which are more

variable from a variety of causes.

I am not at all acquainted with Mr. Daniel Parker, further than having

once seen him in Philadelphia. He is of Massachusetts, I believe, and

I am of Virginia. His circumstances are utterly unknown to me. I think

there are few men in America, if there is a single one, who could

command a hundred thousand pounds' sterling worth of these notes, at

their real value. At their nominal amount, this might be done perhaps

with twenty-five thousand pounds sterling, if the market price of them

be as low as when I left America.

I am, with very great respect, Gentlemen, your most obedient humble

servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

PARIS, July 31, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--I was honored yesterday with yours of the 24th instant.

When the first article of our instructions of May 7th, 1784, was under

debate in Congress, it was proposed that neither party should make

the other pay, in their ports, greater duties, than they paid in the

ports of the other. One objection to this was, its impracticability;

another, that it would put it out of our power to lay such duties

on alien importation as might encourage importation by natives. Some

members, much attached to English policy, thought such a distinction

should actually be established. Some thought the power to do it should

be reserved, in case any peculiar circumstances should call for it,

though under the present, or, perhaps, any probable circumstances,

they did not think it would be good policy ever to exercise it. The

footing _gentis amicissimæ_ was therefore adopted, as you see in the

instruction. As far as my enquiries enable me to judge, France and

Holland make no distinction of duties between aliens and natives. I

also rather believe that the other States of Europe make none, England

excepted, to whom this policy, as that of her navigation act, seems

peculiar. The question then is, should we disarm ourselves of the power

to make this distinction against all nations, in order to purchase

an exception from the alien duties in England only; for if we put her

importations on the footing of native, all other nations with whom we

treat will have a right to claim the same. I think we should, because

against other nations, who make no distinction in their ports between

us and their own subjects, we ought not to make a distinction in

ours. And if the English will agree, in like manner, to make none, we

should, with equal reason, abandon the right as against them. I think

all the world would gain, by setting commerce at perfect liberty. I

remember that when we were digesting the general form of our treaty,

this proposition to put foreigners and natives on the same footing

was considered; and we were all three, Dr. Franklin as well as you

and myself, in favor of it. We finally, however, did not admit it,

partly from the objection you mention, but more still on account of

our instructions. But though the English proclamation had appeared in

America at the time of framing these instructions, I think its effect,

as to alien duties, had not yet been experienced, and therefore was

not attended to. If it had been noted in the debate, I am sure that

the annihilation of our whole trade would have been thought too great a

price to pay for the reservation of a barren power, which a majority of

the members did not propose ever to exercise, though they were willing

to retain it. Stipulating for equal rights to foreigners and natives,

we obtain more in foreign ports than our instructions required, and we

only part with, in our own ports, a power of which sound policy would

probably forever forbid the exercise. Add to this, that our treaty will

be for a very short term, and if any evil be experienced under it, a

reformation will soon be in our power. I am, therefore, for putting

this among our original propositions to the court of London.

If it should prove an insuperable obstacle with them, or if it should

stand in the way of a greater advantage, we can but abandon it in the

course of the negotiation.

In my copy of the cypher, on the alphabetical side, numbers are wanting

from "Denmark" to "disc" inclusive, and from "gone" to "governor"

inclusive. I suppose them to have been omitted in copying; will you be

so good as to send them to me from yours, by the first safe conveyance?

With compliments to the ladies, and to Colonel Smith,

I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.[112]

TO MR. WM. SHORT.[113]

July, 1785.

SIR,--A treaty of amity and commerce between the United States of

America and his majesty the King of Prussia having been arranged with

the Baron de Thulemeyer, his majesty's envoy extraordinary at the

Hague, specially empowered for this purpose, and it being inconsistent

with our other duties to repair to that place ourselves for the purpose

of executing and exchanging the instruments of treaty, we hereby

appoint you special secretary for that purpose.

You receive from Colonel Humphries, secretary of our legation, the

original of our full powers, and a copy of the same attested by him,

heretofore communicated to us by the Baron de Thulemeyer, and the two

instruments of treaty awarded between us, each in two columns, the

one in English and the other in French, equally originals. From us you

receive a letter to Charles Dumas, Esq., for the United States at the

Hague, associating him with you in the object of your mission.

You will proceed immediately to the Hague, and being arrived there,

will deliver the letter to Mr. Dumas, and proceed conjunctly with him

in the residue of your business, which is to be executed there.

The original of our full powers is to be exhibited to the

plenipotentiary of his majesty the King of Prussia, and the attested

copy is to be left with him, you taking back the original. You will in

like manner ask an exhibition of the original of his full powers, and

also a copy duly attested: you will compare the copy with the original,

and, being satisfied of its exactness, you will return the original

and keep the copy. That you may be under no doubt whether the full

powers exhibited to you be sufficient or not, you receive from Colonel

Humphries those which the Baron de Thulemeyer heretofore sent to us; if

those which shall be exhibited agree with these in form or substance,

they will be sufficient.

The full powers being approved on each side and exchanged, you will

obtain the signature and seal of the Prussian plenipotentiary to the

two instruments of treaty with which you are charged, and yourself and

Mr. Dumas will attest the same. One of these original instruments will

remain in the hands of the Prussian plenipotentiary, the other you will

retain.

You will ask that the ratification of his majesty the King of Prussia

be made known to us as soon as it shall have taken place, giving an

assurance on our part that that of Congress shall also be communicated

as soon as it shall have taken place; when both ratifications shall be

known, measures may be concerted for exchanging them. You will confer

with the said plenipotentiary on the expediency of keeping this treaty

uncommunicated to the public until the exchange of ratifications agree

accordingly.

You will then return to Paris, and redeliver to the secretary of our

legation, our original full powers, the copies of those of Prussia

before-mentioned, and the original instrument of the treaty which you

shall have retained.

TO M. DE CASTRIES.

PARIS, August 3, 1785.

SIR,--The enclosed copy of a letter from Captain John Paul Jones, on

the subject on which your Excellency did me the honor to write me, on

the ---- day of July, will inform you that there is still occasion

to be troublesome to you. A Mr. Puchilberg, a merchant of L'Orient,

who seems to have kept himself unknown till money was to be received,

now presents powers to receive it, signed by the American officers

and crews; and this produces a hesitation in the person to whom your

order was directed. Congress, however, having substituted Captain

Jones, as agent, to solicit and receive this money, he having given

them security to forward it, when received, to their treasury, to

be thence distributed to the claimants, and having at a considerable

expense of time, trouble, and money, attended it to a conclusion, are

circumstances of weight, against which Mr. Puchilberg seems to have

nothing to oppose, but a nomination by individuals of the crew, under

which he has declined to act, and permitted the business to be done

by another without contradiction from him. Against him, too, it is

urged that he fomented the sedition which took place among them; that

he obtained this nomination from them while their minds were under

ferment; and that he has given no security for the faithful payment of

the money to those entitled to it.

I will add to these, one more circumstance which appears to render it

impossible that he should execute this trust. It is now several years

since the right to this money arose. The persons in whom it originally

vested were probably from different States in America. Many of them

must be now dead; and their rights passed on to their representatives.

But who are their representatives? The laws of some States prefer one

degree of relations, those of others prefer another, there being no

uniformity among the States on this point. Mr. Puchilberg, therefore,

should know which of the parties are dead; in what order the laws of

their respective States call their relations to the succession; and,

in every case, which of those orders are actually in existence, and

entitled to the share of the deceased. With the Atlantic Ocean between

the principals and their substitute, your Excellency will perceive

what an inexhaustible source of difficulties, of chicanery, and delay,

this might furnish to a person who should find an interest in keeping

this money, as long as possible, in his own hands. Whereas, if it

be lodged in the treasury of Congress, they, by an easy reference to

the tribunals of the different States, can have every one's portion

immediately rendered to himself, if living; and if dead, to such of his

relations as the laws of his particular State prefer, and as shall be

found actually living. I the rather urge this course, as I foresee that

it will relieve your Excellency from numberless appeals, which these

people will continually be making from the decisions of Mr. Puchilberg;

appeals likely to perpetuate that trouble of which you have already

had too much, and to which I am sorry to be obliged to add, by asking

a peremptory order for the execution of what you were before pleased to

decide on this subject.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect respect,

your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

PARIS, August 6, 1785

DEAR SIR,--I now enclose you a draught of a treaty for the Barbary

States, together with the notes Dr. Franklin left me. I have retained

a press copy of this draught, so that by referring to any article, line

and word, in it, you can propose amendments, and send them by the post,

without anybody's being able to make much of the main subject. I shall

be glad to receive any alterations you may think necessary, as soon

as convenient, that this matter may be in readiness. I enclose also a

letter containing intelligence from Algiers. I know not how far it is

to be relied on. My anxiety is extreme indeed, as to these treaties.

We know that Congress have decided ultimately to treat. We know how far

they will go. But unfortunately we know also, that a particular person

has been charged with instructions for us, these five months, who

neither comes nor writes to us. What are we to do? It is my opinion,

that if Mr. Lambe does not come in either of the packets (English or

French) now expected, we ought to proceed. I therefore propose to you

this term, as the end of our expectations of him, and that if he does

not come, we send some other person. Dr. Bancroft or Captain Jones

occurs to me as the fittest. If we consider the present object only,

I think the former would be the most proper; but if we look forward to

the very probable event of war with those pirates, an important object

would be obtained by Captain Jones' becoming acquainted with their

ports, force, tactics, &c. Let me know your opinion on this. I have

never mentioned it to either, but I suppose either might be induced

to go. Present me affectionately to the ladies and Colonel Smith, and

be assured of the sincerity with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and

servant.

TO DR. PRICE.

PARIS, August 7, 1785.

SIR,--Your favor of July the 2d came duly to hand. The concern you

therein express as to the effect of your pamphlet in America, induces

me to trouble you with some observations on that subject.

From my acquaintance with that country, I think I am able to judge,

with some degree of certainty, of the manner in which it will have been

received. Southward of the Chesapeake, it will find but few readers

concurring with it in sentiment, on the subject of slavery. From

the mouth to the head of the Chesapeake, the bulk of the people will

approve it in theory, and it will find a respectable minority ready

to adopt it in practice; a minority, which for weight and worth of

character, preponderates against the greater number, who have not the

courage to divest their families of a property, which, however, keeps

their conscience unquiet. Northward of the Chesapeake, you may find,

here and there, an opponent to your doctrine, as you may find, here and

there, a robber and murderer; but in no greater number. In that part

of America, there being but few slaves, they can easily disencumber

themselves of them; and emancipation is put into such a train, that in

a few years there will be no slaves northward of Maryland. In Maryland,

I do not find such a disposition to begin the redress of this enormity,

as in Virginia. This is the next State to which we may turn our eyes

for the interesting spectacle of justice, in conflict with avarice

and oppression; a conflict wherein the sacred side is gaining daily

recruits, from the influx into office of young men grown, and growing

up. These have sucked in the principles of liberty, as it were, with

their mother's milk; and it is to them I look with anxiety to turn the

fate of this question. Be not therefore discouraged. What you have

written will do a great deal of good; and could you still trouble

yourself with our welfare, no man is more able to give aid to the

laboring side. The College of William and Mary, in Williamsburg, since

the re-modelling of its plan, is the place where are collected together

all the young men of Virginia, under preparation for public life. They

are there under the direction (most of them) of a Mr. Wythe, one of

the most virtuous of characters, and whose sentiments on the subject

of slavery are unequivocal. I am satisfied, if you could resolve to

address an exhortation to those young men, with all that eloquence

of which you are master, that its influence on the future decision

of this important question would be great, perhaps decisive. Thus you

see, that, so far from thinking you have cause to repent of what you

have done, I wish you to do more, and wish it, on an assurance of its

effect. The information I have received from America, of the reception

of your pamphlet in the different States, agrees with the expectations

I had formed.

Our country is getting into a ferment against yours, or rather has

caught it from yours. God knows how this will end; but assuredly in

one extreme or the other. There can be no medium between those who have

loved so much. I think the decision is in your power as yet, but will

not be so long.

I pray you to be assured of the sincerity of the esteem and respect

with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient humble

servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

PARIS, August 10, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--Your favor of the 4th instant came to hand yesterday. I

now enclose you the two _Arrets_ against the importation of foreign

manufactures into this kingdom. The cause of the balance against this

country, in favor of England, as well as its amount, is not agreed on.

No doubt the rage for English manufactures must be a principal cause.

The speculators in exchange say also that those of the circumjacent

countries who have a balance in their favor against France, remit that

balance to England from France. If so, it is possible that the English

may count this balance twice; that is, in summing their exports to one

of these States, and their imports from it, they count the difference

once in their favor, then a second time when they sum the remittances

of cash they receive from France. There has been no _Arret_ relative to

our commerce since that of August, 1784. And all the late advices from

the French West Indies are, that they have now in their ports always

three times as many vessels as there ever were before, and that the

increase is principally from our States. I have now no further fears

of that _Arret's_ standing its ground. When it shall become firm, I

do not think its extension desperate. But whether the placing it on

the firm basis of treaty be practicable, is a very different question.

As far as it is possible to judge from appearances, I conjecture

that Crawford will do nothing. I infer this from some things in his

conversation, and from an expression of the Count de Vergennes in a

conversation with me yesterday. I pressed upon him the importance of

opening their ports freely to us in the moment of the oppressions of

the English regulations against us, and perhaps of the suspension of

their commerce. He admitted it, but said we had free ingress with our

productions. I enumerated them to him, and showed him on what footing

they were, and how they might be improved. We are to have further

conversations on the subject. I am afraid the voyage to Fontainebleau

will interrupt them. From the inquiries I have made, I find I cannot

get a very small and indifferent house there for the season, (that

is, for a month,) for less than one hundred or one hundred and fifty

guineas. This is nearly the whole salary for the time, and would leave

nothing to eat. I therefore cannot accompany the court thither, but

I will endeavor to go there occasionally from Paris. They tell me it

is the most favorable scene for business with the Count de Vergennes,

because he is then more abstracted from the domestic applications.

Count d'Aranda is not yet returned from the waters of Vichy. As soon

as he returns, I will apply to him in the case of Mr. Watson. I will

pray you to insure Houdon's life from the 27th of last month till his

return to Paris. As he was to stay in America a month or two, he will

probably be about six months absent; but the three per cent. for the

voyage being once paid, I suppose they will insure his life by the

month, whether his absence be longer or shorter. The sum to be insured

is fifteen thousand livres tournois. If it be not necessary to pay

the money immediately, there is a prospect of exchange becoming more

favorable. But whenever it is necessary, be so good as to procure it by

selling a draft on Mr. Grand, which I will take care shall be honored.

With compliments to the ladies,

I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

PARIS, August 14, 1785.

SIR,--I was honored, on the 22d ultimo, with the receipt of your letter

of June the 15th; and delivered the letter therein enclosed, from the

President of Congress to the King. I took an opportunity of asking the

Count de Vergennes, whether the Chevalier Luzerne proposed to return

to America? He answered me that he did; and that he was here, for a

time only, to arrange his private affairs. Of course, this stopped my

proceeding further, in compliance with the hint in your letter. I knew

that the Chevalier Luzerne still retained the character of minister

to Congress, which occasioned my premising the question I did. But,

notwithstanding the answer, which indeed was the only one the Count

de Vergennes could give me, I believe it is not expected that the

Chevalier will return to America: that he is waiting an appointment

here, to some of their embassies, or some other promotion, and in the

meantime, as a favor, is permitted to retain his former character.

Knowing the esteem borne him in America, I did not suppose it would

be wished that I should add anything which might occasion an injury

to him; and the rather, as I presumed that at this time, there did not

exist the same reason for wishing the arrival of a minister in America,

which, perhaps, existed there at the date of your letter. Count Adhemar

is just arrived from London, on account of a paralytic disease with

which he has been struck. It does not seem improbable that his place

will be supplied, and perhaps by the Chevalier de la Luzerne.

A French vessel has lately refused the salute to a British armed

vessel in the channel. The chargé des affaires of Great Britain, at

this court, (their ambassador having gone to London a few days ago,)

made this the subject of a conference with the Count de Vergennes, on

Tuesday last. He told me that the Count explained the transaction as

the act of the individual master of the French vessel, not founded in

any public orders. His earnestness, and his endeavors to find terms

sufficiently soft to express the Count's explanation, had no tendency

to lessen any doubts I might have entertained on this subject. I think

it possible the refusal may have been by order: nor can I believe that

Great Britain is in a condition to resent it, if it was so. In this

case, we shall see it repeated by France; and her example will then

be soon followed by other nations. The news-writers bring together

this circumstance, with the departure of the French ambassador from

London, and the English ambassador from Paris, the manœuvring of a

French fleet just off the channel, the collecting some English vessels

of war in the channel, the failure of a commercial treaty between the

two countries, and a severe _Arret_ here against English manufactures,

as foreboding war. It is possible that the fleet of manœuvre, the

refusal of the salute, and the English fleet of observation, may have

a connection with one another. But I am persuaded the other facts are

totally independent of these, and of one another, and are accidentally

brought together in point of time. Neither nation is in a condition

to go to war: Great Britain, indeed, the least so of the two. The

latter power, or rather, its monarch, as Elector of Hanover, has lately

confederated with the King of Prussia and others of the Germanic

body, evidently in opposition to the Emperor's designs on Bavaria.

An alliance, too, between the Empress of Russia and the republic

of Venice, seems to have had him in view, as he had meditated some

exchange of territory with that republic. This desertion of the powers

heretofore thought friendly to him, seems to leave no issue for his

ambition, but on the side of Turkey. His demarkation with that country

is still unsettled. His difference with the Dutch is certainly agreed.

The articles are not yet made public; perhaps not quite adjusted. Upon

the whole, we may count on another year's peace in Europe, and that our

friends will not, within that time, be brought into any embarrassments,

which might encourage Great Britain to be difficult in settling the

points still unsettled between us.

You have, doubtless, seen in the papers, that this court was sending

two vessels into the south sea, under the conduct of a Captain

Peyrouse. They give out, that the object is merely for the improvement

of our knowledge of the geography of that part of the globe. And

certain it is, that they carry men of eminence in different branches

of science. Their loading, however, as detailed in conversations, and

some other circumstances, appeared to me to indicate some other design:

perhaps that of colonizing on the western coast of America; or, it may

be, only to establish one or more factories there, for the fur trade.

Perhaps we may be little interested in either of these objects. But we

are interested in another, that is, to know whether they are perfectly

weaned from the desire of possessing continental colonies in America.

Events might arise, which would render it very desirable for Congress

to be satisfied they have no such wish. If they would desire a colony

on the western side of America, I should not be quite satisfied that

they would refuse one which should offer itself on the eastern side.

Captain Paul Jones being at L'Orient, within a day's journey of Brest,

where Captain Peyrouse's vessels lay, I desired him, if he could

not satisfy himself at L'Orient of the nature of this equipment, to

go to Brest for that purpose: conducting himself so as to excite no

suspicion that we attended at all to this expedition. His discretion

can be relied on, and his expenses for so short a journey, will be a

trifling price for satisfaction on this point. I hope, therefore, that

my undertaking that the expenses of his journey shall be reimbursed him

will not be disapproved.

A gentleman, lately arrived from New York, tells me he thinks it will

be satisfactory to Congress to be informed of the effect produced

here by the insult of Longchamps on Monsieur de Marbois. Soon after

my arrival in France last summer, it was the matter of a conversation

between the Count de Vergennes and myself. I explained to him the

effect of the judgment against Longchamps. He did not say that it

was satisfactory, but neither did he say a word from which I could

collect that it was not so. The conversation was not official, because

foreign to the character in which I then was. He has never mentioned

a word on the subject to me since, and it was not for me to introduce

it at any time. I have never once heard it mentioned in conversation,

by any person of this country, and have no reason to suppose that

there remains any uneasiness on the subject. I have indeed been told,

that they had sent orders to make a formal demand of Longchamps from

Congress, and had immediately countermanded these orders. You know

whether this be true. If it be, I should suspect the first orders to

have been surprised from them by some exaggeration, and that the latter

was a correction of their error, in the moment of further reflection.

Upon the whole, there certainly appears to me no reason to urge the

State, in which the fact happened, to any violation of their laws,

nor to set a precedent which might hereafter be used in cases more

interesting to us than the late one.

In a late conversation with the Count de Vergennes, he asked me if the

condition of our finances was improving. He did not make an application

of the question to the arrearages of their interest, though perhaps

he meant that I should apply it. I told him the impost still found

obstacles, and explained to him the effects which I hoped from our land

office. Your letter of the 15th of April, did not come to hand till

the 27th ultimo. I enclose a letter from Mr. Dumas to the President of

Congress, and accompany the present with the Leyden Gazette and Gazette

of France, from the date last sent you to the present time.

I have the honor to be, with high esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and

most humble servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

PARIS, August 14, 1785.

SIR,--The letter of June 18th, signed by Dr. Franklin and myself, is

the last addressed to you from hence on the objects of the general

commission. As circumstances rendered it necessary that the signature

of the Prussian treaty, whenever it should be in readiness, should be

made separately, the intervention of a person of confidence between

the Prussian Plenipotentiary and us became also requisite. His office

would be to receive the duplicates of the treaty here, signed by Dr.

Franklin and myself, to carry them to London to Mr. Adams, and to the

Hague to Baron Thulemeyer for their signatures. Moreover, to take hence

the original of our full powers to show to Baron Thulemeyer, and the

copy of his which he has before communicated to us, to ask from him

a sight of the original, to compare the copy with it, and certify the

latter to be true. Mr. Adams, Dr. Franklin, and myself, therefore, had

concluded to engage Mr. Short (a gentleman of Virginia who lives with

me at present) to transact this business, and to invest him with the

character of Secretary _pro hac vice_, in order that his signature

of the truth of the copy of Baron Thulemeyer's full powers might

authenticate that copy. On the receipt of the letter No. 1, therefore,

from that minister, Mr. Short set out hence with the necessary papers.

By a letter lately received from him, I expect he left London for

the Hague about the 10th instant, and that the treaty is ultimately

executed by this time. In respect to the desire expressed by Baron

Thulemeyer in his letter, we associated Mr. Dumas with Mr. Short to

assist in the exchange of signatures and other ceremonies of execution.

We agreed to bear Mr. Short's expenses, and have thought that a guinea

a day (Sundays excluded) would be a proper compensation for his trouble

and the necessary equipments for his journey, which could not enter

into the account of travelling expenses. I hope by the first safe

conveyance to be able to forward to you the original of the treaty. No

2 is my answer to Baron Thulemeyer's letter, No. 3 our instructions to

Mr. Short, and No. 4 letter to Mr. Dumas.

Mr. Lambe's delay gives me infinite uneasiness. You will see by the

inclosed papers, Nos. 5, 6, and 7, sent me by Mr. Carmichael, that

the Emperor of Morocco, at the instance of the Spanish Court, has

delivered up the crew of the Betsey. No. 8, also received from Mr.

Carmichael, is a list of the articles given the Emperor of Morocco

the last year by the States General. It is believed that the Spanish

negociator at Algiers has concluded a peace with that State, and has

agreed to give them a million of dollars, besides a very considerable

quantity of things in kind. The treaty meets with difficulties in the

ratification,--perhaps the exorbitance of the price may occasion them.

Rumors are spread abroad that they are pointing their preparations at

us. The enclosed paper, No. 9, is the only colorable evidence of this

which has come to my knowledge. I have proposed to Mr. Adams that if

Mr. Lambe does not come either in the French or English packet, then

(August 6) next expected, to send some person immediately to negotiate

these treaties, on the presumption that Mr. Lambe's purpose has been

changed. We shall still be at a loss for the instructions of which he

is said to have been the bearer. I expect Mr. Adams's answer on this

subject.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect and

esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES.

PARIS, August 15, 1785.

SIR,--In the conversation which I had the honor of having with your

Excellency, a few days ago, on the importance of placing, _at this

time_, the commerce between France and America on the best footing

possible, among other objects of this commerce, that of tobacco was

mentioned, as susceptible of greater encouragement and advantage to

the two nations. Always distrusting what I say in a language I speak

so imperfectly, I will beg your permission to state, in English, the

substance of what I had then the honor to observe, adding some more

particular details for your consideration.

I find the consumption of tobacco in France estimated at from fifteen

to thirty millions of pounds. The most probable estimate, however,

places it at twenty-four millions.

This costing eight sous the pound, delivered in a

port of France, amounts to 9,600,000 livres.

Allow six sous a pound, as the average cost of the

different manufactures 7,200,000

The revenue which the King derives from this, is

something less than 30,000,000

----------

Which would make the cost of the whole 46,800,000

But it is sold to the consumers at an average of

three livres the pound 72,000,000

----------

There remain, then, for the expenses of collection 25,200,000 livres.

This is within a sixth as much as the King receives, and so gives

nearly one half for collecting the other. It would be presumption

in me, a stranger, to suppose my numbers perfectly accurate. I have

taken them from the best and most disinterested authorities I could

find. Your Excellency will know how far they are wrong; and should you

find them considerably wrong, yet I am persuaded you will find, after

strictly correcting them, that the collection of this branch of the

revenue still absorbs too much.

My apology for making these remarks will, I hope, be found in my wishes

to improve the commerce between the two nations, and the interest

which my own country will derive from this improvement. The monopoly

of the purchase of tobacco in France discourages both the French and

American merchant from bringing it here, and from taking in exchange

the manufactures and productions of France. It is contrary to the

spirit of trade, and to the dispositions of merchants, to carry a

commodity to any market where but one person is allowed to buy it, and

where, of course, that person fixes its price, which the seller must

receive, or re-export his commodity, at the loss of his voyage thither.

Experience accordingly shows, that they carry it to other markets,

and that they take in exchange the merchandise of the place where they

deliver it. I am misinformed, if France has not been furnished from a

neighboring nation with considerable quantities of tobacco since the

peace, and been obliged to pay there in coin, what might have been paid

here in manufactures, had the French and American merchants brought

the tobacco originally here. I suppose, too, that the purchases made

by the Farmers General, in America, are paid for chiefly in coin,

which coin is also remitted directly hence to England, and makes an

important part of the balance supposed to be in favor of that nation

against this. Should the Farmers General, by themselves, or by the

company to whom they may commit the procuring these tobaccos from

America, require, for the satisfaction of government on this head, the

exportation of a proportion of merchandise in exchange for them, it

would be an unpromising expedient. It would only commit the exports,

as well as imports, between France and America, to a monopoly, which,

being secure against rivals in the sale of the merchandise of France,

would not be likely to sell at such moderate prices as might encourage

its consumption there, and enable it to bear a competition with similar

articles from other countries. I am persuaded this exportation of

coin may be prevented, and that of commodities effected, by leaving

both operations to the French and American merchants, instead of the

Farmers General. They will import a sufficient quantity of tobacco, if

they are allowed a perfect freedom in the sale; and they will receive

in payment, wines, oils, brandies, and manufactures, instead of coin;

forcing each other, by their competition, to bring tobaccos of the

best quality; to give to the French manufacturer the full worth of

his merchandise, and to sell to the American consumer at the lowest

price they can afford; thus encouraging him to use, in preference, the

merchandise of this country.

It is not necessary that this exchange should be favored by any loss of

revenue to the King. I do not mean to urge anything which shall injure

either his Majesty or his people. On the contrary, the measure I have

the honor of proposing, will increase his revenue, while it places both

the seller and buyer on a better footing. It is not for me to say, what

system of collection may be best adapted to the organization of this

government; nor whether any useful hints may be taken from the practice

of that country, which has heretofore been the principal entrepôt

for this commodity. Their system is simple and little expensive. The

importer, there, pays the whole duty to the King; and as this would

be inconvenient for him to do before he has sold his tobacco, he is

permitted, on arrival, to deposit it in the King's warehouse, under the

locks of the King's officer. As soon as he has sold it, he goes with

the purchaser to the warehouse, the money is there divided between the

King and him, to each his proportion, and the purchaser takes out the

tobacco. The payment of the King's duty is thus ensured in ready money.

What is the expense of its collection, I cannot say; but it certainly

need not exceed six livres a hogshead of one thousand pounds. That

government levies a higher duty on tobacco than is levied here. Yet

so tempting and so valuable is the perfect liberty of sale, that the

merchant carries it there, and finds his account in doing so.

If, by a simplification of the collection of the King's duty on

tobacco, the cost of that collection can be reduced even to five per

cent., or a million and a half, instead of twenty-five millions; the

price to the consumer will be reduced from three to two livres the

pound. For thus I calculate:

The cost, manufacture, and revenue, on twenty-four

million pounds of tobacco being (as before stated) 46,800,000

livres.

Five per cent. on thirty millions of livres, expenses

of collection 1,500,000

Give what the consumers would pay, being about two ----------

livres a pound 48,300,000

But they pay at present three livres a pound 72,000,000

----------

The difference is 23,700,000

The price, being thus reduced one-third, would be brought within

the reach of a new and numerous circle of the people, who cannot,

at present, afford themselves this luxury. The consumption, then,

would probably increase, and perhaps, in the same if not a greater

proportion, with the reduction of the price; that is to say, from

twenty-four to thirty-six millions of pounds; and the King, continuing

to receive twenty-five sous on the pound, as at present, would receive

forty-five instead of thirty millions of livres, while his subjects

would pay but two livres for an object which has heretofore cost them

three. Or if, in event, the consumption were not to be increased, he

would levy only forty-eight millions on his people, where seventy-two

millions are now levied, and would leave twenty-four millions in their

pockets, either to remain there, or to be levied in some other form,

should the state of revenue require it. It will enable his subjects,

also, to dispose of between nine and ten millions worth of their

produce and manufactures, instead of sending nearly that sum annually,

in coin, to enrich a neighboring nation.

I have heard two objections made to the suppression of this monopoly.

1. That it might increase the importation of tobacco in contraband.

2. That it would lessen the abilities of the Farmers General to make

occasional loans of money to the public treasury. These objections will

surely be better answered by those who are better acquainted than I

am with the details and circumstances of the country. With respect to

the first, however, I may observe, that contraband does not increase

on lessening the temptations to it. It is now encouraged by those who

engage in it being able to sell for sixty sous what cost but fourteen,

leaving a gain of forty-six sous. When the price shall be reduced from

sixty to forty sous, the gain will be but twenty-six, that is to say,

a little more than one-half of what it is at present. It does not seem

a natural consequence then, that contraband should be increased by

reducing its gain nearly one-half. As to the second objection, if we

suppose (for elucidation and without presuming to fix) the proportion

of the farm on tobacco, at one-eighth of the whole mass farmed, the

abilities of the Farmers General to lend, will be reduced one-eighth,

that is, they can hereafter lend only seven millions, where heretofore

they have lent eight. It is to be considered then, whether this eighth

(or other proportion, whatever it be) is worth the annual sacrifice of

twenty-four millions, or if a much smaller sacrifice to other moneyed

men, will not produce the same loans of money in the ordinary way.

While the advantages of an increase of revenue to the crown, a

diminution of impost on the people, and a payment in merchandise,

instead of money, are conjectured as likely to result to France from

a suppression of the monopoly on tobacco, we have also reason to

hope some advantages on our part; and this hope alone could justify

my entering into the present details. I do not expect this advantage

will be by any augmentation of price. The other markets of Europe have

too much influence on this article to admit any sensible augmentation

of price to take place. But the advantage I principally expect is an

increase of consumption. This will give us a vent for so much more,

and, of consequence, find employment for so many more cultivators of

the earth; and in whatever proportion it increases this production

for us, in the same proportion will it procure additional vent for the

merchandise of France, and employment for the hands which produce it.

I expect, too, that by bringing our merchants here, they would procure

a number of commodities in exchange, better in kind, and cheaper in

price. It is with sincerity I add, that warm feelings are indulged in

my breast by the further hope, that it would bind the two nations still

closer in friendship, by binding them in interest. In truth, no two

countries are better calculated for the exchanges of commerce. France

wants rice, tobacco, potash, furs, and ship-timber. We want wines,

brandies, oils, and manufactures. There is an affection, too, between

the two people, which disposes them to favor one another. If they do

not come together, then, to make the exchanges in their own ports, it

shows there is some substantial obstructions in the way. We have had

the benefit of too many proofs of his Majesty's friendly disposition

towards the United States, and know too well his affectionate

care of his own subjects, to doubt his willingness to remove these

obstructions, if they can be unequivocally pointed out. It is for his

wisdom to decide, whether the monopoly, which is the subject of this

letter, be deservedly classed with the principal of these. It is a

great comfort to me, too, that, in presenting this to the mind of his

Majesty, your Excellency will correct my ideas where an insufficient

knowledge of facts may have led me into error; and that, while the

interests of the King and of his people are the first objects of your

attention, an additional one will be presented by those dispositions

toward us, which have heretofore so often befriended our nation.

I avail myself of this occasion to repeat the assurance of that high

respect and esteem, with which I have the honor to be your Excellency's

most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO CAPTAIN JOHN PAUL JONES.

PARIS, August 17, 1785.

SIR,--Mine of the 13th informed you that I had written to the M. de

Castries on the subject of Puchilberg's interference. Yesterday I

received his answer dated the 12th. In that he says that he is informed

by the Ordonneteur that he has not been able to get an authentic roll

of the crew of the Alliance, and that, in the probable case of there

having been some French subjects among them, it will be just that

you should give security to repay their portions. I wrote to him this

morning, that as you have obliged yourself to transmit the money to

the treasury of the United States, it does not seem just to require you

to be answerable for money which will be no longer within your power;

that the repayment of such portions will be incumbent on Congress;

that I will immediately solicit their orders to have all such claims

paid by their banker here; and that, should any be presented before

I receive their orders, I will undertake to direct the banker of the

United States to pay them, that there may be no delay. I trust that

this will remove the difficulty, and that it is the last which will be

offered. The ultimate answer shall be communicated the moment I receive

it. Having pledged myself for the claims which may be offered before

I receive the orders of Congress, it is necessary to arm myself with

the proper checks. Can you give me a roll of the crew, pointing out

the French subjects? If not, can you recollect personally the French

subjects, and name them to me, and the sums they are entitled to? If

there were none such, yet the roll will be material, because I have no

doubt that Puchilberg will excite claims upon me, either true or false.

I am, with much respect, Sir,

Your most obedient humble servant.

TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.

PARIS, August 18, 1785.

DEAR SIR,--My last to you was of June the 22d, with a postscript of

July the 14th. Yours of June the 27th came to hand the 23d of July,

and that of July the 28th came to hand the 10th instant. The papers

enclosed in the last shall be communicated to Mr. Adams. I see with

extreme satisfaction and gratitude the friendly interposition of the

court of Spain with the Emperor of Morocco on the subject of the brig

Betsey, and I am persuaded it will produce the happiest effects in

America. Those, who are intrusted with the public affairs there, are

sufficiently sensible how essential it is for our interest to cultivate

peace with Spain, and they will be pleased to see a corresponding

disposition in that court. The late good office of emancipating a

number of our countrymen from slavery is peculiarly calculated to

produce a sensation among our people, and to dispose them to relish and

adopt the pacific and friendly views of their leaders towards Spain.

We hear nothing yet of Mr. Lambe. I have therefore lately proposed

to Mr. Adams, that if he does not come in the French or English

packet of this month, we will wait no longer. If he accedes to the

proposition, you will be sure of hearing of, and, perhaps, of seeing

some agent proceeding on that business. The immense sum, said to have

been proposed on the part of Spain to Algiers, leaves us little hope

of satisfying their avarice. It may happen, then, that the interests

of Spain and America may call for a concert of proceedings against

that State. The dispositions of the Emperor of Morocco give us better

hopes there. May not the affairs of the Musquito coast, and our western

ports, produce another instance of a common interest? Indeed, I meet

this correspondence of interest in so many quarters, that I look with

anxiety to the issue of Mr. Gardoqui's mission, hoping it will be a

removal of the only difficulty at present subsisting between the two

nations, or which is likely to arise.

Congress are not likely to adjourn this summer. They have purchased the

Indian right of soil to about fifty millions of acres of land between

the Ohio and lakes, and expected to make another purchase of an equal

quantity. They have, in consequence, passed an ordinance for disposing

of their lands, and I think a very judicious one. They propose to sell

them at auction for not less than a dollar an acre, receiving their own

certificates of debt as money. I am of opinion, all the certificates

of our domestic debt will immediately be exchanged for land. Our

foreign debt, in that case, will soon be discharged. New York and Rhode

Island still refuse the impost. A general disposition is taking place

to commit the whole management of our commerce to Congress. This has

been much promoted by the interested policy of England, which, it was

apparent, could not be counter-worked by the States separately. In

the meantime, the other great towns are acceding to the proceedings

of Boston for annihilating, in a great measure, their commercial

connections with Great Britain. I will send the cypher by a gentleman,

who goes from here to Madrid about a month hence. It shall be a copy of

the one I gave Mr. Adams. The letter of Don Gomez has been delivered

at the hotel of the Portuguese ambassador, who is, however, in the

country.

I am, with much respect, dear Sir,

Your most obedient humble servant.

TO MRS. TRIST.

PARIS, August 18,1785.

DEAR MADAM,--

* * * * *

I am much pleased with the people of this country. The roughness of the

human mind are so thoroughly rubbed off with them, that it seems as

if one might glide through a whole life among them without a jostle.

Perhaps, too, their manners may be the best calculated for happiness

to a people in their situation, but I am convinced they fall far short

of effecting a happiness so temperate, so uniform, and so lasting as is

generally enjoyed with us. The domestic bonds here are absolutely done

away, and where can their compensation be found? Perhaps they may catch

some moments of transport above the level of the ordinary tranquil joy

we experience, but they are separated by long intervals, during which

all the passions are at sea without rudder or compass. Yet, fallacious

as the pursuits of happiness are, they seem on the whole to furnish

the most effectual abstraction from a contemplation of the hardness

of their government. Indeed, it is difficult to conceive how so good

a people, with so good a King, so well-disposed rulers in general, so

genial a climate, so fertile a soil, should be rendered so ineffectual

for producing human happiness by one single curse,--that of a bad form

of government. But it is a fact, in spite of the mildness of their

governors, the people are ground to powder by the vices of the form of

government. Of twenty millions of people supposed to be in France, I

am of opinion there are nineteen millions more wretched, more accursed

in every circumstance of human existence than the most conspicuously

wretched individual of the whole United States. I beg your pardon

for getting into politics. I will add only one sentiment more of that

character, that is, nourish peace with their persons, but war against

their manners. Every step we take towards the adoption of their manners

is a step to perfect misery. I pray you to write to me often. Do not

you turn politician too; but write me all the small news--the news

about persons and about states; tell me who dies, that I may meet these

disagreeable events in detail, and not all at once when I return; who

marry, who hang themselves because they cannot marry, &c. Present me in

the most friendly terms to Mrs. House and Browse, and be assured of the

sincerity with which I am, dear Madam,

Your affectionate friend and servant.

TO PETER CARR.

PARIS, August 19, 1785.

DEAR PETER,--I received, by Mr. Mazzei, your letter of April the 20th.

I am much mortified to hear that you have lost so much time; and that,

when you arrived in Williamsburg, you were not at all advanced from

what you were when you left Monticello. Time now begins to be precious

to you. Every day you lose will retard a day your entrance on that

public stage whereon you may begin to be useful to yourself. However,

the way to repair the loss is to improve the future time. I trust,

that with your dispositions, even the acquisition of science is a

pleasing employment. I can assure you, that the possession of it is,

what (next to an honest heart) will above all things render you dear

to your friends, and give you fame and promotion in your own country.

When your mind shall be well improved with science, nothing will be

necessary to place you in the highest points of view, but to pursue

the interests of your country, the interests of your friends, and your

own interests also, with the purest integrity, the most chaste honor.

The defect of these virtues can never be made up by all the other

acquirements of body and mind. Make these, then, your first object.

Give up money, give up fame, give up science, give the earth itself and

all it contains, rather than do an immoral act. And never suppose, that

in any possible situation, or under any circumstances, it is best for

you to do a dishonorable thing, however slightly so it may appear to

you. Whenever you are to do a thing, though it can never be known but

to yourself, ask yourself how you would act were all the world looking

at you, and act accordingly. Encourage all your virtuous dispositions,

and exercise them whenever an opportunity arises; being assured that

they will gain strength by exercise, as a limb of the body does, and

that exercise will make them habitual. From the practice of the purest

virtue, you may be assured you will derive the most sublime comforts

in every moment of life, and in the moment of death. If ever you find

yourself environed with difficulties and perplexing circumstances, out

of which you are at a loss how to extricate yourself, do what is right,

and be assured that that will extricate you the best out of the worst

situations. Though you cannot see, when you take one step, what will

be the next, yet follow truth, justice, and plain dealing, and never

fear their leading you out of the labyrinth, in the easiest manner

possible. The knot which you thought a Gordian one, will untie itself

before you. Nothing is so mistaken as the supposition, that a person

is to extricate himself from a difficulty, by intrigue, by chicanery,

by dissimulation, by trimming, by an untruth, by an injustice. This

increases the difficulties ten-fold; and those, who pursue these

methods, get themselves so involved at length, that they can turn no

way but their infamy becomes more exposed. It is of great importance

to set a resolution, not to be shaken, never to tell an untruth. There

is no vice so mean, so pitiful, so contemptible; and he who permits

himself to tell a lie once, finds it much easier to do it a second

and third time, till at length it becomes habitual; he tells lies

without attending to it, and truths without the world's believing him.

This falsehood of the tongue leads to that of the heart, and in time

depraves all its good dispositions.