Of course, the boys also had their nicknames, Zola, says Paul Alexis,

acquiring that of "Franciot," or "Frenchy," which was given him

because his pronunciation of various words differed from that of his

Provençal school-fellows. This was not to be wondered at, the parent

to whom he owed his mother tongue being a Beauceronne. Other anecdotes

which picture him suffering from an impediment in his speech may be

taken with a grain of salt, perhaps, as the official records show

that he gained prizes and _accessits_ for recitation. As had been

the case at the Pension Notre Dame, he formed a close friendship

with a few of his school-fellows. One of these was a lawyer's son,

named Marguery, a bright, merry lad with musical tastes, who a few

years later, to the general amazement, blew his brains out in a fit

of insanity. Another was Antony Valabrègue, afterwards a tasteful

poet, whose family, curiously enough, became connected with that of

Captain Dreyfus. Valabrègue being some years younger than Zola, their

companionship at school did not go very far, but they subsequently

corresponded, and intimacy ensued between them. At the college Zola's

more particular chums were Cézanne and Baille, the former afterwards

well known as an impressionist painter, the second as a professor at

the École Polytechnique. Baille, Cézanne, and Zola became inseparables,

and though all three were fairly diligent pupils in class-time, they

indulged in many a boyish prank together during the earlier years of

their sojourn at the college.

One morning, in a spirit of mischievousness, they burnt the shoes of

a school-fellow, a lank lad called Mimi-la-Mort, _alias_ the Skeleton

Day Boarder, who smuggled snuff into the school. Then one winter

evening they purloined some matches in the chapel and smoked dry

chestnut leaves in reed pipes there. Zola, who was the ringleader on

that occasion, afterwards frankly confessed his terror; owning that

a cold perspiration had come upon him as he scrambled out of the dark

choir. Again, another day, Cézanne hit upon the idea of roasting some

cock-chafers in his desk to see whether they were good to eat, as

people said they were. So terrible became the stench, so dense the

smoke, that the usher rushed for some water, under the impression that

the place was on fire. At another time they sawed off the wooden seats

in one of the courtyards, and carried them like corpses round the basin

of so-called ornamental water in the centre of the yard, other boys

joining them, forming in procession, and singing funeral dirges. But in

the midst of it all, Baille, who played the priest, tumbled into the

basin while trying to scoop some water into his cap, which was to have

served as a holy-water pot.[10]

The three inseparables engaged also in many a stone-throwing fight with

the town lads, clambered over the old, crumbling, ivy-clad ramparts,

and basked on "King René's chimney"[11] on occasions when the mistral

thundered by,--"buffeting the houses, carrying away their roofs,

dishevelling the trees, and raising great clouds of dust, while the

sky became a livid blue, and the sun turned pale."[12] There were

excursions also, sometimes by way of escorting regiments, which on

changing garrison passed through the town, at other moments on the

occasion of religious processions when the clergy appeared in their

finest vestments, their acolytes swinging censers and ringing hells,

the military and municipal bands discoursing music, the white-gowned

girls carrying banners, and the boys scattering roses and golden broom.

Although Émile Zola eventually lost all faith in the dogmas of the

Roman Church, the pomp of its cult impressed him throughout his life,

as is shown by many passages in his works. And in his boyhood the

processions of Aix delighted him. He himself sometimes took part in

them--acting on at least one occasion, in 1856, as a clarionet player

of the college _fanfare_, for his friend Marguery had imparted to him

some taste for music.

Then as now Aix had its theatre, which Zola and his young friends

patronised whenever they could afford a franc for a pit seat, but they

eschewed _café_ life and the gambling which usually attends it in the

provinces, for whenever they had time at their disposal they infinitely

preferred to roam the country. The environs of Aix are strangely

picturesque. There is the famous Mont Ste. Victoire, ascended through

thickets of evergreen oaks and holly, pines, wild roses, and junipers,

till at last only some box plants dot the precipitous slopes, veined

like marble; while in a cavern near the summit is the weird bottomless

pit of Le Garagay, whose demon-spirits Margaret of Anjou vainly

interrogated in "Anne of Geierstein." Again, there is the historic

castle of Vauvenargues, the ruined castle of Puyricard, the hermitage

of St. Honorat, and there are other mountainous hills with goat paths,

gorges, and ravines, and also stretches of plain, watered now by the

Arc or the Torse, now by the canal which François Zola planned. In his

son's youth that canal had not yet transformed the thirsty expanse;

when Émile roamed the region with his friends "the red and yellow

ochreous fields, spreading under the oppressive sun, were for the

most part planted merely with stunted almond and olive trees, with

branches twisted in positions which seemed to suggest suffering and

revolt. Afar off, like dots on the bare stripped hills, one saw only

the white-walled _bastides_, each flanked by dark, bar-like cypresses.

The vast expanse was devoid of greenery; but on the other hand, with

the broad folds and sharply defined tints of its desolate fields, it

possessed some fine outlines of a severe, classic grandeur."[13]

[Illustration: Dam and Reservoir of the Zola Canal]

Apart from the plain, but very characteristic of the region, were the

Infernet gorges, near which François Zola planned one of his huge

reservoirs. There one found "a narrow defile between giant walls of

rock which the blazing sun had baked and gilded. Pines had sprung up in

the clefts. Plumes of trees, appearing from below no larger than tufts

of herbage, fringed the crests and waved above the chasm. This was a

perfect chaos. With its many sudden twists, its streams of blood-red

soil, pouring from each gash in its sides, its desolation and its

solitude, disturbed only by the eagles hovering on high, it looked like

some spot riven by the bolts of heaven, some gallery of hell."[14]

There were also the villages, whose houses, at times, were mere hovels

of rubble and boards, some squatting amid muck-heaps, and dingy with

woeful want; others more roomy and cheerful, with roofs of pinkish

tiles. Strips of garden, victoriously planted amid stony soil,

displayed plots of vegetables enclosed by quickset hedges. Much of the

aridity of the region had arisen from the ruthless deforesting of the

hills; formerly the falling leaves had spread rich vegetable soil over

the mountain flanks, there had been good pasture for sheep where barren

crags alone were left, and the climate, equalised by the moisture of

the woods, had been less abrupt and violent in its changes.[15] Yet,

in Zola's youth, as now, "wherever there was the smallest spring, the

smallest brook, the glowing land still burst into powerful vegetation,

and a dense shade prevailed, with paths lying deep and delightfully

cool between plane trees, horse-chestnuts, and elms, all growing

vigorously."[16]

Those various scenes were a delight to Zola and his friends. "They

craved for the open air, the broad sunlight, the sequestered paths in

the ravines. They roamed the hills, rested in green nooks, returned

home at night through the thick dusk of the highways. In winter they

relished the cold, the frosty, gaily echoing ground, the pure sky,

and the sharp atmosphere. In summer they always assembled beside the

river--the willow-fringed Arc--for the water then became their supreme

passion, and they spent whole afternoons bathing, swimming, paddling,

and stretching themselves to dry on the fine sun-warmed sand. In the

autumn they became sportsmen--inoffensive ones, for there is virtually

no game, scarcely even a rabbit, in the district, and at the most one

might bring down an occasional petty-chap, fig-pecker, or some other

small bird. But if, now and again, they fired a shot, it was chiefly

for the pleasure of making a noise, and their expeditions always ended

in the shade of a tree, where they lay on their backs, chatting freely

of their preferences."[17]

A little later, when Zola's young muse essayed her flight, he recalled

those days of Provence, singing:

"O Provence, des pleurs s'échappent de mes yeux

Quand vibre sur mon luth ton nom mélodieux....

O région d'amour, de parfum, de lumière,

Il me serait bien doux de t'appeler ma mère....

Autour d'Aix, la romaine, il n'est pas de ravines,

Pas de rochers perdus au penchant des collines,

Dans la vallée en fleur pas de lointains sentiers,

Où, l'on ne puisse voir l'empreinte de mes pieds....

Écolier échappé de la docte prison,

Et jetant aux échos son rire et sa chanson,

Adolescent rêveur poursuivant sous tes saules

La nymphe dont il croit voir blanchir les épaules,

Jusqu'aux derniers taillis j'ai couru tes forêts,

O Provence, et foulé tes lieux les plus secrets.

Mes lèvres nommeraient chacune de tes pierres,

Chacun de tes buissons perdus dans tes clairières.

J'ai joué si longtemps sur tes coteaux fleuris,

Que brins d'herbe et graviers me sont de vieux amis."[18]

Those rambles undoubtedly helped to rouse a sense of poetry in Zola and

his companions. Besides providing themselves with provisions,--at times

a small joint of raw mutton and some salad plants, which they cooked

or dressed in the wilds,--they carried books, volumes of the poets,

in their pockets or their bags. One year, 1856, Victor Hugo reigned

over them like an absolute monarch. They were conquered by the majesty

of his compositions, enraptured by his powerful rhetoric. His dramas

haunted them like splendid visions. After being chilled by the classic

monologues which they were compelled to learn by heart at the college,

they felt warmed, transported into an orgy of quivering ecstacy, when

they lodged passages of "Hernani" and "Ruy Blas" in their minds. Many

a time, on the river-bank, after bathing, they acted some scenes

together.[19] Indeed, they knew entire plays, and on the way home,

in the twilight, they would adapt their steps to the rhythm of those

lines which were sonorous like trumpet-blasts. But a day came when one

of them produced a volume of Alfred de Musset's poems, the perusal of

which set their hearts quivering. From that hour their worship for Hugo

received a great blow, his lines fled from their memories, and Musset

alone reigned over them. He became their constant companion in the

hollows, the grottoes, the little village inns where they rested; and,

again and again, they read "Rolla" or the "Nights," aloud.[20]

Thus their young natures awoke to love. Cézanne and Baille were

then about eighteen years of age, Zola was seventeen. But their

aspirations remained full of ideality. There were a few brief,

uncertain attempts at love-making, nipped in the bud by circumstances.

Already, before the time we have now reached, Zola, or his musically

minded friend Marguery, or perhaps both, had nursed a boyish flame for

the fair-haired daughter of a local haberdasher, and had serenaded

her in company, the former with his clarionet, the latter with a

_cornet-à-piston_, until one evening the indignant parents emptied

their water-jugs over them. Later Zola dreamt of encountering "fair

beings in his rambles, beautiful maidens, who would suddenly spring

up in some strange wood, charm him for a whole day, and melt into air

at dusk."[21] And at last a young girl, Gratienne, flits by in the

moonlight near the Clos des Chartreux, with her heavy tresses of

raven hair resting on her young white neck;[22] but even she remains

little more than a vision, and as yet, neither into Zola's life

nor his friends' does woman, the real creature of flesh and blood,

really enter, to achieve that work of disillusion by which she almost

invariably destroys the youthful ecstacy which she, or her semblance,

has inspired. Ninon, the Ninon of the "Contes"[23], comes later. As yet

she is only dreamt of, though the name by which she is to be known to

the world is already suggested by an old gravestone in the cemetery,

with only the word "Nina" remaining of its time-worn inscription:**

"Ami, te souviens-tu de la tombe noircie,

Tout au bord d'une allée, à demi sous les fleurs,

Qui nous retint longtemps, et nous laissa rêveurs?

Le marbre en est rongé par les vents et la pluie.

Elle songe dans l'herbe et, discrête, se tait,

Souriante et sereine au blond soleil de mai.

"Elle songe dans l'herbe, et, de sa rêverie,

La tombe, chastement, à ceux qui passent là,

Ne livre que le nom effacé de NINA.

. . . . .

Ami, te souviens-tu, nous la rêvâmes belle,

Et depuis, bien souvent, sans jamais parler d'elle,

Nos regards se sont dit, dans un dernier regret:

'Si je l'avais connue, oh! Ninette vivrait!'"[24]

But serious trouble was now impending in Zola's home. While he studied

at the college, while his heart opened and his mind expanded, the

position of his mother and grandparents gradually became desperate.

All the savings, even the Auberts' funds, were exhausted; the lawsuits

still dragged on, entailing heavy costs, which drained the home of all

resources. Already in 1855, the rent in the Rue Bellegarde proving

too heavy, it became necessary to take a cheaper lodging on the Cours

des Minimes. Then, early in 1857, that also was found too dear, and

two little rooms were rented at the corner of the Rue Mazarine. They

overlooked the Barri[25], a lane-like _chemin-de-ronde_ encompassing

the old town, with small and sordid houses on one hand, and the

crumbling ramparts on the other.

Here black ruin fell upon the Zolas and the Auberts. The aged but

active grandmother toiled to the very last, managing the household,

raising money on goods and chattels, resisting the wolf at the door

with all the energy of despair. Bit by bit, every superfluous article

of furniture was sold; remnants of former finery were carried to the

wardrobe dealers, to obtain the means of purchasing daily bread and

paying Émile's college fees. As for the lawsuits, they remained in

abeyance from lack of funds. And blow following blow, poor Madame

Aubert could at last resist no longer, but sickened and died. That

happened in November, 1857. During the previous month Émile Zola had

returned to the college, entering the second class. Towards Christmas

his despairing mother started, alone, for Paris, to implore the help

of some of the personages who had formerly favoured her husband. The

old and almost helpless Monsieur Aubert remained at Aix with his young

grandson, who, after an anxious period of suspense, received in

February a letter from his mother, running much as follows:

"It is no longer possible to continue living at Aix. Sell the

little furniture that is left. You will in any case obtain

sufficient money to enable you to take third-class tickets to

Paris for yourself and your grandfather. Manage it as soon as

possible. I shall be waiting for you."

Young Émile acted in accordance with those instructions, but he could

not tear himself away from Aix and his friends without making with

the latter a farewell excursion to Le Tholonet and the _barrage_ of

the canal reservoir planned by his father. When he at last took the

train with old M. Aubert, his heart was heavy at the thought that he

might never see Provence again. But in that respect his fears were not

realised.

On reaching Paris, he found his mother residing at No. 63 Rue

Monsieur-le-Prince, near the Luxembourg palace. She had obtained some

assistance from friends, one of whom, Maître Labot[26], recommended

Émile to Désiré Nisard, the critic and historian, famous for having

tried to demonstrate that there were two moralities, and Nisard

speedily procured him a free scholarship at the Lycée or college of St.

Louis. This was by Madame Zola's express wish, for, however great might

be her misfortunes, she desired that her son might continue his studies.

But Paris now seemed a horrible place to the youthful Émile. All

was gloom there. Orsini, Pieri, and Rudio had attempted the life of

Napoleon III outside the opera-house a few weeks previously, and a

kind of terror prevailed under the iron rule of General Espinasse and

the new Law of Public Safety. Zola regretted the hills and the sun of

Provence, the companionship of Baille and Cézanne; he felt lost among

his new school-fellows, four hundred in number, and his poverty and

shabbiness increased his bitterness of spirit, for the lads attending

St. Louis were all more fortunately circumstanced than himself. That

Lycée, which then faced the Rue de la Harpe--the transformation of the

old Quartier Latin by the tracing of the Boulevard St. Michel being

as yet uneffected--ranked third among the great colleges of Paris;

and among those who had sat on its benches were the second Dr. Baron

Corvisart, Gounod the composer, Egger the Hellenist and poet, Havet

the Latinist and historian of early Christianity, and Nettement, whose

account of French literature under the Restoration is still worthy of

perusal. Other pupils, before Zola's time, were Henri Rochefort the

erratic journalist and politician, Charles Floquet the advocate, who

became prime minister of France; Dr. Tripier, one of the pioneers in

the application of electricity to medicine, and the well-known General

de Galliffet. Many of the professors also were able men who rose to

eminence, and in such a college one might have thought that Zola would

have made decisive progress.

As it happened, he not only got on badly with his school-fellows,--who

on account of the southern accent he had acquired in Provence

nicknamed him the "Marseillese,"--but, yielding to a brooding spirit,

he neglected his lessons. It was only in French composition that

he occasionally distinguished himself. One day, it appears, when

the allotted subject was "Milton dictating 'Paradise Lost' to his

daughter," he treated it so ably that the professor, M. Levasseur,--the

eminent historian of the French working classes,--publicly

complimented him. Truth to tell, he now read a great deal, even in

class time, still devouring the poets, but finding a delight also in

Rabelais, Montaigne, and other prose authors. And he carried on an

interminable correspondence with his friends in Provence, at times

addressing them in verse, at others launching into discussions on

philosophy, morals, and æsthetics. It was now, too, that he wrote his

tale, "La Fée Amoureuse," which was therefore the earliest of his

"Contes à Ninon," in which volume it afterwards appeared. Thus, in

spite of his declared preference for a scientific career, his literary

bent was steadily asserting itself.

At the end of his school year his only award was a second prize for

French composition. Nevertheless, his mother, having scraped a little

money together, allowed him to go to Provence for the vacation, which

he spent with Baille and Cézanne. But on coming back to Paris in

October he fell ill with a mucous fever of such severity that more than

once a fatal issue was feared. When, after a period of convalescence,

he returned to St. Louis, there entering the rhetoric class, two months

had been lost and he still felt weak. Thus, though his new master,

M. Lalanne, commended some of his work, notably his compositions,

his progress was not great, particularly as his mind turned so

frequently to Provence and his friends there, and hesitated between

the scientific avocations of his choice and an increasing ambition to

become a poet. When, however, the school year ended in August, 1859,

his mother's position being as precarious as ever, he resolved to

make an effort. He would skip the philosophy class and at once offer

himself as a candidate for the degree of bachelor in sciences--that,

or a corresponding degree in letters, being a necessary passport for

eventual admission into the recognised professions or the government

service.

The result of Zola's attempt was singular. In his written examination

he proved very successful, his name appearing second on the list,

but in the ensuing _vivâ-voce_ examination, after securing good

marks in physics, chemistry, and natural history, fair ones in pure

mathematics, algebra, and trigonometry, he collapsed in literature and

modern languages. He post-dated Charlemagne's death by five hundred

years, scandalised the examiner by a romantic interpretation of one

of La Fontaine's fables, and virtually confessed his utter ignorance

of German. Thus his mark was zero; and though, it would seem, the

examiners in sciences interceded in his favour with the examiner in

_belles lettres_, the latter remained obdurate and would not modify the

mark. Zola was therefore "sent back," for it was not allowable that a

bachelor in sciences should be absolutely _nul en littérature_.[27]

Several years previously Alexandre Dumas _fils_ had been "ploughed" for

the very same reason. Two distinguished men of Zola's own generation,

Alphonse Daudet and François Coppée, also failed to secure bachelors'

degrees; yet, like Zola himself, they became eminent writers. Of course

it is impossible to found any valid argument for or against degrees on

a few isolated instances. It may be doubted, perhaps, whether they are

any great recommendation to the literary man who is a dramatist or a

novelist or a poet. But Zola's literary aspirations did not enter into

his scheme when he offered himself for examination; he merely wished

to secure a certificate, as it were, qualifying him for employment

in one of the semi-scientific branches of the government service. In

that respect his failure was a severe disappointment, particularly to

his mother, who had set all her hopes upon him, and was distressed to

find that the promise of his college days at Aix remained unfulfilled.

At the same time, mother-like, she blamed the examiners more than

she blamed him, and once more she provided him with enough money to

spend the summer vacation in Provence.[28] A week after he had been

"ploughed" at the Sorbonne, Zola was again roaming the hills, in a

blouse and hob-nailed boots, accompanied by his usual intimates.

There was also no little writing of poetry on Zola's part during those

holidays, the influence of Musset still being in the ascendant, as is

shown by a piece entitled "Rodolpho," in which one can further detect

the change which Parisian life, particularly that of the Quartier

Latin, where he had his home, was now effecting in the youth who had

awoke, in Provence, to little more than ideal love. Musset likewise

inspires some verses entitled "Vision," also dating from this time; but

a perusal of the "Contes de La Fontaine," a book which no discipline

seems able to keep out of French colleges, plainly suggested "Le Diable

ermite," in which the good Abbé's erotic style was imitated only too

successfully. Another piece, entitled "Religion," shows that the young

versifier, the former winner of prizes for "religious instruction," was

already losing his faith under the influence, no doubt, of Parisian

surroundings. In this effort he is found calling on the Deity to

manifest himself in order that he may believe in him, asking the why

and the wherefore of things, and displaying a grim consciousness of the

wretchedness of mankind. There are lines in this poem of his twentieth

year which suggest the Zola of the last stage:

"Hélas! que tout est noir dans la vallée humaine!

Les hommes en troupeaux se parquent dans la plaine,

Vivant sur des égouts, qu'entoure un mur croulant."

Émile Zola, Novelist and Reformer: An Account of His Life & Work · 第 3 / 40 段