Moors and Christians. Its distance from Calecut is thirty-five days
with a fair wind. There may be 25,000 fighting men, _scilicet_ 10,000
horse and the remainder on foot, as also 400 war-elephants. In this
country the following merchandise is found:—much corn and much cloth of
great value. Cloth which may be bought here for ten cruzados is worth
forty at Calecut. There is also much silver.
CONIMATA[259] has a Christian king and Christian inhabitants. It is
fifty days’ sail from Calecut, with a good wind.
The king can assemble five or six thousand men, and owns one thousand
fighting elephants. In this country there are many sapphires and much
brazil-wood.
PATER[260] has Christian inhabitants and a Christian king, and there is
not a single Moor. The king can assemble four thousand fighting men,
and has a hundred war-elephants. In this country is found much rhubarb,
the frazila on the spot being worth nine cruzados. There are also many
spinel rubies and much lac, a bahar of which is worth four cruzados.
The distance from Calecut is fifty days with a fair wind.
[ABOUT ELEPHANTS.]
_How the Elephants fight in this country._
They make a house of wood holding four men, and this house is put on
the back of the elephant with the four men in it. The elephant has
attached five naked swords to each of his tusks, being ten for the two
tusks. This renders him so redoubtable that none awaits his attack if
flight is possible. Whatever those seated on the top order to be done
is done as if he were a rational creature, for if they tell him “kill
this one, or do this thing or another”, he does it.
_How they capture Elephants in the Primeval Forests._
When they wish to capture a wild elephant they take a tame female, and
dig a large hole on the track frequented by elephants, and cover its
mouth with brushwood. They then tell the female “Go! and if you meet
with an elephant, entice him to this hole, in such a way that he falls
into it, but take care that you do not fall into it yourself.” She then
goes away, and does as she has been told, and when she meets one she
draws him on in such a way that he must fall into the hole, and the
hole is so deep that unaided he could never get out of it.
_How they are got out of the hole and broken-in._
After the elephant has fallen into this hole, five or six days are
allowed to pass before he is given anything to eat. When that time has
elapsed, a man brings him a very small supply of food, the supply being
increased from day to day until he eats by himself. This is continued
for about a month, during which time those who bring him food gradually
tame him, until at last they venture to descend into the hole. This
is done for several days until he permits the man to put his hands
upon his tusks. He then goes into the hole and puts heavy chains around
the legs, and whilst in this condition they train him so well that he
learns all but to speak.
These elephants are kept in stables like horses, and a good elephant is
worth 2,000 cruzados.[261]
PRICES AT ALEXANDRIA.[262]
[Value per
Pound.]
_£_ _s._ _d._
One quintal of cinnamon is worth 25 cruzados, 0 2 5
” ” cloves ” 20 ” 0 1 11
” ” pepper ” 15 ” 0 1 5
” ” ginger ” 21 ” 0 2 0
(At Calecut one bahar, equal to 5 quintals,
is worth 20 cruzados) 0 0 5
One quintal of nutmeg is worth 16 cruzados, 0 1 7
” ” lac ” 25 ” 0 2 5
” ” Brazil-wood ” 10 ” 0 1 0
One ratel of rhubarb ” 12 ” 5 16 0
One mitikal of musk ” 1 ” 50 5 4
One ratel of aloe-wood ” 2 ” 0 19 4
” ” benzoin ” 1 ” 0 9 8
One quintal of frankincense ” 2 ” 0 0 2½
(At Mecca the bahar is worth 2 cruzados) 0 0 0½
[Illustration]
[A VOCABULARY OF MALAYALAM.]
THIS IS THE LANGUAGE OF CALECUT.[263]
See, look! nocane [nōkka].
Hearest thou? que que ne [kēlka].
Take him away criane.
To draw balichene [walikkān].
Rope coraoo [kayara].
Largely lacany.
Give me cornda.
To drink carichany [kutippān].
Eat tinane [tinmān].
Take y na.
I do not wish to totenda.
To go mareçane.
Go away! poo [pō].
Come here! baa [bā or wā].
Be silent! pote.
Rise! legany.
To throw carecane [karikkān].
To speak para ne [parane, speak thou].
Mad, silly moto.
Serious monday decany.
Lame mura call [murakāl].
To fall biamçe.
Many, much balidu [walare].
Bad betall [chītta].
Wind clarle [kātta].
Little chiredu [chiratu?].
Give him criane.
Timber, wood mara [maram].
Stone calou [kallu].
Teeth faley.
Lips çire [chīra?].
Nose muco [mūkka].
Eyes cana [kanna].
Forehead necheim [nīcha?].
Hair talanay [talla].
Head tabu.
Ears cadee [chewi].
Tongue naoo [nākka].
Neck caestez.
[Breast] mulay [mula].
Breasts nane.
Arms carit.
Stomach barri [wayara].
Legs cali [kāla].
— canay.
— seyrim.
— cudo.
Hands lamguajem [kai].
Fingers beda.
— cula.
Fish miny [mīna].
Mast mana.
Light, fire tiir [tī].
To sleep teraquy.
Man amoo [āna].
Women pena [penna].
Chin, beard tari.
Lobster xame.
Parrot tata [tatta].
Doves cayninaa.
— baly.
To kiss mucane.
To bite canchany [katikkān].
To see, look noquany [nokkuwān].
To hear çegade [kēlkawān].
To beat catane.
Wound morubo.
Sword batany.
Shield cutany.
Bow cayny.
Arrow ambum [anpa].
Spear concudoo.
To shoot with a bow heany.
Sun nerara.
Moon neelan.
Heaven mana.
The earth caraa.
The sea caralu.
Ship capell [kappal].
Boat çambuco.
Night erabut.
Day pagalala.
Eat tinane [tinmān].
— matara.
To mount arricany.
To be on foot anicany.
To go, travel narecane.
To embrace traigany.
Blows talancy.
To mourn, wail que ne.
To raise alagany.
To dance canechane.
To throw with stones
or wood ouriany.
To sing fareny.
Rain ma jaa [mara].
Water tany [tanni].
Blind curuge [kurutan, _blind man_].
Maimed of a hand muruquay [murukai].
— panany.
Take! ennay.
Let us go! pomga [pomka].
East careçache [kirakka].
West mecache [patinynyara].
North barcangache [watakka].
South tycamgarche [tekka].
Dog naa [nāya].
Bitch pena [pennāya].
Young man hum nee.
Girl co poo.
House pura [pura].
Needle cu doo.
Rod parima.
Oar tandii [tandu].
A great gun ve dii.
Top-sail talii.
Halyard anguaa.
Anchor napara.
Flag çoti [koti].
Rudder, helm xoca.
Pilot cu pajaoo.
Shoe cacu paja.
Cap tupy [topi].
_The following are some of the Names [of Persons]._
Tenae. Aja paa. Anapa.
Pumi. A rreco. Canapa.
Paramganda. A xirama. Gande.
Uja pee. Cuerapa. Rremaa.
Quilaba. Cutotopa. Mamgala.
Gouaa.
[Illustration]
APPENDICES.
[Illustration: DOM MANUEL THE FORTUNATE, KING OF PORTUGAL, 1495-1521.
_From “Leitura nova” (1º de Alemdouro) in the Torre do Tombo._
The signature is that of the King:—“Rey.”]
APPENDIX A.
TWO LETTERS OF KING MANUEL, 1499.
The first of these letters is addressed to King Ferdinand and Queen
Isabella, of Castile, whose daughter, Doña Isabella, King Manuel had
married in October 1497.[264] The letter is dated July 1499, and may
have been written immediately after the arrival of Coelho’s vessel on
July 10.
The draught, or copy, of this letter in the Torre do Tombo[265] has
been published by A. C. Texeira de Aragão in the _Boletim_ of the
Lisbon Geographical Society, VI, 1886, p. 673. It was published a
second time in _Alguns Documentos do Archivo National da Torre do
Tombo_, Lisbon, 1892, p. 95. There are several omissions in the latter
version, due probably to the illegibility of the manuscript. In our
rendering of this valuable document, all passages omitted in _Alguns
Documentos_ are printed in italics, while attention is directed to
other differences by means of foot-notes.
The draught of the letter addressed to the “Cardinal Protector” also
exists in the Torre do Tombo,[266] but is evidently very illegible,
for the text published by Texeira de Aragão is full of blanks. The
original, as also the letter to Pope Alexander VI, to which reference
is made, may possibly be discovered in Rome. The letter is dated August
28, 1499, that is, the day before Vasco da Gama’s supposed return
to Lisbon. It was certainly written _after_ the arrival of the _S.
Gabriel_, for it refers to the “Moor of Tunis” or Monçaide, to the
“Jew”, who subsequently became known as Gaspar da Gama, and to the men
carried off from Calecut, none of whom is likely to have been on board
Coelho’s small vessel.[267]
The “Cardinal Protector” can be identified with D. Jorge da Costa, a
man of mean extraction, whom Doña Catharina, the virgin daughter of
King Duarte, and sister of King Afonso IV, appointed her chaplain, and
who subsequently rose to high dignities in the Church, until, finally,
the Pope bestowed upon him a cardinal’s hat. King John took a dislike
to the cardinal, who went to reside at Rome; but King Manuel had a
high opinion of his wisdom, and soon after his accession, in 1495,
he invited him, through Pedro Correa,[268] his special ambassador to
the Court of Rome, to return to Lisbon. The cardinal declined this
invitation, pleading his great age and infirmities as an excuse, but
ever afterwards attended most faithfully to the King’s business with
the Pope.
I.—KING MANUEL’S LETTER TO THE KING AND QUEEN OF CASTILE, JULY 1499.
Most high and excellent Prince and Princess, most potent Lord and
Lady!
Your Highnesses already know that we had ordered _Vasco da Gama,
a nobleman of our household, and his brother Paulo da Gama, with_
four vessels to make discoveries by sea, and that two years have now
elapsed since their departure. And as the principal motive of this
enterprise has been, with our predecessors, the service of God our
Lord, and our own advantage,[269] it pleased Him in His mercy to
speed them on their route. From a message which has now been brought
to this city by one of the captains,[270] we learn that they did
reach and discover India and other kingdoms _and lordships_ bordering
upon it; that they entered and navigated its sea, finding large
cities, large edifices and rivers, and great populations, among whom
is carried on all the trade in spices and precious stones, which are
forwarded in ships (which these same explorers saw and met with in
good numbers and of great size) to Mecca, and thence to Cairo, whence
they are dispersed throughout the world. Of these [spices, etc.] they
have brought a quantity, including cinnamon, cloves, ginger, nutmeg,
_and pepper_, as well as other kinds, together with the boughs and
leaves[271] of the same; also many fine stones of all sorts, such as
rubies and others. And they also came to a country in which there are
mines of gold, of which [gold], as of the spices and precious stones,
they did not bring as much as they could have done, for they took no
merchandise with them.[272]
As we are aware that your Highnesses will hear of these things
with much pleasure and satisfaction, we thought well to give this
information. And your Highnesses may believe, in accordance with what
we have learnt concerning the Christian people whom these explorers
reached, that it will be possible, notwithstanding that they are
not as yet strong in the faith or possessed of a thorough knowledge
of it, to do much in the service of God and the exaltation of the
Holy Faith, once they shall have been converted and fully fortified
(confirmed) in it. And when _they shall have thus been fortified in
the faith there will be an opportunity for destroying the Moors of
those parts. Moreover, we hope, with the help of God, that_ the great
trade which now enriches the Moors of those parts, through whose
hands it passes without the intervention of other persons or peoples,
shall, in consequence of our regulations (ordenanços) be diverted _to
the natives and ships of our own kingdom_, so that henceforth all
Christendom, _in this part of Europe_, shall be able, _in a large
measure_, to provide itself with these spices and precious stones.
This, with the help of God, who in His mercy thus ordained it, will
cause our designs and intentions to be pushed with more ardour
[especially as respects] the war upon the Moors _of the territories
conquered by us in these parts_, which your Highnesses are so firmly
resolved upon, and in which we are equally zealous.
And we pray your Highnesses, in consideration of this great favour,
which, with much gratitude, we received from Our Lord, to cause to be
addressed to Him those praises which are His due.[273]
Most high _and excellent Prince and Princess, most potent Lord and
Lady, may the Lord our God ever hold your persons and kingdoms in His
holy keeping_.
_Written at Lisbon, July 1499._
II.—KING MANUEL TO THE CARDINAL PROTECTOR, AUGUST 28TH, 1499.
Most Reverend Father in Christ, whom we love much as a brother!
We, Dom Manuel, by the Grace of God King of Portugal and of the
Algarves on this side of and beyond the sea, in Africa, Lord of
Guinea and of the Conquest the Navigation and Commerce of Ethiopia,
Arabia, Persia and India, We send to recommend to your Reverence
... very great news ... Our Lord having ended our labours in the
exploration of Ethiopia and India, of other countries, and eastern
islands ... we inform you with pleasure ... and in order that you may
know the progress of events we enclose the draught of a letter which
we wrote to the Holy Father ... Beyond what we wrote to his Holiness,
your Reverence must know that those who have just returned from this
investigation and discovery visited, among other ports of India, a
city called Qualicut, whence they brought us cinnamon, cloves ... the
King looks upon himself and the major part of his people as Christian
... throughout the year there are found there cucumbers, oranges,
lemons and citrons ... there are great fleets ... The island of
Taprobane, which is called Ceilam,[274] is 150 leagues from Qualicut
... Our people brought five or six Indians from Qualicut ... moreover
a Moor of Tunes ... and a Jew,[275] who turned Christian, and who is
a merchant and lapidary, and well acquainted with the coasts from
Alexandria to India, and beyond with the interior (_sertão_) and
Tartary as far as the major sea.... As soon as we had these news
we ordered general processions to be made throughout our kingdom,
returning many thanks to Our Lord ... His Holiness and your Reverence
must (_deve_) publicly rejoice no less and give many praises to God.
Also, whereas by Apostolical[276] grants we enjoy very fully the
sovereignty and dominion of all we have discovered, in such manner
that little or nothing else seems needed, yet would it please us, and
we affectionately beg that after you shall have handed our letters
to the Holy Father and the College of Cardinals, it may please you,
speaking in this as if from yourself, to ask for a fresh expression
of satisfaction with reference to a matter of such novelty and great
and recent merit, so as to obtain His Holiness’s renewed approval and
declaration, in such form as may appear best to you, most Reverend
Father, whom Our Lord hold in his keeping.
Written at Lisbon, August 28, 1499.
The King.
APPENDIX B.
[Illustration: VASCO DA GAMA.
(_From the Portrait in the Museu das Bellas Artes at Lisbon._)]
This portrait formerly belonged to the Conde de Farrobo, who had it
from the Casa de Niza. It was presented to the Museu in 1866 by King
D. Ferdinand. It dates back, apparently, to the first quarter of the
sixteenth century. In 1845 it was restored by Luiz Tirinanzi. The above
is taken from a photograph kindly forwarded by Senhor José Bastos, of
Lisbon. The signature attached (Ho Conde Almyrante) is that of Vasco da
Gama.
The portrait in the possession of the Conde de Lavradio, which was
published in Lord Stanley of Alderley’s _The Three Voyages of Vasco da
Gama_, is a copy of the above.
GIROLAMO SERNIGI’S LETTERS ON VASCO DA GAMA’S FIRST VOYAGE.
Girolamo Sernigi was born in Florence in 1453. His father, Cipriano di
Chimenti, was a member of the Clothiers’ Guild, and was held in high
respect by his fellow citizens. The family became extinct in 1680.[277]
Girolamo was residing at Lisbon, where he had settled as a merchant,
when Vasco da Gama’s expedition returned from India. He remained there
for many years afterwards, and in 1510 commanded a vessel which went
out to Malacca with the fleet of Diogo Mendez de Vasconcellos.[278]
In addition to the letters giving an account of the voyage of Vasco
da Gama, he wrote others dealing with the trade between Portugal and
India. Some of these will be found in the _Diari_ of Marino Sanuto.
Manuscript copies of these letters exist in the Biblioteca Riccardiana,
Florence (Codices 1910, f. 61, and 2112b), in the library of Mr. Ralph
Sneyd, of Newcastle-under-Lyne, and possibly elsewhere. I am indebted
to the mediation of Dr. R. Garnett and the kindness of Professor
Biagi, chief librarian of the Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurenciana, at
Florence, for a careful copy of Codex 1910. The MS. in the library
of Mr. Sneyd formerly belonged to Count Soranzo of Venice, and Prof.
Guglielmo Berchet of that city quotes passages from it in his valuable
contribution to the “Raccolta Colombiana”.[279] I regret to say that I
failed in my endeavours to secure a copy of this valuable manuscript.
Fortunately, to judge from the few extracts given by Prof. Berchet,
there seems to be no reason to suppose that it differs in any essential
respect from the other documents of which I was able to avail myself.
The two letters addressed to a gentleman at Florence were published for
the first time in Fracanzio di Montalboddo’s famous _Paesi novamente
retrovati_, Vicenza, 1507. This seems to be a faithful reproduction of
the original, except that a few passages have been omitted, and that
the letters have been divided into chapters, each with a distinctive
heading. Ramusio,[280] who republished these letters in 1550, has taken
much greater liberties with their writer. He has not merely improved
his literary style, but has also condensed many passages, not always
very happily, and suppressed others altogether. The more important of
these omissions, and occasional additions, have been pointed out by me
in the notes appended to the present translation.
The writer’s name is not mentioned by Fracanzio or Ramusio.
Bandini[281] rashly suggested it was Amerigo Vespucci, who addressed
these letters to Dr. Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco de’ Medici. Professor
Kopke[282] devotes several pages to a refutation of this untenable
hypothesis. It suffices to state that Vespucci was away with Alonzo de
Hojeda in the West Indies, from May 1499 to February 1500, and cannot
consequently have been at Lisbon in July 1499, when the first vessel of
Vasco da Gama’s fleet came back from India.[283]
To Baldelli Boni is due the credit of having first made known the name
of the actual writer, and of having directed attention to the copy of
the first letter existing in the Riccardian library.[284]
The first of these letters was undoubtedly written immediately after
the arrival of Coelho’s vessel, on July 10th. The information it
conveys was obtained from various members of the expedition, and there
is at least one passage in it which shows that it was not all written
on the same day.
The second letter was written some time afterwards, for it embodies
information obtained from the “pilot”, Gaspar da Gama, who had not come
back when the first letter was written (see p. 136). This intelligent
informant reached Lisbon on board the flag-ship, the _S. Gabriel_, the
command of which had been entrusted by Vasco da Gama to his clerk, João
de Sá, when he himself left São Thiago in a caravel for Terçeira.
Both these letters are addressed to a gentleman at Florence with whom
the writer was not on terms of familiarity, and whom he consequently
addresses as “Vossignoria”. This need not, however, be translated as
“your Lordship”, for that style of address was customary in the case of
persons of much humbler degree.
The third letter is undoubtedly by the same writer. An abstract of
it, in German, was discovered among the papers of Conrad Peutinger,
of Augsburg, the antiquarian, and at one time the owner of the famous
_Tabula Peutingeriana_. It was first published, together with other
documents dealing with early voyages to the New World and to India, by
Dr. G. Greiff, in 1861.[285]
Peutinger[286] was shown this letter during a temporary visit to
Rome, and made the abstract thus published. He states explicitly that
the letter was addressed to the author’s _brother_. Covering the same
ground as the preceding letters, and written about the same time, it is
only natural that there should occur many similar passages; and this
would in all probability be even more apparent if we were in a position
to collate the letter seen by Peutinger at Rome with that preserved in
the “Riccardiana”. But the letter, notwithstanding, is quite distinct
from the letters addressed to a gentleman in Florence. The arrangement
of the subjects dealt with is different, and whilst we meet with
paragraphs not to be found in either of the other letters, there are
numerous omissions. Among these latter we may direct attention to the
speculation about the Chinese being Germans, which would most certainly
not have been passed over by a German.
The Peutinger letter was written after the captain had come back “_a
salvamento_” to Lisbon with the “one vessel” of 90 tons, not previously
accounted for. This definite statement is rather puzzling, for if Vasco
da Gama really came home in his flagship, we are either compelled to
reject the statements of such well-accredited historians as De Barros,
Goes, and Castanheda, who affirm that the captain-major ordered João de
Sá to take his flagship, the _S. Gabriel_, to Lisbon, whilst he himself
chartered a swift caravel which conveyed himself and his dying brother
to the Azores; or we must assume that João de Sá, having refitted the
_S. Gabriel_ at São Thiago, joined his chief at Terçeira, and returned
with him to Lisbon.[287] We are inclined to believe that we have before
us an inaccurate statement made by the writer of the letter, or else
an erroneous rendering of his meaning by Peutinger. The letter was
certainly written after the arrival of João de Sá in the _S. Gabriel_,
but Vasco da Gama himself, coming direct from Terçeira, may have
reached Lisbon a day or two later: these two distinct events becoming
thus blended, as it were, in the mind of a man not thoroughly informed
of the matter.
We have contented ourselves with printing a few extracts from
Peutinger’s letter.
GIROLAMO SERNIGI’S FIRST LETTER TO A GENTLEMAN AT FLORENCE.[288]
[_The Start._]
The most illustrious Lord Manuel of Portugal sent 3 new vessels to
discover new countries, namely 2 vessels[289] (balonieri) of 90
tons each, and one of 50 tons, in addition to which there was a
ship (navetta), of one hundred and ten tons, laden with provisions.
Between them they took away cxviij men,[290] and they left this city
of Lisbon on July 9 1497.[291] Vasco da Gama went as captain of this
fleet.
[_The Voyage._]
On July x 1499 the vessel of 50 tons came back to this city.[292] The
captain, Vasco da Gama, remained at the Cape Verde islands with one
of the vessels of 90 tons in order to land there his brother Paulo da
Gama, who was very ill.[293] The other vessel of 90 tons was burnt
because there were not people enough to navigate and steer her. The
store-ship also was burnt, for it was not intended she should return.
In the course of the voyage there died 55 men from a disease which
first attacked the mouth, and thence descended to the throat; they
also suffered great pain in the legs from the knee downwards.
They discovered 1800 leagues[294] (each league being equal to 4¼
of our miles) of new land beyond the cape of Good Hope, which cape
was first discovered in the time of King John. Beyond that cape they
followed the coast for about 600 leagues[295] and met with a dense
population of black people. And when they had made these 600 leagues
they discovered a large river,[296] and at the mouth of that river a
great village inhabited by black people, who are, as it were, subject
to the Moors. These Moors live in the interior of the country, and
continually make war upon the blacks. And in this river, according to
these blacks, are found immense quantities (infinite) of gold; and
they told the captain that if he would tarry a moon,[297] that is a
month, they would give him gold in plenty. But the captain would
not wait, and went about 350 leagues[298] further, and discovered
a great walled city, with very good stone houses in the Moorish
style, inhabited by Moors of the colour of Indians. There the
captain landed, and the Moorish king of this city received him with
much feasting (chon gran festa), and gave him a pilot for crossing
the gulf. This city is called Melinde, and lies at the entrance of
a gulf, the whole of which is peopled by Moors. This pilot spoke
Italian.[299]