men, who brought gourds and cucumbers. The captain-major asked whether
cinnamon, ginger, or any other spices were to be found in this country.
They said there was plenty of cinnamon, but no other kind of spice. The
captain at once sent two men with them to the mainland to bring him a
sample, and they were taken to a wood where a large number of trees
yielding cinnamon were growing, and they cut off two big branches,
with their foliage. When we went in our boats to fetch water we met
these two men with their cinnamon branches, and they were accompanied
by about twenty others, who brought the captain fowls, cow-milk and
gourds. They asked the captain to send these two men along with them,
as there was much dry cinnamon not far off, which they would show them,
and of which they would bring samples.[209]
Having taken in water we returned to the ships, and these men promised
to come on the ensuing day to bring a present of cows, pigs and fowls.
Early on the next morning [September 22] we observed two vessels close
to the land, about two leagues off, but took no further notice of
them. We cut wood whilst waiting for the tide to enable us to enter
the river to take in water, and being thus engaged it struck the
captain that these vessels were larger than he had thought at first. He
therefore ordered us into the boats, as soon as we had eaten, and sent
us to find out whether these vessels belonged to Moors or Christians.
After his return on board, the captain-major ordered a mariner to go
aloft and look out for vessels, and this man reported that out in the
open sea and at a distance of about six leagues he saw eight vessels
becalmed. The captain, when he heard this, at once gave orders to sink
these vessels. They, as soon as they felt the breeze, put the helm hard
a-lee, and when they were abreast of us, at a distance of a couple
of leagues, and we thought they might discover us, we made for them.
When they saw us coming they bore away for the land. One of them being
disabled, owing to her helm breaking, the men in her made their escape
in the boat, which they dragged astern, and reached the land in safety.
We, who were nearest to that vessel, at once boarded her, but found
nothing in her except provisions, coco-nuts, four jars of palm-sugar,
and arms, all the rest being sand used as ballast. The seven other
vessels grounded, and we fired upon them from our boats.
On the following morning [September 23], whilst at anchor, seven men in
a boat visited us, and they told us that these vessels had come from
Calecut in search of us, and that if they had succeeded in taking us we
should have been killed.[210]
On the following morning, having left this place, we anchored at a
distance of two bombard-shots from the place at which we had been at
first, and close to an island, where we had been told that water would
be found.[211] The captain-major at once sent Nicolau Coelho in an
armed boat in search for this watering place. He came there upon the
ruins of a large stone church which had been destroyed by the Moors,
with the exception of a chapel which had been roofed with straw. This,
at least, was told us by the natives of the country, who prayed there
to three black stones which stood in the middle of the chapel.[212]
Beside this church we discovered a tank of the same workmanship as the
church itself—that is, built of hewn stone—from which we took as much
water as we needed. Another tank, of large size and four fathoms deep,
occupied the highest part of the island. On the beach, in front of the
church, we careened the _Berrio_ and the ship of the captain-major. The
_Raphael_ was not drawn up on the beach, on account of difficulties
which will be referred to further on.
Being one day in the _Berrio_, which was drawn up on the beach, there
approached two large boats, or _fustas_,[213] crowded with people. They
rowed to the sound of drums and bagpipes, and displayed flags at the
masthead. Five other boats remained on the coast for their protection.
As they came nearer we asked the people whom we had with us who they
were. They told us not to allow them to come on board, as they were
robbers who would seize us if they could. The people of this country,
they said, carried arms and boarded vessels as if they came as friends,
and having succeeded, and feeling strong enough, they laid hands upon
them. For this reason they were fired upon from the _Raphael_ and
the captain-major’s ship, as soon as they came within range of our
bombards. They began to shout “Tambaram,”[214] which meant that they
were Christians, for the Christians of India call God “Tambaram.” When
they found that we took no notice of this, they fled towards the land.
Nicolau Coelho pursued them for a short distance, when he was recalled
by a signal flag on the ship of the captain-major.
On the following day, whilst the captain and many of our people were
on land, careening the _Berrio_, there arrived two small boats with
a dozen well-dressed men in them, who brought a bundle of sugar-cane
as a present for the captain-major. After they had landed they asked
permission to see the ships. The captain thought they were spies, and
grew angry. Just then two other boats, with as many people, made their
appearance, but those who had come first, seeing that the captain was
not favourably disposed towards them, warned these new-comers not to
land, but to turn back. They, too, re-embarked at once, and went away.
Whilst the ship of the captain-major was being careened there arrived
a man,[215] about forty years of age, who spoke Venetian well. He was
dressed in linen, wore a fine _touca_ on his head, and a sword in his
belt. He had no sooner landed than he embraced the captain-major and
the captains, and said that he was a Christian from the west, who had
come to this country in early youth; that he was now in the service
of a Moorish lord,[216] who could muster 40,000 horsemen; that he,
too, had become a Moor, although at heart still a Christian. He said
that, being one day at his master’s house, news was brought that men
had arrived at Calecut, whose speech none could understand, and who
were wholly clad; that when he heard this he said that these strangers
must be Franks, for this is the name by which we [Europeans] are known
in these parts. He then begged permission of his master to be allowed
to visit us, saying that a refusal would cause him to die of sorrow.
His master thereupon had told him to go and tell us that we might
have anything in his country which suited us, including ships and
provisions, and that if we desired to remain permanently it would give
him much pleasure. When the captain had cordially thanked him for these
offers, which appeared to him to have been made in good faith, our
visitor asked as a favour that a cheese be given him, which he desired
to take to one of his companions who had remained on the mainland, as a
token that all had gone well. The captain ordered a cheese and two soft
loaves to be given to him. He remained on the island, talking so much
and about so many things, that at times he contradicted himself.
Paulo da Gama, in the meanwhile, had sought the Christians who had come
with this visitor, and asked who he was. They said he was a pirate
(_armador_), who had come to attack us, and that his ships, with many
people in them, had remained on the coast. Knowing this much, and
conjecturing the rest, we seized him, took him to the vessel drawn
up on the beach, and there began to thrash him, in order to make him
confess whether he was really a pirate, or what was the object with
which he had come to us. He then told us that he was well aware that
the whole country was ill-disposed towards us, and that numbers of
armed men were around, hidden within the creeks, but that they would
not for the present venture to attack us, as they were expecting some
forty vessels which were being armed to pursue us. He added that he
did not know when they would be ready to attack us. As to himself
he said nothing except what he had said at first. Afterwards he
was “questioned”[217] three or four times, and although he did not
definitely say so, we understood from his gestures that he had come to
see the ships, so that he might know what sort of people we were, and
how we were armed.
At this island we remained twelve days, eating much fish, which
was brought for sale from the mainland, as also many pumpkins and
cucumbers. They also brought us boat-loads of green cinnamon-wood with
the leaves still on. When our ships had been careened, and we had taken
in as much water as we needed, and had broken up the vessel which we
had captured, we took our departure. This happened on Friday, October
5.[218]
Before the vessel referred to was broken up, its captain offered us
1000 fanões for it, but the captain-major said that it was not for
sale, and as it belonged to an enemy he preferred to burn it.
When we were about two hundred leagues out at sea, the Moor whom we
had taken with us declared that the time for dissembling was now past.
It was true that he had heard at the house of his master that we had
lost ourselves along the coast, and were unable to find our way home;
that for this reason many vessels had been despatched to capture
us; and that his master had sent him to find out what we were doing
and to entice us to his country, for if a privateer had taken us he
would not have received a share of the booty, whilst if we had landed
within his territory we should have been completely in his power,
and being valiant men, he could have employed us in his wars with the
neighbouring kings. This reckoning, however, was made without the host.
[_The Voyage across the Arabian Sea._]
Owing to frequent calms and foul winds it took us three months less
three days to cross this gulf,[219] and all our people again suffered
from their gums, which grew over their teeth, so that they could not
eat. Their legs also swelled, and other parts of the body, and these
swellings spread until the sufferer died, without exhibiting symptoms
of any other disease. Thirty of our men died in this manner—an equal
number having died previously—and those able to navigate each ship were
only seven or eight, and even these were not as well as they ought to
have been. I assure you that if this state of affairs had continued
for another fortnight, there would have been no men at all to navigate
the ships. We had come to such a pass that all bonds of discipline had
gone. Whilst suffering this affliction we addressed vows and petitions
to the saints on behalf of our ships. The captains had held council,
and they had agreed that if a favourable wind enabled us we would
return to India whence we had come.
But it pleased God in his mercy to send us a wind which, in the course
of six days, carried us within sight of land, and at this we rejoiced
as much as if the land we saw had been Portugal, for with the help
of God we hoped to recover our health there, as we had done once
before.[220]
This happened on January 2, 1499.[221] It was night when we came close
to the land, and for this reason we put about ship and lay to. In the
morning [January 3] we reconnoitred the coast, so as to find out
whither the Lord had taken us, for there was not a pilot on board, nor
any other man who could tell on the chart in what place we were. Some
said that we must be among certain islands off Moçambique, about 300
leagues from the mainland;[222] and they said this because a Moor whom
we had taken at Moçambique had asserted that these islands were very
unhealthy, and that their inhabitants suffered from the same disease
which had afflicted us.
[_Magadoxo._]
We found ourselves off a large town, with houses of several stories,
big palaces in its centre, and four towers around it. This town faced
the sea, belonged to the Moors, and was called Magadoxo.[223] When we
were quite close to it we fired off many bombards,[224] and continued
along the coast with a fair wind. We went on thus during the day, but
lay to at night, as we did not know how far we were from Milingue
[Malindi] whither we wished to go.
On Saturday, the 5th of the month, being becalmed, a thunderstorm burst
upon us, and tore the ties of the _Raphael_. Whilst repairing these a
privateer came out from a town called Pate[225] with eight boats and
many men, but as soon as he came within reach of our bombards we fired
upon him, and he fled. There being no wind we were not able to follow
him.
[_Malindi._]
On Monday, the 7th [of January][226] we again cast anchor off Milindy,
when the king at once sent off to us a long boat holding many people,
with a present of sheep, and a message to the captain-major, bidding
him welcome. The king said that he had been expected for days past,
and gave expression to his amicable and peaceable sentiments.
The captain-major sent a man on shore with these messengers with
instructions to bring off a supply of oranges, which were much desired
by our sick. These he brought on the following day, as also other kinds
of fruit; but our sick did not much profit by this, for the climate
affected them in such a way that many of them died here. Moors also
came on board, by order of the king, offering fowls and eggs.
When the captain saw that all this attention was shown us at a time
when we stood so much in need of it, he sent a present to the king, and
also a message by the mouth of one of our men who spoke Arabic, begging
for a tusk of ivory to be given to the King [of Portugal], his Lord,
and asking that a pillar be placed on the land as a sign of friendship.
The king replied that he would do what was asked out of love for the
King of Portugal, whom he desired to serve; and, in fact, he at once
ordered a tusk to be taken to the captain and ordered the pillar to be
erected.[227]
He also sent a young Moor,[228] who desired to go with us to Portugal,
and whom he recommended strongly to the captain-major, saying that he
sent him in order that the King of Portugal might know how much he
desired his friendship.
[Illustration: Vasco da Gama’s Pillar at Malindi.
(_From a photograph by Sir John Kirk._)]
We remained five days at this place enjoying ourselves, and reposing
from the hardships endured during a passage in the course of which all
of us had been face to face with death.
[_Malindi to São Braz._]
[Illustration: The Figure-head of the _S. Raphael_.]
We left on Friday [January 11], in the morning, and on Saturday, which
was the 12th of the month, we passed close to Mombaça. On Sunday
[January 13] we anchored at the _Baixos de S. Raphael_,[229] where
we set fire to the ship of that name, as it was impossible for us to
navigate three vessels with the few hands that remained to us. The
contents of this ship were transferred to the two other ships. We
were here fifteen days,[230] and from a town in front of us, called
Tamugate,[231] many fowls were brought to us for sale or barter in
exchange for shirts and bracelets.
On Sunday, the 27th, we left this place with a fair wind. During the
following night we lay to, and in the morning [January 28] we came
close to a large island called Jamgiber [Zanzibar], which is peopled
by Moors, and is quite ten leagues[232] from the mainland. Late on
February 1, we anchored off the island of S. Jorge, near Moçambique and
left at once. On the following day [February 2], in the morning, we set
up a pillar in that island, where we had said mass on going out. The
rain fell so heavily that we could not light a fire for melting the
lead to fix the cross, and it therefore remained without one. We then
returned to the ships.
On March 3 we reached the Angra de São Braz, where we caught many
anchovies, seals and penguins, which we salted for our voyage. On the
12th we left, but when ten or twelve leagues from the watering-place
the wind blew so strongly from the west, that we were compelled to
return to this bay.
[_São Braz to the Rio Grande._]
When the wind fell we started once more, and the Lord gave us such a
good wind that on the 20th we were able to double the Cape of Good
Hope. Those who had come so far were in good health and quite robust,
although at times nearly dead from the cold winds which we experienced.
This feeling, however, we attributed less to the cold than to the heat
of the countries from which we had come.
We pursued our route with a great desire of reaching home. For
twenty-seven days[233] we had the wind astern, and were carried by it
to the neighbourhood of the island of São Thiago. To judge from our
charts we were within a hundred leagues from it, but some supposed we
were quite near. But the wind fell and we were becalmed. The little
wind there was came from ahead. Thunderstorms,[234] which came from the
land, enabled us to tell our whereabouts, and we plied to windward as
well as we could.
On Thursday, the 25th of April, we had soundings of 35 fathoms. All
that day we followed our route, and the least sounding we had was 20
fathoms. We nevertheless could get no sight of the land, but the pilots
told us that we were near the shoals of the Rio Grande.[235]
[Here the Journal ends abruptly. The succeeding events may be shortly
stated. Vasco da Gama and Coelho were separated in a storm, according
to Resende. Coelho continued his voyage, arriving at Cascaes, below
Lisbon, on July 10, 1499. Vasco da Gama, having waited one day for
his consort, proceeded to the island of São Thiago, placed João de Sá
in charge of the _S. Gabriel_, and chartered a caravel in which he
conveyed his dying brother Paulo to the island of Terceira. João de
Sá arrived soon after Coelho, and certainly anterior to August 28th,
on which day the king addressed a letter to the Cardinal Protector of
Portugal (see Appendix). Paulo died a day after he had landed at the
Angra of Terceira, and was buried in the church of the Monastery of S.
Francisco.[236] A resident of Terceira, one Arthur Rodriguez, at once
started in a caravel to carry the news of Vasco da Gama’s arrival to
Lisbon.
The date of Vasco da Gama’s return to Lisbon is not known with
certainty. The commission appointed in 1871 to remove the remains of
Vasco da Gama from the church of Vidigueira to Belem made every effort
to ascertain the exact date, but in vain; and whilst Barros, Goes,
and Pero Barretto de Resende state that it happened on August 29th,
Castanheda fixes upon September 8th, and a MS. in the Torre do Tombo,
consulted by Texeira de Aragão, has September 18th. Herculano, in a
note to the second edition of the “Roteiro”, is content with saying
that it happened at the end of August or at the beginning of September.
Texeira de Aragão assumes (on the ground of a vague expression in De
Barros) that he reached Terceira on August 29th, arrived at Lisbon on
September 9th, and made his triumphal entry into the town on September
18th. This assumption is partly supported by the statement of Barros
that Vasco da Gama, after his arrival at Belem, on account of the loss
he had suffered in the death of a beloved brother, spent nine days in
retirement.[237]
I am myself inclined to believe that Vasco da Gama reached Lisbon on
August 29th, and made his triumphal entry on September 8th.]
[THE KINGDOMS TO THE SOUTH OF CALECUT.]
The following are the names of certain kingdoms on the coast to the
south of Calecut, together with the productions of each, and what they
are worth, all of which I have learnt in the most trustworthy manner
from a man who spoke our language and who had come to those parts from
Alexandria thirty years before.[238]
CALECUT, where we were. The articles of merchandise mentioned below
are sent to it, and the vessels of Mecca take their cargoes to that
city. The King, who is called Çamolim, can muster 100,000 fighting men,
including auxiliaries, for the number under his proper jurisdiction is
very small.
In the following we give the articles of merchandise brought thither
in the vessels of Mecca, and their value throughout this part of
India[239]:—
_Copper_, of which the frazila of nearly 30 pounds is worth 50 fanãos
or 3 cruzados.
_Stone of Baqua_,[240] which is worth its weight in silver.
_Knives_, worth one fanão each.
_Rosewater_, worth 50 fanãos the frazila.
_Alum_, worth 50 fanãos the frazila.
_Camlot_, worth 7 cruzados the piece.
_Red cloth_, worth 2 cruzados the _pequy_[241] of three spans (palmas).
_Quicksilver_, worth 10 cruzados the frazila.
QUORONGOLIZ [Corongolor][242] is a Christian country and the king is
a Christian. Its distance from Calecut by sea, and with a favourable
wind, is 3 days. The king can muster 40,000 fighting men. There is much
pepper, the frazila being worth 9 fanãos, whilst at Calecut it is worth
14.
COLEU [Colam, Coulão][243] is Christian. Its distance from Calecut by
sea, and with a good wind, is 10 days. The king can muster 10,000 men.
There is much cotton-cloth in this country, but little pepper.
CAELL [Cael],[244] the king of which is a Moor, whilst the people are
Christians. Its distance from Calecut, by sea, is 10 days. The king can
assemble 4,000 fighting men, and owns 100 war-elephants. There are many
pearls.
CHOMANDARLA [Choramandel][245] is inhabited by Christians, and the king
is a Christian. He can muster 100,000 men. There is much lac here,
worth half a cruzado the frazila, and an extensive manufacture of
cotton cloths.
CEYLAM [Ceylon] is a very large island inhabited by Christians under a
Christian king. It is 8 days from Calecut, with a favourable wind. The
king can muster 4,000 men, and has moreover many elephants for war as
well as for sale. All the fine cinnamon of India is found here, as well
as many sapphires, superior to those of other countries,[246] besides
rubies, few but of good quality.
CAMATARRA [Sumatra] is Christian. It is 30 days from Calecut with a
favourable wind. The king can muster 4,000 fighting men, and has 1,000
horsemen and 300 war-elephants. In this country much spun[247] silk is
found, worth 8 cruzados the frazila. There is also much lac, worth 10
cruzados the bahar of 20 frazilas [208 kilo.].
XARNAUZ[248] is Christian and has a Christian king. Its distance
from Calecut is 50 days with a good wind. The king can muster 20,000
fighting men and 4,000 horse, and owns 400 war-elephants. In this
country is found much benzoin,[249] worth 3 cruzados the frazila, as
also much aloes,[250] worth 25 cruzados the frazila.
TENACAR[251] is Christian with a Christian king. It is 40 days’ sail
from Calecut, if the wind is favourable. The king can muster 10,000
fighting men and possesses 500 fighting elephants. In this country is
found much Brazil-wood[252] which yields a red dye, as fine as kermes,
and is worth 3 cruzados the bahar, whilst at Quayro [Cairo] it fetches
60. There is likewise a little aloes.
BEMGALA [Bengal].[253] In this kingdom there are many Moors and few
Christians, and the king is a Christian. He can muster 20,000 fighting
men on foot and 10,000 horse. In this country there is much cloth made
of cotton and of silk, and much silver. The distance from Calecut is 40
days’ sail, with a favourable wind.
MELEQUA [Malacca] is Christian with a Christian king. It is 40 days’
sail from Qualecut [Calecut], with a good wind. The king can muster
10,000 fighting men, including 1,200 horse. All cloves[254] come from
here, being worth on the spot 9 cruzados the bahar,[255] as also
nutmeg, which is worth the like amount. There is also much porcelain,
much silk and much tin, of which last they coin money; but this money
is heavy and of little value, 3 frazilas being worth only 1 cruzado.
There are many big parrots in this country, whose plumage is red, like
fire.
PEGUO [Pegu] is Christian and has a Christian king. The inhabitants are
as white as we are. The king can muster 20,000 fighting men, _scilicet_
10,000 horse and the others on foot, besides 400 war-elephants. This
country produces all the musk[256] of the world. The king possesses an
island about four days’ sail, with a good wind, from the mainland. In
this island there are animals like deer, who have pouches containing
this musk, attached to their navels. At a certain period of each year
they rub themselves against trees, when the pouches come off. It is
then that the people of the country gather them. Their abundance is
such that they give you four large pouches, or ten to twelve small
ones, which would fill a large chest, for one cruzado. On the mainland
many rubies[257] and much gold are found. For ten cruzados as much gold
may be bought here as for twenty-five at Calecut. There is also much
lac and benzoin of two kinds, white and black. The frazila of white
benzoin is worth three cruzados, of black only a cruzado and a half.
The silver to be obtained here for ten cruzados is worth fifteen at
Calecut.
The distance of this country from Calecut is thirty days with a fair
wind.