SAIGNER À BLANC.[161]
[Footnote 161: "To bleed white." Bismarck employed this phrase on two
occasions in addressing the Reichstag; his purpose could have been no
other than to bully France.--Author.]
It would be superfluous to review here the history of Franco-German
relations during the last half century; other writers have already
performed the task. Yet the whole trend of development in the relations
between the two powerful neighbours may be defined by two watch-words:
_saigner à blanc_ in Germany, and the _revanche idée_ in France. But
there is this difference: the former has become ever more and more, and
the latter less and less, a factor in European politics.
While the German nation has been gradually and systematically leavened
with the teaching that might alone is right, the French revenge party
has been weakened year by year by national prosperity, colonial
expansion and the growth of a powerful anti-military party. Whatever may
be said of French chauvinists, this much remains an immovable fact--the
party was incapable of providing adequate national defences against the
Germanic neighbour, while plans of reconquest can only be assigned to
the domain of myths.
On every occasion that the _revanche_ cry has been resuscitated, the
direct cause is to be sought in Germany. Having displaced France in 1870
from her position of the first military power in Europe, Germany has
endeavoured by fair and foul means to prevent her neighbour from again
raising her head, and that policy alone is to blame for the suspicion
and hatred which have marked Franco-German relations during the whole
period and plunged Europe into an era of armaments, ending in a world
war. England and Russia prevented Bismarck from annihilating France in
1875, an incident which aroused justified fear throughout France and
gave an impulse to the revenge party.
In 1881 the Iron Chancellor told the French Ambassador: "Outside Europe
you can do what you like." Bismarck's intention was to divert reviving
French energies to colonial work, and if possible involve her in
conflicts with the other Colonizing Powers. In both of these plans he
succeeded, but the common sense and loyalty of Great Britain and Italy
prevented the conflicts from assuming a dangerous form--war--as desired
by the Government in Berlin.
As soon as the latter perceived that French genius and persistency were
bearing fruit in a magnificent colonial empire, the innate jealousy and
greed of the German nation led to a policy of colonial pinpricks on the
part of the Kaiser's Government. This seems the most probable
explanation of Germany's attitude during the last decade before 1914.
The natural consequence was that those powers which had most to fear
through German ill-will were welded together more firmly in a policy of
self-protection.
Germany cannot, or will not, recognize that the causes of the
above-mentioned development are to be found solely and alone in her own
actions. On the contrary, she designates the "consequences" a world-wide
conspiracy against German interests. In naval affairs she adopts the
same naïve line of argument. First and foremost Germany committed
herself to a policy of unlimited--even provocative--naval expansion.
When the Power most concerned--Great Britain--took precautionary
measures to guarantee British interests in view of Germany's "peaceful"
development, then the latter Power declared the consequences of her own
actions to be a hostile initiative directed against her.
A defence of this kind may be convincing for those who observe events in
the German perspective, but it will be unable to withstand impartial
historical criticism. Boxers expect a rebound when they "punch the
ball," but none of them would be so foolish as to deny having delivered
a blow when the rebound takes place. Yet that is the unscientific
defence which Germany has adopted in her endeavours to explain away her
aggressive attitude to Belgium, France, and Great Britain.
In a word, the principles underlying _saigner à blanc_ have grown during
the past four decades into a possible avalanche possessing huge
potential energy; the momentum was given to it in August, 1914.
If it were necessary, a picture of German popular opinion might be
projected, showing how that opinion was influenced and formed during the
critical days at the close of July last year. But from considerations of
space only the outlines of the picture can be given. Before the war
German newspapers abounded in reports of French unpreparedness and
chaos. The German public was informed that France dreaded and feared war
with Germany.
"Without any exaggeration it may be said that a state of nerves has
seized the French nation, such as we should seek for in vain at the time
of Tangiers and Agadir. There is tremendous excitement, which in many
reports suggests absolute panic."[162]
[Footnote 162: _Dresdner Neueste Nachrichten_, August 1st.]
The Paris correspondent of the _Kölnische Zeitung_ (August 4th) on
returning to Cologne wrote: "Conditions in France afford a striking
picture of bad organization. War rage possesses the people; but such an
enthusiasm as I found in Germany on my return is unknown to them."
On the same day the _Hamburger Nachrichten_ reported: "A German refugee
who has returned from the French capital says that there is no
enthusiasm in Paris. Men and women may be seen weeping in the streets,
while the crowds are shouting: 'Down with war!' 'We desire no war!'"
Probably there is no better way to incite a ferocious bully than to tell
him that his opponent is weak, unprepared and afraid. Almost
simultaneously false reports of French troops crossing the frontier and
of French airmen dropping bombs on Nuremberg were spread by the Berlin
General Staff, and thus an excuse found for a declaration of war on
France.
From the French point of view events appeared quite different. "This
morning German troops have violated French territory at three different
points: in the direction of Longwy by Lunéville, at Cirey and by
Belfort. War has thus been declared, and the endeavours for peace as
described in the President's proclamation have been in vain. For the
last eight days Herr von Schoen (German Ambassador in Paris) has lulled
us to sleep with endearing protestations of peace. Meanwhile Germany has
mobilized troops in a secret and malevolent manner.
"The war upon which we must enter is for civilization against barbarism.
All Frenchmen must be united not merely by the feeling of duty, but also
in hatred for an enemy who seeks no other goal than our
annihilation--the destruction of a nation which has always been a
pioneer of justice and liberty in the world.
"To-night our five covering-corps will take up their positions and face
the enemy till our plan of concentration is completed. Russia is with
us.
"MESSIMY,
"Minister for War."
From the moment that Germany declared war on France, new tactics were
adopted in the Press. A campaign of calumny began which is the exact
counterpart of that against Belgium and the Belgians. Uncorroborated
tales of Germans having been ill treated in all parts of France were
spread broadcast. According to one journal[163] sixty to eighty Germans
had been murdered on the platforms of the Gare de l'Est in Paris.
[Footnote 163: _Kölnische Volkszeitung_, August 5th.]
Still there is one accusation which even German newspapers have never
dared to make, viz., that Frenchmen murdered and ill-treated Frenchmen,
or that war delirium led them to destroy property on a wholesale scale.
On the other hand, the picture obtainable of Germany during August,
1914, proves that similar peaceful conditions did not prevail in the
great nation of "drill and discipline."
France was even "convicted" of having caused the war; instead of being
unprepared, she had laid the fuse and was the guilty power in causing
the European explosion. "The German Government has now obtained absolute
proof that France has been standing at arms, ready to fall upon Germany,
for many weeks past."[164]
[Footnote 164: _Hamburger Fremdenblatt_, August 13th.]
Above all, President Poincaré has been marked down in Germany's
senseless, unnecessary hunt for a scapegoat upon whom to fix her own
guilt. Even in the year 1915 there is a section of the German
public[165] which believes that the French President--a native of
Lorraine--has worked for years past in building up a _revanche_
conspiracy ending in the European war.
[Footnote 165: Dr. Max Beer: "Tzar Poincarew, die Schuld am Kriege"
("Czar Poincarew, the War-guilty"). Berlin, 1915.]
Germany despised France and has tried in vain to patronize her. For many
years past the average German has held that the French are a nation of
"degenerate weaklings." Inspired by these sentiments, with a mixture of
hate, the German troops invaded France, and it is a promising symptom
that during twelve months of war respect for French valour has taken the
place of contempt.
The first engagements are described in the official telegrams from the
German army head-quarters. "August 11th. Enemies' troops, apparently the
7th French army corps and an infantry division from the Belfort
garrison, were driven out of a fortified position by Mülhausen. Our
losses were inconsiderable, those of the French heavy.
"August 12th. Our troops attacked a French brigade by Lagarde. The enemy
suffered heavy losses and was thrown back into the Paroy forest. We
captured a flag, two batteries, four machine guns and about seven
hundred prisoners. A French general was among the killed.
"August 18th. The fight by Mülhausen was little more than a skirmish.
One and a half enemy corps had invaded Upper Alsace before our troops
could be collected and placed on a war-footing. In spite of their
numerical inferiority they attacked the enemy without hesitation and
hurled him back in the direction of Belfort.
"Meanwhile an artillery contingent from Strasbourg has suffered a check.
Two battalions with cannon and machine guns advanced from Shirmeck on
the 14th. They were attacked by hostile artillery fire while passing
through a narrow pass. The cannon, etc., were badly damaged and
therefore left. No doubt they were captured by the enemy.
"The incident is of no importance and will have no influence on our
operations, but it should serve as a warning to our soldiers against
over-confidence and carelessness. The men mustered again and reached the
fortress in safety: they had lost their guns but not their courage.
Whether treachery on the part of the inhabitants had any part in the
affair has not yet been ascertained.
"August 22nd. Our troops are in pursuit of the French army defeated
between Metz and the Vosges. The enemies' retreat became a flight. Up
till now more than ten thousand prisoners have been taken and at least
fifty cannon captured. The French had eight army corps in the field.
"August 24th. Yesterday the German Crown Prince, advancing on both sides
of Longwy, achieved a victory over the opposing forces and hurled them
back.
"The troops under the leadership of the Bavarian Crown Prince have also
been victorious and crossed the line Lunéville-Blamont-Tirey. To-day the
21st army corps occupied Lunéville.
"The pursuit has brought rich booty. Besides numerous prisoners and
standards the left wing of the Vosges army has already captured 150
cannon.
"To-day the German Crown Prince's army has continued the pursuit beyond
Longwy.
"The army under Duke Albrecht of Württemberg has advanced on both sides
of Neufchâteau and completely defeated the French army which had crossed
the Semois. Numerous cannon, standards and prisoners--among the latter
several generals--were captured.
"West of the Meuse our troops are advancing on Maubeuge. An English
cavalry brigade which appeared on their front was defeated.
"August 27th. Nine days after the conclusion of our concentration the
armies in the West have gained victory after victory and penetrated the
enemy's territory from Cambrai to the Southern Vosges. At all points the
enemy has been driven out of his positions and is now in full retreat.
"It is not yet possible to estimate, even approximately, his losses in
killed, prisoners and booty; the explanation for this is the enormous
extent of the battlefields, broken by thick forests and mountainous
country.
"General von Kluck's army defeated the English at Maubeuge and to-day
has attacked them in an encircling move south-west of that place.
"After several days' fighting about eight army corps of French and
Belgian troops between the Sambre, Namur and the Meuse were completely
defeated by the German armies under Generals von Bülow and von Hausen.
"Namur has fallen after two days' cannonade. The attack on Maubeuge has
commenced. Duke Albrecht's army pursued the defeated enemy over the
Semois and has now crossed the Meuse.
"On the other side of Longwy the German Crown Prince has captured a
fortified enemy position, and thrown back a heavy attack from the
direction of Verdun. His army is advancing towards the Meuse. Longwy has
fallen.
"New hostile forces from Nancy attacked the Bavarian Crown Prince's army
during its pursuit of the French army before it. The attack failed.
"General von Heeringen's army is pursuing the enemy in the Vosges, and
driving him southwards. Alsace has been cleared of enemy forces.
"Up till the present the lines of communication have been guarded by the
various armies; now the troops left behind for that purpose are urgently
required for our further advance. Hence His Majesty has ordered the
mobilization of the Landsturm.
"The Landsturm will be employed in protecting the lines of communication
and for the occupation of Belgium. This land which now comes under
German administration will be utilized for supplying all kinds of
necessities for our armies, in order that Germany may be spared as much
as possible."
During the first month of hostilities on the Western front, the Germans
claimed that their captures amounted to 233 pieces of heavy artillery,
116 field guns, 79 machine guns, 166 wagons and 12,934 prisoners. On
September 8th General Quartermaster von Stein announced: "Maubeuge
capitulated yesterday; 40,000 prisoners of war, including four generals,
400 cannon and immense quantities of war materials fell into our hands."
A German war correspondent, who was present at the fall of Maubeuge,
wrote:[166] "The march out of the prisoners began on the same day at
2.30 p.m. and lasted over six hours. They were conducted to trains and
despatched to Germany. Some of the infantry made a good impression,
while the pioneers and artillery can only be classed as passable.
[Footnote 166: Heinrich Binder: "Mit dem Hauptquartier nach Westen," p.
96.]
"To the great disappointment of our troops there were only a hundred and
twenty English among the prisoners who had been cut off from the main
army; young fellows about eighteen to twenty years of age. When marching
out these English youths were so stupid as to offer the hand to their
German victors in token of the gentlemanlike manner in which they
accepted defeat. In accordance with Albion's ancient boxing custom, they
desired to show the absence of any bitter feeling by a handshake; just
as one does after a football match.
"Our men returned a few cuffs for this warlike behaviour, whereupon the
English--richer in experience--drew back astonished at German
unfriendliness."
Germany's rush for Paris reached as far as the Marne; they claim that
patrols penetrated to within seven kilometres of the French capital. The
report announcing the turn of the tide is worthy of quotation.
"Chief Headquarters, September 10th. Our army in their pursuit of the
enemy in the direction east of Paris had passed beyond the Marne. There
they were attacked by superior forces between Meaux and Montmirail. In
two days' heavy fighting they have kept the enemy back and even made
progress.
"When the approach of new, stronger hostile forces was announced our
wing was withdrawn; the enemy made no attempt at pursuit. Up till now
the booty captured in this battle includes fifty cannon and some
thousands of prisoners.
"West of Verdun the army is engaged in an advancing battle. In Lorraine
and the Vosges district the situation is unchanged."
This seems to be all that the German nation has heard from official
sources of the German defeat on the Marne and the hurried retreat to the
Aisne. Almost every report issued by the German headquarters during the
succeeding three weeks informed the world that a "decision had not yet
fallen."
Evidently the nation awaited and hoped for a decision which would leave
Paris at the mercy of the invading army. They are still awaiting that
decision, but whether the waiting is seasoned by hope cannot easily be
determined.
A soldier present at the battle of the Marne has chronicled his
experiences.[167] "We passed over long, undulating hills and valleys,
and towards 1 p.m. obtained our first glimpse down the beautiful vale of
the Marne. Standing on the heights of Château Thierry, we beheld the
town nestling on both sides of the river in the valley below.
[Footnote 167: H. Knutz: "Mit den Königin-Fusilieren durch Belgien und
Frankreich,", p. 49 _et seq_.]
"Then we entered the town and saw on all sides the tokens of street
fighting. All the windows were smashed by shell fire; some houses had
been entirely gutted. Dead Frenchmen lay around in heaps, some corpses
so mutilated by shrapnel as to appear hardly human. With a shudder we
turned our eyes from this horrible scene.
"Crossing the Marne by a sand-stone bridge, we climbed the opposing
heights under a burning sun. At the top we deployed, but for that day
our artillery sufficed to drive the enemy in headlong flight to the
south; the night we spent under the open sky.
"Sunday, September 6th. Before breakfast we intended to bathe in a
stream, when our dreams of a rest-day were dispelled by an order to hold
ourselves ready for the march. 'The 17th division is under heavy rifle
fire and the 18th must advance to their support.' Meanwhile, the chicken
soup was almost ready, but the order 'form ranks' resounded, and with
empty stomachs we marched through Neuvy up a hill and dug ourselves in
behind a wood.
"The thunder of the enemies' artillery is terrible; shrapnel is bursting
on our left. Captain von Liliencron discusses the situation with the
major and then turns to us. 'Our regiment attacks! go for the dogs,
children!' he exclaims with gleaming eyes.
"Next we advance round the wood and lie down behind a hedge; axes are
held in readiness to hack a way through the latter. Five steps from me a
machine gun hammers away at full speed; it is now impossible to hear
commands, so they are roared from man to man--it could not be termed
shouting. 'Ambulance to the right!' somebody is severely wounded, but
the ambulance men have more than they can do on the left.
"The hell-music is at its loudest; shrapnel is bursting in the wood
behind us; suddenly there is an awful explosion half a dozen yards away;
I hear the screams of my comrades, then we rush forwards. The rush
across the field was awful--flank fire from the right. Here and there a
comrade bites the grass.
"At last I throw myself down, but there is no cover; the wounded crouch
there too. None of my company are there; it seems that the two last
shells have played havoc with them. The enemies' (French) main position
is nearly a mile away in a forest.
"Up the next slope our dead lie thick around, and here too a deadly
bullet had found the breast of our heroic captain. But in the strip of
forest French and Turko bodies are still thicker. The cat-like Turkos
have climbed into the trees and are shot down like crows. A maddening
infantry and artillery fire greets us as we reach the top. Every ten to
twenty yards shells strike, and shrapnel bursts, filling the air with
earth, dust, smoke and smell.
"Forward! till almost exhausted I throw myself down again; a hundred to
a hundred and fifty Fusiliers form a firing-line. Columns of infantry
pour a murderous fire on to us from the forest. It cannot go on thus;
one after the other is wounded or killed. We have advanced nearly eight
hundred yards over open ground. On the right there is a small thicket of
reeds. Some of the company have already sought shelter there, and I make
a rush there with the same hope.
"'For heaven's sake, lie down, corporal,' screamed a man as I came up.
In fact, the reeds afford no cover whatever. Wounded and dead lie there
and bullets keep hitting them. In front of me lay a man from the fourth
company; a bullet had entered his chest and passed out of his back; the
blood was oozing out of a wound about the size of a shilling. The horror
was too much for me, and I crept to the other end of the strip.
"There I found everything far worse, but I cannot describe the terrors
which I saw. One poor fellow begs for a drop of water; there is just
another draught in my bottle. With grateful eyes he hands it back to me,
and in the same moment I feel a stinging pain in the shoulder. My arm is
numbed and helpless; hardly one of us who is not wounded.
"We can offer no resistance to the enemy; but the awful way back! At
last the run back over eight hundred yards of open field begins. Now and
again a comrade sinks to the ground, never to rise again. My breath is
nearly gone; one last effort, and in truth I have escaped from the hail
of bullets."
It is remarkable and noteworthy that German writers charge the French
armies with looting and destruction in their own country. Probably this
is merely a device to get rid of unpleasant accusations raised against
the German army. Furthermore, the most reckless charges of uncleanliness
are made. In commenting on the lot of the Landsturm troops quartered in
the villages of Northern France, one author[168] writes: "The Landsturm
men pass their time as best they can in these holes, whose most
conspicuous quality is their filth."
[Footnote 168: Erich Köhrer: "Zwischen Aisne und Argonnen" ("Between the
Aisne and the Argonnes"), p. 25.]
The same author gives his impressions of a visit to Sedan. "Only one
house has been completely and another partly destroyed, otherwise
appearances are peaceful, and as far as possible, life goes on as usual.
Here, too, many of the inhabitants have left their homes and fled. The
stupidity of this flight becomes evident at every step. In numerous
small hotels whose proprietors have remained, one sees German soldiers
buying bottles of splendid Burgundy wine at a shilling a bottle.
"But in another hotel whose proprietor had fled, is it a matter for
surprise that the men caroused on discovering a cellar containing three
thousand bottles of wine? On the route I have myself purchased some of
the oldest and best wines from our men at a price of three cigars a
bottle, and the recollection of them belongs to the pleasantest memories
of my sojourn at the front.
"Certainly the owner of Château Frenois, situated a few minutes' walk
from the town, will be more unpleasantly surprised on his return than
the hotel proprietor. In his home, French marauders and plunderers have
destroyed and devastated the entire contents. It is impossible to
comprehend the senselessness of this conduct, for which no reasons of
military necessity can be advanced.
"Ancient family pictures which could not be taken out of their frames
have been ruined by bayonet stabs, and from the shape of the cuts they
were certainly the work of French bayonets. Even the library, which
contained a valuable collection of old prints, had been robbed.
"Not far from this scene of desolation stands Château Bellevue, where
King William met Napoleon in 1870. There, too, the traces of French
plunderers are painfully evident; it was left to the 'Hun-Kaiser' to
save this historic spot from complete annihilation. In September Wilhelm
II. visited the château and seeing the signs of rapacity, ordered the
place to be strictly guarded to prevent further desecration."[169]
[Footnote 169: Ibid., pp. 22-3.]
It did not occur to Herr Köhrer to connect the carousals with the
plundering; in one sentence he admits that French soldiers respected the
wine-cellars and in the next accuses them of stealing books, etc. Every
German writer, in describing the German advance, comments on the immense
number of haversacks, weapons and equipment thrown away by the French in
their "wild flight." Yet they desire their readers to believe that the
same soldiers had time to rob and destroy, indeed, carry their plunder
with them!
Since September no French troops have been in the district, yet the
Kaiser found it necessary to place guards round Château Bellevue. Is it
not more reasonable to assume that the precaution was taken against the
predatory instincts of his own soldiery, who, admittedly, are in
occupation of the province?
Herr Köhrer finds it almost beneath his dignity to reply to charges of
barbarism and Hunnism; yet he devotes several pages to the art of
white-washing. "The inhabitants who remained in their homes, and those
who have returned since the flight--unfortunately it is only a small
part of the entirety--have recognized long ago that the German soldier
is not a barbarian. The terrible distress which prevails among the
French is often enough relieved by the generosity of the German troops.
Throngs of women and children from the filthy villages of the Argonne
and the Ardennes gather round our field-kitchens and regularly receive
the remains of the meals; while many a German Landsturm man,
recollecting his own wife and children, fills the mouths of dirty French
children instead of completely satisfying his own hunger."[170]
[Footnote 170: Ibid., p. 34. Herr Köhrer has evidently never visited
many Bavarian villages: otherwise he would be more careful with his
adjectives when describing the villages of France.--Author.]
No one disputes the presence of kindly Germans in the Kaiser's armies,
and it is pleasing to read about these acts of generosity in relieving
distress which is entirely the result of Germany's guilt. But the point
which all German writers miss is the explanation of positive evidence of
brutal deeds. Their kindly incidents and proofs of German chivalry are
all of a negative character, and do not overthrow one jot or tittle of
the opposing positive evidence.
Iron crosses have fallen in thick showers on the German armies; during
the month of July, 1915, no fewer than 3,400 of these decorations were
awarded to the Bavarian army alone. Still, as far back as November of
last year, Herr Köhrer wrote: "In the villages on the slopes of the
Argonnes and on the banks of the Aisne, nearly every second soldier is
wearing an iron cross. One has the certain conviction that it is not an
army of fifty or sixty thousand, but a nation of heroes which occupies
the plains of France and fights for us.
"They are all heroes at the front, including those who do not wear the
outward symbol of personal bravery. When we see how our men live, it
would seem that the earliest days of the human race have returned. They
have become cave-dwellers, troglodytes in the worst form. Our heavy
batteries are placed on the slopes of the Argonne forest, while the
light field-howitzers occupy the summits.
"Near them holes have been dug in the wet clay or chalk, and meagrely
lined with straw; these dark, damp caves are the dwellings of our
officers and men for weeks at a time, while the shells from the enemy's
artillery whiz and burst around. In them the differences of rank
disappear, except that one sometimes sees a couple of chairs provided
for officers. When duty does not call them to the guns, they are free to
remain in the open exposed to a sudden and awful death, or to spend
their time in the womb of mother earth. Yet one never hears a word of
complaint; rather the hardships of this strange existence are borne with
rough good-humour."[171]
[Footnote 171: Ibid., p. 28.]
Contrary to the expectations of other nations, the war seems only to
have increased the popularity of the military Moloch. Writers who look
upon the Allies as deliverers who will free Germany from the degrading
slavery imposed upon that country, will be disappointed to learn that
Germans worship the _bunte Rock_ (gay uniform) more than ever.
At a meeting of the National Liberal leaders held in Dortmund, July,
1915, a resolution was passed calling upon the Government to pursue a
still greater naval and army programme. Both the Liberals and
Conservatives have adopted the motto: _Deutsche Machtpolitik frei von
Sentimentalität_ (A German policy of might free from sentimentalism).
"This war of the nations, which has overthrown so many accepted
standards and created new ones, will also give a new basis to the
privileged position of German officers in public life. Millions of
German men have seen how in this war the German lieutenant has again
merited his special position for some generations to come. I wish to
emphasize this point over and over again.
"During the first two months of hostilities nearly forty thousand iron
crosses were awarded. To many of those at home this appeared to be
overdoing it, like the many exaggerations in the domain of orders and
honours with which we have become familiar during the last decade.[172]
As a matter of fact, the number of crosses given was too small.
[Footnote 172: _Vide_ "The Soul of Germany," Chapter XIII.]
"Not forty thousand heroes are at the front, but a nation of heroes. In
emphasizing why the work of our officers is so splendid I must lay down
these premises. The bravery and joyous spirit of self-sacrifice in our
men is above all praise, but the officers have higher and more
responsible duties. They have not only to set an example of physical
courage, but they must possess the mental capacity to lead and spur on
their men--and that under conditions so hard and rude that the man at
home has no conception of them.
"I have been in the trenches on the slopes of the Argonnes, where
officers lie side by side with the men in clay and chalk, unwashed and
filthy cut off from the outside world, exposed to continuous fire and
thrown entirely upon themselves. I have seen them in the artillery
positions on the Aisne, in the mud-caves of the heavy batteries, where
they sit in the dark on empty packing-cases, listening to the music of
exploding shells and whistling bullets. And everywhere I received the
same impression: the men are enthusiastic in praise of their leaders.
"Many a one who has never voted for any other party than the Social
Democrats has exclaimed: 'Lieutenants! _Donnerwetter_, yes! Hats off to
them!' For the lieutenant is not only the first in the fight, but he is
the soul of the company; untiring in his efforts to keep up their
spirits in the intervals between the fighting.
"And when we again witness the scenes which often disgusted us before
the war--the monocled young gentlemen in gay uniform, walking through
the streets, nose in the air--when we see all this again, and perhaps a
bit of iron pinned on the breast, then we must remember that for their
life of danger and hardship in Argonnes clay, and Russian mud, no
earthly compensation can be too great.
"No nation can ever imitate our lieutenant, and in this war of masses
and technical perfection it is still the value of individual personality
which will decide the issue. We may affirm that this value stands very
high in our army--both as regards officers and men.
"Only he who has seen for himself the burnt villages, devastated towns
and desolate land of France can comprehend the full meaning of the awful
word _Krieg_ (war). Mere words cannot express what it means to Germans
and Germany that the horrors of war have been carried almost alone into
the enemy's territory.
"But then a spirit of irresistible ardour goes through the ranks of our
warriors. From every eye, in every word, burns the deepest, most
unbounded faith in victory. In the trenches, batteries and hospitals
there is no doubt, no fear. One great thought hovers victoriously above
all hardships, distress and suffering: Germany to the front in the
world!
"And from out the blood which flows--and that is shed plenteously, very
plenteously--(this is the sacred faith which I brought back from the
battlefields) out of this blood the proud harvest will grow, whose
blessings we shall all feel--the world dominion of the German
idea!"[173]
[Footnote 173: Ibid., p. 50 _et seq_.]
In spite of Köhrer's assurances that the relationship between officers
and men in the German army is an ideal one, there is evidence that such
is not always the case. The Social Democratic paper _Karlsruhe
Volksfreund_ (July 23rd, 1915) contained a long article by "comrade"
Wilhelm Kolb, attacking the anti-annexation fraction of his party. Kolb
accused the opposition with "speculating on the question of food-prices
and the ill-treatment of soldiers at and behind the front. The power of
the censor makes it exceedingly difficult, or even impossible, to
ventilate this matter."
German writers are careful to impress their readers that the losses of
the French were appalling, but here and there a stray word or sentence
lifts the veil and discovers their own.
"Just before me are the graves of some German officers adorned with
wooden crosses and helmets, and a little farther on a _Massengrab_
(large common grave) containing several hundred German soldiers. At this
point (Sedan) the battle raged with awful fury, and the Germans had to
make heavy sacrifices. It seems almost incredible that the Germans could
have forced the position.
"The country is hilly; not a tree or bush offered cover from the French
bullets. French trenches at distances of from thirty to fifty yards,
stretched across the land, and between them were wire entanglements and
other obstacles. Besides which they had an open firing-range of over a
mile in extent, with their artillery to cover them from a steep hill on
the other side of the Meuse.
"At 5 a.m. the attack commenced, and by the afternoon the French had
been hurled across the river. Then came the most difficult part of the
operations. From the Meuse the ground rises gradually to a steep hill,
on which the French artillery and machine guns were placed. The only
bridge over the river, at Donchery, had been blown up at the last moment
by the enemy, and although our pioneers had hastily constructed a bridge
of tree-trunks--what was this for so many regiments!
"Many tried to ford or swim the stream. The French fire was murderous in
its effect. Several times the ranks wavered, but again and again they
pressed forward, till the heights were stormed and the enemy in flight.
The battle raged on into the night and then the remains of the regiments
gathered at the foot of the hill. They had won a costly but glorious
victory. Those who have seen the successes which our troops have gained,
even under the most difficult conditions, need have no fear as to the
ultimate result of this war.
"I stood long at this spot on the blood-drenched soil of France, just
where the regiments from Trier[174] had fought so bravely and suffered
so heavily. Serious thoughts arose in me as I gazed at the battlefield.
What a dispensation! Two gigantic battles on the same spot in such a
short space of time; two great victories over the French. And most
remarkable of all, the nation which for forty-four years had desired
_revanche_ for Sedan, was again completely defeated at the same
place--almost on the anniversary of the first battle.
[Footnote 174: The writer, Dr. W. Kriege, is a Roman Catholic priest
from Trier (Trèves). His book "Bilder vom Kriegsschauplatz" (Pictures
from the Seat of War"), published in 1915, is both interesting and
illuminating.]
"Twilight shadows fall deep upon the quiet fields where the dead rest.
Squadrons of white clouds drift down the valley, as if to cover the
sleeping heroes with a shroud of white. Above Sedan's heights appears
the shining crescent of the moon and sheds a ghostly light over the wide
field of death--the battlefield of Sedan."[175]
[Footnote 175: Dr. W. Kriege: "Bilder vom Kriegsschauplatz," p. 45 _et
seq_.]
"At last we arrive at our destination--Somme-Py. But what a sight!
Nothing remains of the once beautiful, spacious village but a heap of
rubbish. A few black-burnt walls are still standing and about three
houses; among them, fortunately, the house occupied by Kaiser Wilhelm I.
in 1870-71, when the victorious German army was marching on Paris. At
present it serves as a field-hospital. Yes, this is the second time that
a German army has marched this way; but the battles were never so bloody
as this time.
"Somme-Py and the country round has a special meaning for us folk in
Trier. For here our Trier regiments--above all the 29th and 69th--have
fought with splendid valour, and here they have buried many a dear
friend and comrade. Immediately before Somme-Py one of the largest
mass-graves of the whole campaign may be seen.
"A simple iron railing surrounds the spot where hundreds of those rest
who lived so happily in our midst, who marched so gaily and to whom we
waved farewell greetings as they tramped through our streets.
"The fight for the village had been particularly fierce and bloody; the
inhabitants had no time to flee. Half-burnt men and animals, soldiers
and civilians, filled the houses and streets, or lay buried under the
ruins--awful sacrifices to the war Fury! We must thank God and our brave
soldiers that they have preserved our hearths and homes from such horror
and misery."[176]
[Footnote 176: Ibid., pp. 78-80.]
It is cheering to find a growing feeling of respect for the French in
German war literature. One of many such expressions will be sufficient
to quote here. The writer of it is a German author who enjoys much
esteem in his own country, and was a guest at the German Crown Prince's
headquarters in May, 1915.
"In conversations with numerous French prisoners I have found no traces
of hate and rage either in their looks or words. The most are glad to
have escaped in an honourable manner from the nerve-racking, trench
warfare. In an honourable manner? Yes, for I have heard on all
sides--from the highest officers and the simplest soldiers--that the
French have fought well. For the most part they are well led--and always
filled up with lies."[177]
[Footnote 177: Rudolf Presber: "An die Front zum deutschen Kronprinzen"
("At the Front with the German Crown Prince"), p. 33.]
"Then we dined with the Crown Prince; soup, roast goose, fresh beans and
dessert. The conversation was lively. In our small company--although the
bravery of the enemy and his excellent leadership receives full
recognition--there is not one who does not reckon with absolute
conviction on complete victory on both fronts."[178]
[Footnote 178: Ibid., p. 61.]
Herr Presber's book is free, neither from adulation nor hero-worship. He
is a poet, sentimentalist, and evangelist for Greater Germany. His book
is a collection of incidents, reflections, and conversations, carefully
assorted and arranged, so as to allow the limelight to glare on the
statuesque figure of a mighty Germanic hero, fresh from
Walhalla--incarnated in the Crown Prince.
The Crown Prince's birthday dinner-party affords an excellent
opportunity for the German nation to see the mighty one replying to the
toast of his health. Presber affirms that the moment when his royal host
raised his glass and uttered the words: "Ein stilles Glas den Toten!"
("A glass in silence to the memory of the fallen") will for ever be
"most solemn and sacred" in his memory.
With genuine German inquisitiveness Herr Presber hunted through the
various cupboards and drawers in his room and found a map of France as
it was before the loss of Alsace-Lorraine. "The map is wrong and
useless, and so I use it to line a drawer before placing my linen
therein. This makes me think of the many changes which will be marked in
the atlases which German children are now carrying to school in their
satchels--after the cannon have ceased to roar. How the colouring of the
maps has changed since I went to school, and yet once more a great
'unrest of colour' is about to change the map of Europe. And as far as I
can see, large notes of interrogation must be placed not alone round the
Poles and in Central Africa!"[179]
[Footnote 179: Ibid., p. 101.]
"I spoke of the good understanding between the natives and our soldiers.
Probably that is not so easy to attain everywhere. We drove long
distances from the Prince's headquarters and once passed through a
famous town which sees the German conquerors for a second time. (No
doubt Sedan is meant.--Author.)
"Most of the inhabitants know it is the Crown Prince by the signs of
reverence shown him on all sides, by officers and men alike. But the
citizens of the twice-conquered town bite their lips, turn their heads
aside, and pretend indifference. The women too--many of them in deep
mourning--turn away, or sometimes stand and stare as if with suddenly
aroused interest. Here the ancient hate glowers in silence.
"It seems as if a parole of mute non-respect has been passed round. This
town, which has become world-famous on account of the _débâcle_ of the
Third Empire, lives to see with gnashing of teeth the downfall of the
Republic. But they do not believe it yet."[180]
[Footnote 180: Ibid., p. 108.]
"French and Russian prisoners are working on the roads, wheeling barrows
of stone and filling the holes made by shell fire. Some of them, without
thinking, touch their caps when their guards stand stiffly at the
salute. (And how few guards are necessary to watch this tame herd!)
Others gaze at our car as it rushes past without giving any salute;
their faces express astonishment, curiosity, but no excitement."[181]
[Footnote 181: Ibid., pp. 107-110.]
Another illuminating page tells of the Crown Prince's anger on hearing
that Italy had joined the Allies, and how they went for a motor-ride as
an antidote to the royal rage.
German humour is generally unconscious and mostly unintentional. After a
policy of bullying towards France for forty-four years, Germany has
discovered during the course of the war that France is the cat's-paw of
Russia and Great Britain--principally the latter.
One writer,[182] in some fifty pages of venom, endeavours to show that
England is France's executioner. Another[183] gives our ally the advice
"awake!" After Germany has played the _saigner-à-blanc_ game in Northern
France for more than a year, the advice seems rather belated.
[Footnote 182: Walter Unus: "England als Henker Frankreichs."
Braunschweig, 1915.]
[Footnote 183: Ernst Heinemann: "Frankreich, erwache!" Berlin, 1915.]
Herr Heinemann writes, p. 33: "France is not fighting for herself, but
for England and Russia.
"Poor deceived France! She has given fifteen milliards of francs to
Russia so that she may at last draw the sword in defence of
Russo-Serbian and British commercial interests. She has placed her money
and her beautiful land at the disposal of her so-called friends--for the
sake of a mad idea which these friends have cleverly exploited
(_revanche idée_).
"England has declared that she will continue the war for twenty years,
twenty years--on French soil. If under these circumstances the French
broke with their allies--who have exploited France for the last
twenty-five years, and who have plunged her into this war---in order to
arrive at a reasonable understanding with Germany; then they would only
show that they do not intend to accept the final consequences of the
mistakes committed by the French Government.
"No one is compelled to eat the last drop of a soup prepared by false
friends. In this sense, to seduce France to a direct breach of faith
with her allies, would in truth, only mean the protection of France's
best interests" (pp. 51-2).
One other writer deserves mention--a lecturer in history, Bonn
University--because he presents an opinion the exact contrary to the one
last quoted. According to Dr. Platzhoff, France herself is the guilty
party, who has tricked Russia and Great Britain into the service of
revenge for 1870.
"Therefore France found it necessary to extract herself from isolation,
and acquire allies against her neighbour (Germany). In several decades
of painful effort, French diplomacy has solved the problem in brilliant
fashion. _Revanche_--and alliance policy are inseparable
conceptions."[184]
[Footnote 184: Dr. Walter Platzhoff; "Deutschland und Frankreich," p.
18.]
In contrast to most German authors, Platzhoff admits that the _Entente
Cordiale_ was called into being by Germany herself. "This development
caused great anxiety in Germany. But it seems certain that Germany could
have prevented it by one means alone--an open agreement with England.
And Berlin, after considering the matter carefully, had declined the
latter."[185]
[Footnote 185: Ibid., p. 22.]
"That France would enter the field on Russia's behalf is a logical
consequence not only of the Dual Alliance treaty, but also of the policy
pursued during recent decades. In vain French ministers have protested
their love of peace and their innocence in causing this war. The policy
of alliances and revenge was certain to end in a world conflagration.
"Already voices make themselves heard which prophesy a revolution in
French policy and a later _entente_ with Germany."[186]
[Footnote 186: Ibid., pp. 26-8.]
Many such passages might be cited to prove that Germany would like to
see a split among the allies. But France's honour and welfare are in her
own hands, and it appears a futile hope that Germany, after failing to
bring France to submission and self-effacement by threats of _saigner à
blanc_, will succeed in her purpose by the reality.