Of all the harbours and anchoring places I have met with amongst these

islands, that of Tongataboo is by far the best; not only on account of

its great security, but of its capacity, and of the goodness of its

bottom. The risk that we ran in entering it from the north, ought to be

a sufficient caution to every future commander not to attempt that

passage again with a ship of burden; since the other, by which we left

it, is so much more easy and safe. To sail into it by this eastern

channel, steer in for the north-east point of the island, and keep along

the north shore, with the small isles on your starboard, till you are

the length of the east point of the entrance into the _lagoon_; then

edge over for the reef of the small isles; and, on following its

direction, it will conduct you through between Makkahaaa and Monooafai,

or the fourth and fifth isles, which you will perceive to lie off the

west point of the _lagoon_. Or you may go between the third and fourth

islands, that is, between Pangimodoo and Monooafai; but this channel is

much narrower than the other. There runs a very strong tide in both. The

flood, as I have observed before, comes in from the north-west, and the

ebb returns the same way; but I shall speak of the tides in another

place. As soon as you are through either of these channels, haul in for

the shore of Tongataboo, and anchor between it and Pangimodoo, before a

creek leading into the _lagoon_; into which boats can go at half flood.

Although Tongataboo has the best harbour, Annamooka furnishes the best

water; and yet it cannot be called good. However, by digging holes near

the side of the pond, we can get what may be called tolerable. This

island too, is the best situated for drawing refreshments from all the

others, as being nearly in the centre of the whole group. Besides the

road in which we anchored, and the harbour within the south-west point,

there is a creek in the reef, before the eastern sandy cove on the north

side of the island, in which two or three ships may lie very securely,

by mooring head and stern, with their anchors or moorings fast to the

rocks.

I have already described the Hapaee islands; and shall only add to that

description by mentioning, that they extend south-west by south, and

north-east by north, about nineteen miles. The north end lies in the

latitude of 19° 39ʹ S. and 33ʹ of longitude to the east of Annamooka.

Between them are a great many small islands, sand-banks, and breakers;

so that the safest way to arrive at Hapaee is either by the course I

held, or round by the north; according to the situation of the ship

bound thither. Lefooga, off which we anchored, is the most fertile isle

of those that are called Hapaee; and, consequently, is the best

inhabited. There is anchorage along the north-west side of this island;

but it will be necessary to examine the ground well before you moor.

For, although the lead may bring up fine sand, there are, nevertheless,

some sharp coral rocks that would soon destroy the cables.

They who want a more particular description of the Friendly Islands,

must have recourse to the chart that we constructed. There every thing

is delineated with as much accuracy as circumstances would permit.

Recourse must also be had to the same chart for the better tracing the

several stations of the ships, and their route from the one island to

the other. To have swelled my journal with a minute account of bearings,

tackings, and the like, would neither have been entertaining nor

instructive.

What has been here omitted, concerning the geography of these islands,

will be found in the narrative of my last voyage.[201] To that narrative

I must also refer[202] for such particulars concerning the inhabitants,

their manners, and arts, as I had observed then, and about which I saw

no reason to change my judgment. At present I shall confine myself to

such interesting particulars, as either were not mentioned in that

narrative, or were imperfectly and incorrectly represented there; and to

such as may serve to explain some passages in the foregoing account of

our transactions with the natives.

It may, indeed, be expected that, after spending between two and three

months amongst them, I should be enabled to clear up every difficulty,

and to give a tolerably satisfactory account of their customs, opinions,

and institutions, both civil and religious; especially as we had a

person on board, who might be supposed qualified to act the part of an

interpreter, by understanding their language and ours. But poor Omai was

very deficient. For unless the object or thing we wanted to inquire

about was actually before us, we found it difficult to gain a tolerable

knowledge of it from information only, without falling into a hundred

mistakes; and to such mistakes Omai was more liable than we were. For,

having no curiosity, he never gave himself the trouble to make remarks

for himself; and, when he was disposed to explain matters to us, his

ideas appeared to be so limited, and, perhaps, so different from ours,

that his accounts were often so confused, as to perplex, instead of

instructing us. Add to this, that it was very rare that we found,

amongst the natives, a person who united the ability and the inclination

to give us the information we wanted; and we found that most of them

hated to be troubled with what they probably thought idle questions. Our

situation at Tongataboo, where we remained the longest, was likewise

unfavourable. It was in a part of the country where there were few

inhabitants except fishers. It was always holiday with our visitors, as

well as with those we visited; so that we had but few opportunities of

observing what was really the domestic way of living of the natives.

Under these disadvantages it is not surprising that we should not be

able to bring away with us satisfactory accounts of many things; but

some of us endeavoured to remedy those disadvantages by diligent

observation; and I am indebted to Mr. Anderson for a considerable share

of what follows in this and in the following chapter. In other matters I

have only expressed, nearly in his words, remarks that coincided with

mine; but what relates to the religion and language of these people, is

entirely his own.

The natives of the Friendly Islands seldom exceed the common stature

(though we have measured some who were above six feet); but are very

strong and well made, especially as to their limbs. They are generally

broad about the shoulders; and though the muscular disposition of the

men, which seems a consequence of much action, rather conveys the

appearance of strength than of beauty, there are several to be seen who

are really handsome. Their features are very various; insomuch, that it

is scarcely possible to fix on any general likeness by which to

characterize them, unless it be a fulness at the point of the nose,

which is very common. But, on the other hand, we met with hundreds of

truly European faces, and many genuine Roman noses amongst them. Their

eyes and teeth are good; but the last neither so remarkably white, nor

so well set, as is often found amongst Indian nations; though, to

balance that, few of them have any uncommon thickness about the lips, a

defect as frequent as the other perfection.

The women are not so much distinguished from the men by their features

as by their general form, which is, for the most part destitute of that

strong fleshy firmness that appears in the latter. Though the features

of some are so delicate, as not only to be a true index of their sex,

but to lay claim to a considerable share of beauty and expression, the

rule is by no means, so general as in many other countries. But, at the

same time, this is frequently the most exceptionable part; for the

bodies and limbs of most of the females are well proportioned; and some

absolutely perfect models of a beautiful figure. But the most remarkable

distinction in the women, is the uncommon smallness and delicacy of

their fingers, which may be put in competition with the finest in

Europe.

The general colour is a cast deeper than the copper brown; but several

of the men and women have a true olive complexion; and some of the last

are even a great deal fairer; which is probably the effect of being less

exposed to the sun; as a tendency to corpulence, in a few of the

principal people, seems to be the consequence of a more indolent life.

It is also amongst the last, that a soft clear skin is most frequently

observed. Amongst the bulk of the people, the skin is more commonly of a

dull hue, with some degree of roughness, especially the parts that are

not covered; which, perhaps, may be occasioned by some cutaneous

disease. We saw a man and boy at Hapaee, and a child at Annamooka,

perfectly white. Such have been found amongst all black nations; but, I

apprehend that their colour is rather a disease than a natural

phenomenon.

There are, nevertheless, upon the whole, few natural defects or

deformities to be found amongst them; though we saw two or three with

their feet bent inward; and some afflicted with a sort of blindness,

occasioned by a disease of the _cornea_. Neither are they exempt from

some other diseases. The most common of which is the tetter, or

ring-worm, that seems to affect almost one half of them, and leaves

whitish serpentine marks every where behind it. But this is of less

consequence than another disease, which is very frequent, and appears on

every part of the body, in large broad ulcers, with thick white edges,

discharging a thin clear matter; some of which had a very virulent

appearance, particularly those on the face, which were shocking to look

at; and yet we met with some who seemed to be cured of it, and others in

a fair way of being cured; but this was not affected without the loss of

the nose, or of the best part of it. As we know for a certainty[203]

(and the fact is acknowledged by themselves), that the people of these

islands were subject to this loathsome disease before the English first

visited them, notwithstanding the similarity of symptoms, it cannot be

the effect of the venereal contagion; unless we adopt a supposition,

which I could wish had sufficient foundation in truth, that the venereal

disorder was not introduced here from Europe, by our ships in 1773. It

assuredly was now found to exist amongst them; for we had not been long

there before some of our people received the infection; and I had the

mortification to learn from thence, that all the care I took, when I

first visited these islands, to prevent this dreadful disease from being

communicated to their inhabitants, had proved ineffectual. What is

extraordinary, they do not seem to regard it much; and as we saw few

signs of its destroying effects, probably the climate, and the way of

living of these people, greatly abate its virulence. There are two other

diseases frequent amongst them; one of which is an indolent firm

swelling, which affects the legs and arms, and increases them to an

extraordinary size in their whole length. The other is a tumour of the

same sort in the testicles, which sometimes exceed the size of the two

fists. But, in other respects, they may be considered as uncommonly

healthy; not a single person having been seen, during our stay, confined

to the house by sickness of any kind. On the contrary, their strength

and activity are every way answerable to their muscular appearance; and

they exert both, in their usual employment, and in their diversions, in

such a manner, that there can be no doubt of their being as yet little

debilitated by the numerous diseases that are the consequence of

indolence, and an unnatural method of life.

The graceful air and firm step with which these people walk, are not the

least obvious proof of their personal accomplishments. They consider

this as a thing so natural or so necessary to be acquired, that nothing

used to excite their laughter sooner than to see us frequently stumbling

upon the roots of trees, or other inequalities of the ground.

Their countenances very remarkably express the abundant mildness or good

nature which they possess; and are entirely free from that savage

keenness which marks nations in a barbarous state. One would indeed be

apt to fancy, that they had been bred up under the severest

restrictions, to acquire an aspect so settled, and such a command of

their passions as well as steadiness in conduct. But they are at the

same time, frank, cheerful, and good-humoured; though sometimes, in the

presence of their chiefs, they put on a degree of gravity, and such a

serious air as becomes stiff and awkward, and has an appearance of

reserve.

Their peaceable disposition is sufficiently evinced, from the friendly

reception all strangers have met with who have visited them. Instead of

offering to attack them openly or clandestinely, as has been the case

with most of the inhabitants of these seas, they have never appeared in

the smallest degree hostile; but, on the contrary, like the most

civilized people, have courted an intercourse with their visitors by

bartering, which is the only medium that unites all nations in a sort of

friendship. They understand barter (which they call _fukkatou_) so

perfectly, that at first we imagined they might have acquired this

knowledge of it by commercial intercourse with the neighbouring islands;

but we were afterward assured that they had little or no traffic, except

with Feejee, from which they get the red feathers, and the few other

articles mentioned before. Perhaps, no nation in the world traffic with

more honesty and less distrust. We could always safely permit them to

examine our goods, and to hand them about, one to another; and they put

the same confidence in us. If either party repented of the bargain, the

goods were re-exchanged with mutual consent and good-humour. Upon the

whole, they seem possessed of many of the most excellent qualities that

adorn the human mind; such as industry, ingenuity, perseverance,

affability, and, perhaps other virtues which our short stay with them

might prevent our observing.

The only defect sullying their character, that we knew of, is a

propensity to thieving; to which we found those of all ages and both

sexes addicted, and to an uncommon degree. It should, however, be

considered, that this exceptionable part of their conduct seemed to

exist merely with respect to us; for, in their general intercourse with

one another, I had reason to be of opinion, that thefts do not happen

more frequently (perhaps less so) than in other countries, the dishonest

practices of whose worthless individuals are not supposed to authorize

any indiscriminate censure on the whole body of the people. Great

allowances should be made for the foibles of these poor natives of the

Pacific Ocean, whose minds we overpowered with the glare of objects

equally new to them as they were captivating. Stealing amongst the

civilized and enlightened nations of the world, may well be considered

as denoting a character deeply stained with moral turpitude, with

avarice unrestrained by the known rules of right, and with profligacy

producing extreme indigence, and neglecting the means of relieving it.

But at the Friendly and other islands which we visited, the thefts so

frequently committed by the natives, of what we had brought along with

us, may be fairly traced to less culpable motives. They seemed to arise,

solely from an intense curiosity or desire to possess something which

they had not been accustomed to before, and belonging to a sort of

people so different from themselves. And, perhaps, if it were possible,

that a set of beings seemingly as superior in our judgment as we are in

theirs, should appear amongst us, it might be doubted, whether our

natural regard to justice would be able to restrain many from falling

into the same error. That I have assigned the true motive for their

propensity to this practice, appears from their stealing every thing

indiscriminately at first sight, before they could have the least

conception of converting their prize to any one useful purpose. But, I

believe, with us, no person would forfeit his reputation, or expose

himself to punishment, without knowing before-hand, how to employ the

stolen goods. Upon the whole, the pilfering disposition of these

islanders, though certainly disagreeable and troublesome to strangers,

was the means of affording us some information as to the quickness of

their intellects. For their small thefts were committed with much

dexterity; and those of greater consequence with a plan or scheme suited

to the importance of the objects. An extraordinary instance of the last

sort, their attempts to carry away one of the Discovery’s anchors at

mid-day, has been already related.

Their hair is in general straight, thick, and strong; though a few have

it bushy or frizzled. The natural colour, I believe, almost without

exception, is black; but the greatest part of the men, and some of the

women, have it stained of a brown or purple colour; and a few of an

orange cast. The first colour is produced by applying a sort of plaster

of burnt coral, mixed with water; the second by the raspings of a

reddish wood, which is made up with water into a poultice, and laid over

the hair; and the third is, I believe, the effect of _turmeric_ root.

When I first visited these islands, I thought it had been an universal

custom for both men and women to wear the hair short; but, during our

present longer stay, we saw a great many exceptions. Indeed they are so

whimsical in their fashions of wearing it, that it is hard to tell which

is most in vogue. Some have it cut off one side of the head, while that

on the other side remains long; some have only a portion of it cut

short, or perhaps shaved; others have it entirely cut off, except a

single lock, which is left commonly on one side, or it is suffered to

grow to its full length without any of these mutilations. The women in

general wear it short. The men have their beards cut short, and both men

and women strip the hair from their arm-pits. The operation by which

this is performed has been already described. The men are stained from

about the middle of the belly, to about half way down the thighs, with a

deep blue colour. This is done with a flat bone instrument cut full of

fine teeth, which being dipped in the staining mixture, prepared from

the juice of the _dooe dooe_, is struck into the skin with a bit of

stick, and by that means indelible marks are made. In this manner they

trace lines and figures, which, in some are very elegant, both from the

variety, and from the arrangement. The women have only a few small lines

or spots, thus imprinted on the inside of their hands. Their kings, as a

mark of distinction, are exempted from this custom, as also from

inflicting on themselves any of those bloody marks of mourning, which

shall be mentioned in another place.

The men are all circumcised, or rather supercised; as the operation

consists in cutting off only a small piece of the foreskin at the upper

part; which by that means, is rendered incapable, ever after, of

covering the _glans_. This is all they aim at; as they say the operation

is practised from a notion of cleanliness.

The dress of both men and women is the same; and consists of a piece of

cloth or matting (but mostly the former), about two yards wide, and two

and a half long; at least so long as to go once and a half round the

waist, to which it is confined by a girdle or cord. It is double before,

and hangs down like a petticoat, as low as the middle of the leg. The

upper part of the garment above the girdle, is plaited into several

folds; so that when unfolded, there is cloth sufficient to draw up and

wrap round the shoulders, which is very seldom done. This, as to form,

is the general dress; but large pieces of cloth and fine matting, are

worn only by the superior people. The inferior sort are satisfied with

small pieces; and very often wear nothing but a covering made of leaves

of plants, or the _maro_ which is a narrow piece of cloth or matting,

like a sash. This they pass between the thighs and wrap round the waist;

but the use of it is chiefly confined to the men. In their great

_haivas_, or entertainments, they have various dresses made for the

purpose; but the form is always the same; and the richest dresses are

covered, more or less, with red feathers. On what particular occasion

their chiefs wear their large red feather-caps, I could not learn. Both

men and women sometimes shade their faces from the sun with little

bonnets, made of various materials.

As the clothing, so are the ornaments, worn by those of both sexes, the

same. The most common of these are necklaces made of the fruit of the

_pandanus_, and various sweet-smelling flowers, which go under the

general name of _kahulla_. Others are composed of small shells, the wing

and leg-bones of birds, shark’s teeth, and other things; all which hang

loose upon the breast. In the same manner, they often wear a

mother-of-pearl shell neatly polished, or a ring of the same substance

carved on the upper part of the arm; rings of tortoise-shell on the

fingers; and a number of these joined together as bracelets on the

wrists.

The lobes of the ears (though, most frequently, only one,) are

perforated with two holes, in which they wear cylindrical bits of ivory,

about three inches long, introduced at one hole, and brought out of the

other; or bits of reed of the same size, filled with a yellow pigment.

This seems to be a fine powder of _turmeric_, with which the women rub

themselves all over, in the same manner as our ladies use their dry

rouge upon the cheeks.

Nothing appears to give them greater pleasure than personal cleanliness;

to produce which, they frequently bathe in the ponds, which seem to

serve no other purpose.[204] Though the water in most of them stinks

intolerably, they prefer them to the sea; and they are so sensible that

salt water hurts their skin, that when necessity obliges them to bathe

in the sea, they commonly have some cocoa-nut shells filled with fresh

water, poured over them to wash it off. They are immoderately fond of

cocoa-nut oil for the same reason; a great quantity of which they not

only pour upon their head and shoulders, but rub the body all over,

briskly, with a smaller quantity. And none but those who have seen this

practice, can easily conceive how the appearance of the skin is improved

by it. This oil, however, is not to be procured by every one; and the

inferior sort of people, doubtless, appear less smooth for want of it.

CHAP. XI.

EMPLOYMENTS OF THE WOMEN AT THE FRIENDLY ISLANDS.—OF THE MEN.—

AGRICULTURE.—CONSTRUCTION OF THEIR HOUSES.—THEIR WORKING TOOLS.—

CORDAGE, AND FISHING IMPLEMENTS.—MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS.—WEAPONS.—FOOD

AND COOKERY.—AMUSEMENTS.—MARRIAGE.—MOURNING CEREMONIES FOR THE DEAD.—

THEIR DIVINITIES.—NOTIONS ABOUT THE SOUL AND A FUTURE STATE.—THEIR

PLACES OF WORSHIP.—GOVERNMENT.—MANNER OF PAYING OBEISANCE TO THE

KING.—ACCOUNT OF THE ROYAL FAMILY.—REMARKS ON THEIR LANGUAGE, AND A

SPECIMEN OF IT.—NAUTICAL AND OTHER OBSERVATIONS.

Their domestic life is of that middle kind, neither so laborious as to

be disagreeable, nor so vacant as to suffer them to degenerate into

indolence. Nature has done so much for their country, that the first can

hardly occur, and their disposition seems to be a pretty good bar to the

last. By this happy combination of circumstances, their necessary labour

seems to yield in its turn to their recreations, in such a manner, that

the latter are never interrupted by the thoughts of being obliged to

recur to the former, till satiety makes them wish for such a transition.

The employment of the women is of the easy kind, and, for the most part,

such as may be executed in the house. The manufacturing their cloth, is

wholly consigned to their care. Having already described the process, I

shall only add, that they have this cloth of different degrees of

fineness. The coarser sort, of which they make very large pieces, does

not receive the impression of any pattern. Of the finer sort they have

some that is striped and chequered, and of other patterns differently

coloured. But how these colours are laid on, I cannot say, as I never

saw any of this sort made. The cloth in general will resist water for

some time; but that which has the strongest glaze will resist longest.

The manufacture next in consequence, and also within the department of

the women, is that of their mats, which excel every thing I have seen at

any other place, both as to their texture and their beauty. In

particular, many of them are so superior to those made at Otaheite, that

they are not a bad article to carry thither by way of trade. Of these

mats, they have seven or eight different sorts, for the purposes of

wearing or sleeping upon, and many are merely ornamental. The last are

chiefly made from the tough membraneous part of the stock of the

plantain tree; those that they wear from the _pandanus_, cultivated for

that purpose, and never suffered to shoot into a trunk; and the coarser

sort, which they sleep upon, from a plant called _evarra_. There are

many other articles of less note, that employ the spare time of their

females; as combs of which they make vast numbers; and little baskets

made of the same substance as the mats, and others of the fibrous

cocoa-nut husk, either plain or interwoven with small beads; but all

finished with such neatness and taste in the disposition of the various

parts, that a stranger cannot help admiring their assiduity and

dexterity.

The province allotted to the men is, as might be expected, far more

laborious and extensive than that of the women. Agriculture,

architecture, boat-building, fishing, and other things that relate to

navigation, are the objects of their care.[205] Cultivated roots and

fruits being their principal support, this requires their constant

attention to agriculture, which they pursue very diligently, and seem to

have brought almost to as great perfection as circumstances will permit.

The large extent of the plantain fields has been taken notice of

already; and the same may be said of the yams; these two together being

at least as ten to one with respect to all the other articles. In

planting both these, they dig small holes for their reception, and

afterward root up the surrounding grass, which, in this hot country is

quickly deprived of its vegetating power, and soon rotting, becomes a

good manure. The instruments they use for this purpose, which they call

_hooo_, are nothing more than pickets or stakes of different lengths,

according to the depth they have to dig. These are flattened and

sharpened to an edge at one end; and the largest have a short piece

fixed transversely, for pressing it into the ground with the foot. With

these, though they are not more than from two to four inches broad, they

dig and plant ground of many acres in extent. In planting the plantains

and yams, they observe so much exactness, that whichever way you look,

the rows present themselves regular and complete.

The cocoa-nut and bread-fruit trees are scattered about without any

order, and seem to give them no trouble after they have attained a

certain height. The same may be said of another large tree which

produces great numbers of a large roundish compressed nut, called

_eeefee_; and of a smaller tree that bears a rounded oval nut two inches

long, with two or three triangular kernels, tough and insipid, called

_mabba_, most frequently planted near their houses.

The _kappe_ is commonly regularly planted, and in pretty large spots;

but the _mawhaha_ is interspersed amongst other things, as the _jeejee_

and _yams_ are; the last of which, I have frequently seen in the

interspaces of the plantain trees at their common distance. Sugar-cane

is commonly in small spots, crowded closely together; and the mulberry,

of which the cloth is made, though without order, has sufficient room

allowed for it, and is kept very clean. The only other plant, that they

cultivate for their manufactures, is the _pandanus_; which is generally

planted in a row close together at the sides of the other fields; and

they consider it as a thing so distinct in this state, that they have a

different name for it; which shows that they are very sensible of the

great changes brought about by cultivation.

It is remarkable that these people, who in many things show much taste

and ingenuity, should show little of either in building their houses;

though the defect is rather in the design, than in the execution. Those

of the lower people are poor huts, scarcely sufficient to defend them

from the weather, and very small. Those of the better sort are larger

and more comfortable; but not what one might expect. The dimensions of

one of a middling size are about thirty feet long, twenty broad, and

twelve high. Their house is, properly speaking a thatched roof or shed,

supported by posts and rafters disposed in a very judicious manner. The

floor is raised with earth smoothed, and covered with strong thick

matting, and kept very clean. The most of them are closed on the weather

side (and some more than two-thirds round), with strong mats or with

branches of the cocoa-nut tree, platted or woven into each other. These

they fix up edgewise, reaching from the eaves to the ground; and thus

they answer the purpose of a wall. A thick strong mat about two and one

half or three feet broad, bent into the form of a semi-circle, and set

upon its edge, with the ends touching the side of the house, in shape

resembling the fender of a fire-hearth, encloses a space for the master

and mistress of the family to sleep in. The lady, indeed, spends most of

her time during the day within it. The rest of the family sleep upon the

floor, wherever they please to lie down; the unmarried men and women

apart from each other; or, if the family be large, there are small huts

adjoining to which the servants retire in the night; so that privacy is

as much observed here, as one could expect. They have mats made on

purpose for sleeping on; and the clothes that they wear in the day,

serve for their covering in the night. Their whole furniture consists of

a bowl or two, in which they make _kava_; a few gourds; cocoa-nut

shells; some small wooden stools which serve them for pillows; and,

perhaps, a large stool for the chief or master of the family to sit

upon.

The only probable reason I can assign for their neglect of ornamental

architecture in the construction of their houses, is their being fond of

living much in the open air. Indeed, they seem to consider their houses,

within which they seldom eat, as of little use but to sleep in, and to

retire to in bad weather. And the lower sort of people who spend a great

part of their time in close attendance upon the chiefs, can have little

use for their own houses, but in the last case.

They make amends for the defects of their houses, by their great

attention to, and dexterity in naval architecture, if I may be allowed

to give it that name. But I refer to the narrative of my last voyage for

an account of their canoes, and their manner of building and navigating

them.[206]

The only tools which they use to construct these boats, are hatchets, or

rather thick adzes, of a smooth black stone that abounds at Toofoa;

augres, made of shark’s teeth, fixed on small handles; and rasps of a

rough skin of a fish, fastened on flat pieces of wood thinner on one

side, which also have handles. The labour and time employed in finishing

their canoes, which are the most perfect of their mechanical productions

will account for their being very careful of them. For they are built

and preserved under sheds; or they cover the decked part of them with

cocoa-leaves, when they are hauled on shore to prevent their being hurt

by the sun.

The same tools are all they have for other works; if we except different

shells, which they use as knives. But there are few of their productions

that require these, unless it be some of their weapons; the other

articles being chiefly their fishing materials, and cordage.

The cordage is made from the fibres of the cocoa-nut husk, which, though

not more than nine or ten inches long, they plat about the size of a

quill or less, to any length that they please, and roll it up in balls;

from which the larger ropes are made, by twisting several of these

together. The lines that they fish with are as strong and even as the

best cord we make, resembling it almost in every respect. The other

fishing implements are large and small hooks. The last are composed

entirely of pearl-shell; but the first are only covered with it on the

back; and the points of both commonly of tortoise-shell; those of the

small being plain, and the others barbed. With the large ones they catch

bonnetos and albicores, by putting them to a bamboo rod twelve or

fourteen feet long, with a line of the same length, which rests in a

notch of a piece of wood, fixed in the stern of the canoe for that

purpose, and is dragged on the surface of the sea, as she rows along,

without any other bait than a tuft of flaxy stuff near the point. They

have also great numbers of pretty small seines, some of which are of a

very delicate texture. These they use to catch fish with, in the holes

on the reefs when the tide ebbs.

The other manual employments consist chiefly in making musical reeds,

flutes, warlike weapons, and stools, or rather pillows, to sleep on. The

reeds have eight, nine, or ten pieces placed parallel to each other, but

not in any regular progression; having the longest sometimes in the

middle, and several of the same length; so that I have seen none with

more than six notes; and they seem incapable of playing any music on

them that is distinguishable by our ears. The flutes are a joint of

bamboo, close at both ends, with a hole near each, and four others; two

of which, and one of the first only, are used in playing. They apply the

thumb of the left hand to close the left nostril, and blow into the hole

at one end with the other. The middle finger of the left hand is applied

to the first hole on the left, and the fore-finger of the right to the

lowest hole on that side. In this manner, though the notes are only

three, they produce a pleasing, yet simple music, which they vary much

more than one would think possible with so imperfect an instrument.

Their being accustomed to a music which consists of so few notes, is

perhaps the reason why they do not seem to relish any of ours, which is

so complex. But they can taste what is more deficient than their own;

for we observed that they used to be well pleased with hearing the chant

of our two young New Zealanders, which consisted rather in mere strength

than in melody of expression.

The weapons which they make are clubs of different sorts (in the

ornamenting of which they spend much time), spears, and darts. They have

also bows and arrows; but these seemed to be designed only for

amusement, such as shooting at birds, and not for military purposes. The

stools are about two feet long, but only four or five inches high, and

near four broad, bending downward in the middle, with four strong legs

and circular feet; the whole made of one piece of black or brown wood,

neatly polished, and sometimes inlaid with bits of ivory. They also

inlay the handles of fly-flaps with ivory, after being neatly carved;

and they shape bones into small figures of men, birds, and other things,

which must be very difficult, as their carving instrument is only a

shark’s tooth.

Yams, plantains, and cocoa-nuts, compose the greatest part of their

vegetable diet. Of their animal food, the chief articles are hogs,

fowls, fish, and all sorts of shell-fish; but the lower people eat rats.

The two first vegetable articles, with bread-fruit, are what may be

called the basis of their food, at different times of the year, with

fish and shell-fish; for hogs, fowls, and turtle, seem only to be

occasional dainties reserved for their chiefs. The intervals between the

seasons of these vegetable productions must be, sometimes, considerable,

as they prepare a sort of artificial bread from plantains, which they

put under ground before ripe, and suffer them to remain, till they

ferment, when they are taken out, and made up into small balls; but so

sour and indifferent, that they often said our bread was preferable,

though somewhat musty.

Their food is generally dressed by baking, in the same manner as at

Otaheite; and they have the art of making, from different kinds of

fruit, several dishes, which most of us esteemed very good. I never saw

them make use of any kind of sauce; nor drink any thing at their meals

but water, or the juice of the cocoa-nut; for the _kava_ is only their

morning draught. I cannot say that they are cleanly either in their

cookery or manner of eating. The generality of them will lay their

victuals upon the first leaf they meet with, however dirty it may be;

but when food is served up to the chiefs, it is commonly laid upon green

plantain leaves. When the king made a meal, he was, for the most part,

attended upon by three or four persons. One cut large pieces of the

joint, or of the fish; another divided it into mouthfuls; and others

stood by with cocoa-nuts, and whatever else he might want. I never saw a

large company sit down to what we should call a sociable meal, by eating

from the same dish. The food, be what it will, is always divided into

portions, each to serve a certain number; these portions are again

subdivided; so that one seldom sees above two or three persons eating

together. The women are not excluded from eating with the men; but there

are certain ranks or orders amongst them, that can neither eat nor drink

together. This distinction begins with the king; but where it ends I

cannot say.

They seem to have no set time for meals; though it should be observed,

that, during our stay amongst them, their domestic economy was much

disturbed by their constant attention to us. As far as we could remark,

those of the superior rank only drink _kava_ in the forenoon, and the

others eat perhaps a bit of yam; but we commonly saw all of them eat

something in the afternoon. It is probable that the practice of making a

meal in the night is pretty common; and their rest being thus

interrupted, they frequently sleep in the day. They go to bed as soon as

it is dark, and rise with the dawn in the morning.[207]

They are very fond of associating together; so that it is common to find

several houses empty, and the owners of them convened in some other one,

or rather upon a convenient spot in the neighbourhood, where they

recreate themselves by conversing, and other amusements. Their private

diversions are chiefly singing, dancing, and music performed by the

women. When two or three women sing in concert, and snap their fingers,

it is called _oobai_; but when there is a greater number, they divide

into several parties, each of which sings on a different key, which

makes a very agreeable music, and is called _heeva_ or _haiva_. In the

same manner, they vary the music of their flutes, by playing on those of

a different size; but their dancing is much the same as when they

perform publicly. The dancing of the men (if it is to be called

dancing), although it does not consist much in moving the feet, as we

do, has a thousand different motions with the hands, to which we are

entire strangers; and they are performed with an ease and grace which

are not to be described, nor even conceived, but by those who have seen

them. But I need add nothing to what has been already said on this

subject, in the account of the incidents that happened during our stay

at the islands.[208]

Whether their marriages be made lasting by any kind of solemn contract,

we could not determine with precision; but it is certain, that the bulk

of the people satisfied themselves with one wife. The chiefs, however,

have commonly several women[209]; though some of us were of opinion that

there was only one that was looked upon as the mistress of the family.

As female chastity at first sight seemed to be held in no great

estimation, we expected to have found frequent breaches of their

conjugal fidelity; but we did them great injustice. I do not know that a

single instance happened during our whole stay.[210] Neither are those

of the better sort, that are unmarried, more free of their favours. It

is true there was no want of those of a different character; and,

perhaps, such are more frequently met with here, in proportion to the

number of people, than in many other countries. But it appeared to me

that the most, if not all of them, were of the lowest class; and such of

them as permitted familiarities to our people, were prostitutes by

profession.

Nothing can be a greater proof of the humanity of these people, than the

concern they show for the dead.[211] To use a common expression, their

mourning is not in words but deeds. For, besides the _tooge_ mentioned

before, and burnt circles and scars, they beat the teeth with stones,

strike a shark’s tooth into the head until the blood flows in streams,

and thrust spears into the inner part of the thigh, into their sides

below the arm-pits, and through the cheeks into the mouth. All these

operations convey an idea of such rigorous discipline, as must require

either an uncommon degree of affection or the grossest superstition, to

exact. I will not say that the last has no share in it; for, sometimes,

it is so universal, that many could not have any knowledge of the person

for whom the concern is expressed. Thus we saw the people of Tongataboo

mourning the death of a chief at Vavaoo; and other similar instances

occurred during our stay. It should be observed, however, that the more

painful operations are only practised on account of the death of those

most nearly connected with the mourners. When a person dies, he is

buried, after being wrapped up in mats and cloth, much after our manner.

The chiefs seem to have the _fiatookas_ appropriated to them as their

burial-places; but the common people are interred in no particular

spot.[212] What part of the mourning ceremony follows immediately after,

is uncertain; but, that there is something besides the general one,

which is continued for a considerable length of time, we could infer,

from being informed, that the funeral of Mareewagee’s wife, as mentioned

before, was to be attended with ceremonies that were to last five days;

and in which all the principal people were to commemorate her.

Their long and general mourning, proves that they consider death as a

very great evil. And this is confirmed by a very odd custom which they

practise to avert it. When I first visited these Islands, during my last

voyage, I observed that many of the inhabitants had one or both of their

little fingers cut off; and we could not then receive any satisfactory

account of the reason of this mutilation.[213] But we now learned that

this operation is performed when they labour under some grievous

disease, and think themselves in danger of dying. They suppose that the

deity will accept of the little finger, as a sort of sacrifice

efficacious enough to procure the recovery of their health. They cut it

off with one of their stone hatchets. There was scarcely one in ten of

them whom we did not find thus mutilated in one or both hands; which has

a disagreeable effect, especially as they sometimes cut so close, that

they encroach upon the bone of the hand which joins to the amputated

finger.[214]

From the rigid severity with which some of these mourning and religious

ceremonies are executed, one would expect to find that they meant

thereby to secure to themselves felicity beyond the grave; but their

principal object relates to things merely temporal. For they seem to

have little conception of future punishment for faults committed in this

life. They believe, however, that they are justly punished upon earth;

and, consequently, use every method to render their divinities

propitious. The Supreme Author of most things they call _Kallafootonga_;

who, they say, is a female residing in the sky, and directing the

thunder, wind, rain; and, in general, all the changes of weather. They

believe, that when she is angry with them, the productions of the earth

are blasted; that many things are destroyed by lightning; and that they

themselves are afflicted with sickness and death, as well as their hogs

and other animals. When this anger abates, they suppose that every thing

is restored to its natural order; and it should seem, that they have a

great reliance on the efficacy of their endeavours to appease their

offended divinity. They also admit a plurality of deities, though all

inferior to _Kallafootonga_. Amongst them, they mention

_Toofooa-boolootoo_, God of the clouds and fog; _Talleteboo_, and some

others, residing in the heavens. The first in rank and power, who has

the government of the sea and its productions, is called _Futtafaihe_,

or, as it was sometimes pronounced, _Footafooa_; who, they say, is a

male, and has for his wife _Fykava kajeea_; and here, as in heaven,

there are several inferior potentates, such as _Vahaa fonooa_,

_Tareeava_, _Mattaba_, _Evaroo_, and others. The same religious system,

however, does not extend all over the cluster of the Friendly Isles; for

the supreme god of _Hapaee_, for instance, is called _Alo Alo_; and

other isles have two or three, of different names. But their notions of

the power and other attributes of these beings, are so very absurd, that

they suppose they have no farther concern with them after death.

They have, however, very proper sentiments about the immateriality and

the immortality of the soul. They call it life, the living principle,

or, what is more agreeable to their notions of it, an _Otooa_; that is,

a divinity, or invisible being. They say, that, immediately upon death,

the souls of their chiefs separate from their bodies, and go to a place

called _Boolootoo_; the chief, or god of which is _Goleho_. This

_Gooleho_ seems to be a personification of death; for they used to say

to us, “You, and the men of Feejee (by this junction, meaning to pay a

compliment, expressive of their confession of our superiority over

themselves,) are also subject to the power and dominion of _Gooleho_.”

His country, the general receptacle of the dead, according to their

mythology, was never seen by any person; and yet, it seems, they know

that it lies to the westward of Feejee; and that they who are once

transported thither, live for ever; or, to use their own expression, are

not subject to death again; but feast upon all the favourite products of

their own country, with which this everlasting abode is supposed to

abound. As to the souls of the lower sort of people, they undergo a sort

of transmigration; or, as they say, are eaten up by a bird called

_loata_, which walks upon their graves for that purpose.

I think I may venture to assert, that they do not worship any thing that

is the work of their own hands, or any visible part of the creation.

They do not make offerings of hogs, dogs, and fruit, as at Otaheite,

unless it be emblematically; for their _morais_ were perfectly free from

every thing of the kind. But that they offer real human sacrifices, is

with me beyond a doubt. Their _morais_ or _fiatookas_ (for they are

called by both names, but mostly by the latter), are, as at Otaheite and

many other parts of the world, burying-grounds, and places of worship;

though some of them seemed to be only appropriated to the first purpose;

but these were small, and in every other respect inferior to the others.

Of the nature of their government, we know no more than the general

outline. A subordination is established among them, that resembles the

feudal system of our progenitors in Europe. But of its subdivisions, of

the constituent parts, and in what manner they are connected, so as to

form a body politic, I confess myself totally ignorant. Some of them

told us that the power of the king is unlimited, and that the life and

property of the subject is at his disposal. But the few circumstances

that fell under our observation, rather contradicted than confirmed the

idea of a despotic government. Mareewagee, old Tooboo, and Feenou, acted

each like petty sovereigns, and frequently thwarted the measures of the

king; of which he often complained. Neither was his court more splendid

than those of the two first, who are the most powerful chiefs in the

islands; and next to them, Feenou, Mareewagee’s son, seemed to stand

highest in authority. But, however independent on the despotic power of

the king the great men may be, we saw instances enough to prove, that

the lower order of people have no property, nor safety for their

persons, but at the will of the chiefs to whom they respectively belong.

Tongataboo is divided into many districts; of above thirty of which we

learned the names. Each of these has its particular chief, who decides

differences, and distributes justice within his own district. But we

could not form any satisfactory judgment about the extent of their power

in general, or their mode of proportioning punishments to crimes. Most

of these chiefs have possessions in other islands, from whence they draw

supplies. At least, we know this is so with respect to the king, who, at

certain established times, receives the product of his distant domains

at Tongataboo; which is not only the principal place of his residence,

but seemingly of all the people of consequence amongst these isles. Its

inhabitants, in common conversation, call it the Land of Chiefs; while

the subordinate isles are distinguished by the appellation of Lands of

Servants.

These chiefs are, by the people, styled not only lords of the earth, but

of the sun and sky; and the king’s family assume the name of Futtafaihe,

from the god so called, who is probably their tutelary patron, and

perhaps their common ancestor. The sovereign’s peculiar earthly title

is, however, simply _Tooee Tonga_.

There is a decorum observed in the presence of their principal men, and

particularly of their king, that is truly admirable. Whenever he sits

down, whether it be in a house or without, all the attendants seat

themselves at the same time, in a semicircle before him; leaving always

a convenient space between him and them, into which no one attempts to

come, unless he has some particular business. Neither is any one allowed

to pass or sit behind him, nor even near him, without his order or

permission; so that our having been indulged with this privilege, was a

significant proof of the great respect that was paid us. When any one

wants to speak with the king, he advances and sits down before him,

delivers what he has to say in a few words, and having received his

answer, retires again to the circle. But if the king speaks to any one,

that person answers from his seat, unless he is to receive some order,

in which case he gets up from his place and sits down before the chief

with his legs across; which is a posture to which they are so much

accustomed, that any other mode of sitting is disagreeable to them.[215]

To speak to the king standing would be accounted here as striking a mark

of rudeness, as it would be with us, for one to sit down and put on his

hat, when he addresses himself to his superior, and that superior on his

feet, and uncovered.

It does not indeed appear that any of the most civilized nations, have

ever exceeded this people in the great order observed on all occasions;

in ready compliance with the commands of their chiefs; and in the

harmony that subsists throughout all ranks, and unites them as if they

were all one man, informed with and directed by the same principle. Such

a behaviour is remarkably obvious, whenever it is requisite that their

chief should harangue any body of them collected together, which is

frequently done. The most profound silence and attention is observed

during the harangue, even to a much greater degree than is practised

amongst us, on the most interesting and serious deliberations of our

most respectable assemblies. And whatever might have been the subject of

the speech delivered, we never saw an instance when any individual

present showed signs of his being displeased, or that indicated the

least inclination to dispute the declared will of a person who had a

right to command. Nay, such is the force of these verbal laws, as I may

call them, that I have seen one of their chiefs express his being

astonished at a person’s having acted contrary to such orders; though it

appeared that the poor man could not possibly have been informed in time

to have observed them.[216]

Though some of the more potent chiefs may vie with the king in point of

actual possessions, they fall very short in rank, and in certain marks

of respect, which the collective body have agreed to pay the monarch. It

is a particular privilege annexed to his sovereignty, not to be

punctured nor circumcised as all his subjects are. Whenever he walks

out, every one whom he meets must sit down till he has passed. No one is

allowed to be over his head; on the contrary, all must come under his

feet; for there cannot be a greater outward mark of submission, than

that which is paid to the sovereign, and other great people of these

islands, by their inferiors. The method is this; the person who is to

pay obeisance squats down before the chief, and bows the head to the

sole of his foot; which, when he sits, is so placed that it can be

easily come at; and having tapped, or touched it with the under and

upper side of the fingers of both hands, he rises up and retires. It

should seem, that the king cannot refuse any one who chooses to pay him

this homage, which is called _moe moea_; for the common people would

frequently take it into their heads to do it when he was walking; and he

was always obliged to stop, and hold up one of his feet behind him, till

they had performed the ceremony. This, to a heavy unwieldy man, like

Poulaho, must be attended with some trouble and pain; and I have

sometimes seen him make a run, though very unable, to get out of the

way, or to reach a place where he might conveniently sit down. The

hands, after this application of them to the chief’s feet, are, in some

cases, rendered useless for a time; for, until they be washed, they must

not touch any kind of food. This interdiction in a country where water

is so scarce, would seem to be attended with some inconvenience; but

they are never at a loss for a succedaneum; and a piece of any juicy

plant, which they can easily procure immediately, being rubbed upon

them, this serves for the purpose of purification, as well as washing

them with water. When the hands are in this state, they call it _taboo

rema_. _Taboo_, in general, signifies forbidden, and _rema_ is their

word for hand.

When the _taboo_ is incurred by paying obeisance to a great personage,

it is thus easily washed off. But in some other cases it must

necessarily continue for a certain time. We have frequently seen women,

who have been _taboo rema_, fed by others. At the expiration of the

time, the interdicted person washes herself in one of their baths, which

are dirty holes, for the most part, of brackish water. She then waits

upon the king, and after making her obeisance in the usual way, lays

hold of his foot and applies it to her breast, shoulders, and other

parts of her body. He then embraces her on each shoulder; after which

she retires purified from her uncleanness. I do not know that it is

always necessary to come to the king for this purpose, though Omai

assured me it was. If this be so, it may be one reason why he is, for

the most part, travelling from island to island. I saw this ceremony

performed by him two or three times; and once by Feenou, to one of his

own women; but as Omai was not then with me, I could not ask the

occasion.

_Taboo_, as I have before observed, is a word of an extensive

signification. Human sacrifices are called _tangata taboo_; and when any

thing is forbidden to be eaten, or made use of, they say that it is

_taboo_. They tell us, that if the king should happen to go into a house

belonging to a subject, that house would be _taboo_, and could never

more be inhabited by the owner; so that wherever he travels, there are

particular houses for his reception. Old Toobou, at this time, presided

over the _taboo_; that is, if Omai comprehended the matter rightly, he

and his deputies inspected all the produce of the island; taking care

that every man should cultivate and plant his quota; and ordering what

should be eaten, and what not. By this wise regulation they effectually

guard against a famine; a sufficient quantity of ground is employed in

raising provisions; and every article thus raised, is secured from

unnecessary waste.

By another prudent regulation in their government, they have an officer

over the police, or something like it. This department, when we were

amongst them, was administered by Feenou; whose business we were told it

was to punish all offenders, whether against the state or against

individuals. He was also generalissimo, and commanded the warriors, when

called out upon service; but, by all accounts, this is very seldom. The

king frequently took some pains to inform us of Feenou’s office; and

among other things, told us that if he himself should become a bad man,

Feenou would kill him. What I understood by this expression of being a

bad man, was, that if he did not govern according to law or custom,

Feenou would be ordered, by the other great men, or by the people at

large, to put him to death. There should seem to be no doubt, that a

sovereign, thus liable to be controled and punished for an abuse of

power, cannot be called a despotic monarch.

When we consider the number of islands that compose this little state,

and the distance at which some of them lie from the seat of government,

attempts to throw off the yoke, and to acquire independency, it should

seem, might be apprehended; but they tell us that this never happens.

One reason why they are not thus disturbed, by domestic quarrels, may be

this; that all the powerful chiefs, as we have already mentioned, reside

at Tongataboo. They also secure the dependence of the other islands by

the celerity of their operations; for if, at any time, a troublesome and

popular man should start up in any of them, Feenou, or whoever holds his

office, is immediately dispatched thither to kill him. By this means,

they crush a rebellion in its very infancy.

The orders or classes amongst their chiefs, or those who call themselves

such, seemed to be almost as numerous as amongst us; but there are few

in comparison that are lords of large districts of territory, the rest

holding their lands under those principal barons, as they may be called.

I was indeed told that when a man of property dies, every thing he

leaves behind him falls to the king; but that it is usual to give it to

the eldest son of the deceased, with an obligation to make a provision

out of it for the rest of the children. It is not the custom here, as at

Otaheite, for the son, the moment he is born, to take from the father

the homage and title; but he succeeds to them at his decease; so that

their form of government is not only monarchical but hereditary.

The order of succession to the crown has not been of late interrupted;

for we know from a particular circumstance, that the Futtafaihes

(Poulaho being only an addition to distinguish the king from the rest of

his family) have reigned in a direct line, for at least one hundred and

thirty-five years. Upon inquiring whether any account had been preserved

amongst them of the arrival of Tasman’s ships, we found that this

history had been handed down to them from their ancestors, with an

accuracy which marks that oral tradition may sometimes be depended upon.

For they described the two ships as resembling ours, mentioning the

place where they had anchored; their having staid but a few days; and

their moving from that station to Annamooka. And by way of informing us

how long ago this had happened, they told us the name of the Futtafaihe

who was then king, and of those who had succeeded down to Poulaho, who

is the fifth since that period; the first being an old man, at the time

of the arrival of the ships.

From what has been said of the present king, it would be natural to

suppose, that he had the highest rank of any person in the islands. But

to our great surprise, we found it is not so; for Latoolibooloo, the

person who was pointed out to me as king when I first visited

Tongataboo, and three women, are, in some respects, superior to Poulaho

himself. On our inquiring who these extraordinary personages were, whom

they distinguish by the name and title of _Tammaha_[217]? we were told

that the late king, Poulaho’s father, had a sister of equal rank, and

elder than himself; that she, by a man who came from the island of

Feejee, had a son and two daughters; and that these three persons, as

well as their mother, rank above Futtafaihe the king. We endeavoured, in

vain, to trace the reason of this singular preeminence of the

_Tammahas_; for we could learn nothing besides this account of their

pedigree. The mother and one of the daughters, called Tooeela-kaipa,

live at Vavaoo. Latoolibooloo, the son, and the other daughter, whose

name is Moungoula-kaipa, reside at Tongataboo. The latter is the woman

who is mentioned to have dined with me on the 21st of June. This gave

occasion to our discovering her superiority over the king, who would not

eat in her presence, though she made no scruple to do so before him, and

received from him the customary obeisance, by touching her foot. We

never had an opportunity of seeing him pay this mark of respect to

Latoolibooloo; but we have observed him leave off eating, and have his

victuals put aside, when the latter came into the same house.

Latoolibooloo assumed the privilege of taking any thing from the people,

even if it belonged to the king; and yet in the ceremony called

_Natche_, he assisted only in the same manner as the other principal

men. He was looked upon by his countrymen, as a madman; and many of his

actions seemed to confirm this judgment. At Eooa, they showed me a good

deal of land, said to belong to him; and I saw there a son of his, a

child whom they distinguished by the same title as his father. The son

of the greatest Prince in Europe could not be more humoured and caressed

than this little _Tammaha_ was.

The language of the Friendly Islands has the greatest affinity

imaginable to that of New Zealand, of Wateeoo, and Mangeea; and,

consequently, to that of Otaheite, and the Society islands. There are

also many of their words the same with those used by the natives of

Cocos Island, as appears from the vocabulary collected there by Le Maire

and Schouten.[218] The mode of pronunciation differs, indeed,

considerably, in many instances, from that both of New Zealand and

Otaheite; but still a great number of words are either exactly the same,

or so little changed, that their common original may be satisfactorily

traced. The language, as spoken at the Friendly Islands, is sufficiently

copious for all the ideas of the people; and we had many proofs of its

being easily adapted to all musical purposes, both in song and in

recitative; besides being harmonious enough in common conversation. Its

component parts, as far as our scanty acquaintance with it enabled us to

judge, are not numerous; and in some of its rules, it agrees with other

known languages. As, for instance, we could easily discern the several

degrees of comparison, as used in the Latin; but none of the inflections

of nouns and verbs.

We were able to collect several hundreds of the words; and, amongst

these, are terms that express numbers as far as a hundred thousand;

beyond which they never would reckon. It is probable, indeed, that they

are not able to go farther; for, after having got thus far, we observed

that they commonly used a word which expresses an indefinite number. A

short specimen, selected from the larger vocabulary, is here inserted,

with the corresponding words, of the same signification as used at

Otaheite, on the opposite column; which, while it will give, as we may

say, ocular demonstration of their being dialects of the same language,

will, at the same time, point out the particular letters by the

insertion, omission, or alteration of which the variations of the two

dialects from each other have been effected.

It must be observed, however, that our vocabularies of this sort must

necessarily be liable to great mistakes. The ideas of those from whom we

were to learn the words were so different from ours, that it was

difficult to fix them to the object of inquiry. Or, if this could be

obtained, to learn an unknown tongue from an instructor who did not know

a single word of any language that his scholar was conversant with,

could not promise to produce much. But even, when these difficulties

were surmounted, there still remained a fruitful source of mistake. I

mean, inaccuracy in catching exactly the true sound of a word to which

our ears had never been accustomed, from persons whose mode of

pronunciation was, in general, so indistinct, that it seldom happened

that any two of us, in writing down the same word from the same mouth,

made use of the same vowels in representing it. Nay, we even very

commonly differed about consonants, the sounds of which are least liable

to ambiguity. Besides all this, we found, by experience, that we had

been led into strange corruptions of some of the most common words,

either from the natives endeavouring to imitate us, or from our having

misunderstood them. Thus, _cheeto_ was universally used by us to express

a thief, though totally different from the real word in the language of

Tongataboo. The mistake arose from a prior one into which we had ran

when at New Zealand; for though the word that signifies thief there, be

absolutely the same that belongs to the dialect of the Friendly Islands

(being _kaeehaa_ at both places), yet, by some blunder, we had used the

word _teete_ first at New Zealand, and afterward at Tongataboo, on our

arrival there. The natives, endeavouring to imitate us as nearly as they

could, and so fabricating the word _cheeto_, this, by a complication of

mistakes, was adopted by us as their own. All possible care has been

taken to make the following table as correct as possible:

English. _Friendly Islands._ _Otaheite._

_The sun_, Elaa, Eraa.

_Fire_, Eafoi, Eahoi.

_Thunder_, Fatoore, Pateere.

_Rain_, Ooha, Eooa.

_The wind_, Matangee, Mataee.

_Warm_, Mafanna, Mahanna.

_The clouds_, Ao, Eao.

_Land_, Fonooa, Fenooa.

_Water_, Avy, Evy.

_Sleep_, Mohe, Moe.

_A man_, Tangata, Taata.

_A woman_, Vefaine, Waheine.

_A young girl_, Taheine, Toonea.

_A servant_, or

_person of mean

rank_, Tooa, Toutou, _or_ teou.

_The dawn_, or

_day-break_, Aho, Aou.

_The hair_, Fooroo, Eroroo.

_The tongue_, Elelo, Erero.

_The ear_, Tareenga, Tareea.

_The beard_, Koomoo, Ooma.

_The sea_, Tahee, Taee.

_A boat_, or

_canoe_, Wakka, Evaa.

_Black_, Oole, Ere.

_Red_, Goola, Oora, oora.

_A lance or spear_, Tao, Tao.

_A parent_, Motooa, Madooa.

_What is that?_ Kohaeea? Yahaeea?

_To hold fast_, Amou, Mou.

_To wipe or clean

any thing_ Horo, Horoee.

_To rise up_, Etoo, Atoo.

_To cry or shed

tears_, Tangee, Taee.

_To eat_ or _chew_, Eky, Ey.

_Yes_, Ai, Ai.

_No_, Kaee, Aee.

_You_, Koe, Oe.

_I_, Ou, Wou.

_Ten_, Ongofooro, Ahooroo.

Having now concluded my remarks on these islands and people, I shall

take my final leave of them, after giving some account of the

astronomical and nautical observations that were made during our stay.

And first I must take notice, that the difference of longitude between

Annamooka and Tongataboo, is somewhat less than was marked in the chart

and narrative of my last voyage. This error might easily arise, as the

longitude of each was then found without any connection with the other.

But now the distance between them is determined to a degree of precision

that excludes all possibility of mistake; which the following table will

illustrate:

The latitude of the observatory at Tongataboo, by

the mean of several observations, 21° 8ʹ 19ʺ south.

The longitude, by the mean of one hundred and

thirty-one sets of lunar observations, amounting

to above a thousand observed distances, between

the moon, sun, and stars, 184° 55ʹ 18ʺ east.

The difference of longitude, made by the

time-keeper, between the above observatory, and

that at Annamooka, 0 16 0

Hence, the longitude of Annamooka is 185 11 18 east.

By the time-keeper it is, Greenwich rate, 186 12 27

New Zealand rate, 184 37 0

Its latitude 20 15 0

N. B.—The observatory at Tongataboo was near the middle of the north

side of the island; and that it Annamooka, on its west side; but the

chart will elucidate this.

The time-keeper was too slow for mean time at Greenwich, on the first of

July at noon, by 12^h 34^m 33^s,2; and her daily rate, at that time, was

loosing, on mean time, 1^m,783 _per_ day. This rate will now be used for

finding the longitude by the time-keeper; and 184° 55ʹ 18ʺ, or 12^h 19^m

41^s,2, will be taken as the true longitude of Tongataboo, east from

Greenwich.

By the mean of several observations, the south end of the needle was

found to dip

{Lefooga, one of the Hapaee

At { islands, 36° 55ʹ

{Tongataboo, 39 1-1/2

The variation of the compass was found to be,

{Annamooka, on board, 8° 30ʹ 3-1/2ʺ east.

{Anchor off Kotoo, between }

At { Annamooka and Hapaee, } 8 12 29-1/2

{Anchor off Lefooga, 10 11 40

{Tongataboo, on board, 9 44 5-1/2

{Ditto, on shore, 10 12 58

The variation of the compass was found to be,

I can assign no reason why the variation is so much less at and near

Annamooka, than at either of the other two places. I can only say, that

there is no fault in the observations; and that the variation ought to

be more at Annamooka than the above, as it has been found to be so to

the northward, southward, eastward, and westward of it. But

disagreements in the variation, greater than this, even in the same

needle, have been often observed. And I should not have taken notice of

this instance, but from a belief that the cause, whatever it is, exists

in the place, and not in the needles; for Mr. Bayly found the same, or

rather more difference.

The tides are more considerable at these islands, than at any other of

my discoveries in this ocean, that lie within the tropics. At Annamooka

it is high water, on the full and change days, nearly at six o’clock;

and the tide rises and falls there, upon a perpendicular, about six

feet. In the harbour of Tongataboo, it is high water, on the full and

change days, at fifty minutes past six. The tide rises and falls on

those days, four feet nine inches; and three feet six inches at the

Quadratures. In the channels between the islands, which lie in this

harbour, it flows near tide and half-tide; that is, the flood continues

to run up near three hours, after it is high water by the shore; and the

ebb continues to run down, after it is flood by the shore. It is only in

these channels, and in a few other places near the shores, that the

motion of the water or tide is perceivable; so that I can only guess at

the quarter from which the flood comes. In the road of Annamooka, it

sets west south-west, and the ebb the contrary; but it tails into the

harbour of Tongataboo from the north-west, passes through the two narrow

channels, on each side of Hoolaiva, where it runs with considerable

rapidity, and then spends itself in the _lagoon_. The ebb returns the

same way, and runs with rather greater force. The north-west tide is met

at the entrance of the _lagoon_, by one from the east; but this, as I

have before observed, was found to be very inconsiderable.

END OF THE FIFTH VOLUME.

LONDON:

Printed by A. & R. Spottiswoode,

New-Street-Square.

Footnotes

Footnote 1:

Two voyages for discovering a North-West passage, through Hudson’s

Bay, were then performed; one under the command of Captain Middleton,

in his Majesty’s ships the Furnace, and the Discovery Pink, in 1741

and 1742; the other under the direction of Captains Smith and Moore,

in the ships Dobbs and California, fitted out by subscription, in 1746

and 1747.

Footnote 2:

Captain, now Admiral, Byron had under his command the Dolphin and

Tamer. He sailed in June, 1764, and returned in May, 1766.

Footnote 3:

Captain Wallis had under his command the Dolphin and Swallow. He

sailed in August, 1766, and returned, with the Dolphin, in May, 1768.

Footnote 4:

The Swallow, commanded by Captain Carteret, having been separated from

Wallis, and, by keeping a different route, having made different

discoveries, this may be considered as a distinct voyage. The Swallow

returned to England in March 1769.

Footnote 5:

Captain Cook, in the Endeavour, sailed in August 1768, and returned in

July, 1771.

In his second voyage, he had the Resolution and Adventure under his

command. They sailed from England in July, 1772, and returned on the

30th of July, 1775.

Footnote 6:

The account of the four first of these voyages, compiled by Dr.

Hawkesworth, from the Journals of the several commanders, was

published in 1772, in three volumes quarto; and Captain Cook’s own

account of the fifth, in 1777, in two volumes quarto.

Footnote 7:

See Lord Anson’s Voyage, quarto edition, p. 91.

Footnote 8:

These are Captain Cook’s words, _Introduction to his Voyage_, vol.

iii. p. 7.; and the evidence on which he forms this judgment may be

met with in Hawkesworth’s Journal of Byron’s Voyage, vol. i. p. 23,

24, 51, 52, 53, 54.

Footnote 9:

See the Chart of Discoveries in the South Atlantic. Cook’s Voyage,

vol. iv. p. 211.

Footnote 10:

Magalhaen’s Voyage was undertaken in 1519.

Footnote 11:

See the particulars of their discoveries in Mr. Dalrymple’s valuable

Collection of Voyages in the South Pacific Ocean.

Footnote 12:

Bougainville, in 1768, did no more than discover that the land here

was not connected but composed of islands. Captain Cook, in 1774,

explored the whole group. See vol. iv. p. 88.

Footnote 13:

Vol. iv. p. 219.

Footnote 14:

See vols. i. and ii.

Footnote 15:

See vol. ii. p. 69.

Footnote 16:

Vol. iii. chap. 7.

Footnote 17:

Vol. ii. p. 202.

Footnote 18:

From October 6. 1769, to March 31. 1770.

Footnote 19:

Its southern extremity nearly in latitude 47°, and its northern in

35-1/2°. See Captain Cook’s chart, in Hawkesworth, vol. ii. p. 281.

Footnote 20:

See the track of Torré, in one of Quiros’s ships, in 1606, between New

Holland and New Guinea, upon Mr. Dalrymple’s Chart of Discoveries in

the South Pacific Ocean, before 1764.

Footnote 21:

M. de Brosses says of New Guinea: “C’est une longue isle, ou presqu’

isle, si elle touche à la Nouvelle Hollande.” _Navigations aux Terres

Australes_, tom. i. p. 434.

Footnote 22:

“Le triste état où nous étions réduits, ne nous permettoit de chercher

en faisant route a l’ouest, un passage au sud de la Nouvelle Guinée,

qui nous frayât par le Golfe de la Carpenterie une route nouvelle &

courte aux iles Moluques. _Rien n’étoit à la vérité plus problématique

que l’existence de ce passage._” Voyage autour du Monde, p. 259.

Footnote 23:

Hawkesworth, vol. iii. p. 660.

Footnote 24:

Hawkesworth, vol. i. p. 563.

Footnote 25:

The position of the Solomon Islands, Mendana’s celebrated discovery,

will no longer remain a matter in debate amongst geographers, Mr.

Dalrymple having, on the most satisfactory evidence, proved, that they

are the cluster of islands which comprizes what has since been called

New Britain, New Ireland, &c. The great light thrown on that cluster

by Captain Carteret’s discovery, is a strong confirmation of this. See

Mr. Dalrymple’s Collection of Voyages, vol. i. p. 16-21.

Footnote 26:

It must be observed, however, that Monsieur le Monier, in the Memoirs

of the French Academy of Sciences for 1776, pleads for the existence

of Cape Circumcision, seen by Bouvet in 1738, which our English

navigator sought for in vain, and supposes to have been only an island

of ice. Mr. Wales, in a paper read before the Royal Society, very

forcibly replied to M. le Monier’s objections; and the attack having

been repeated, he has drawn up a more extended defence of this part of

Captain Cook’s Journal, which he hath very obligingly communicated,

and is here inserted.

_Arguments, tending to prove that Captain Cook sought for Cape

Circumcision under the proper Meridian; and that the objections which

have been made to his conduct, in this respect, are not well founded._

In the Memoirs of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Paris for 1776,

printed in 1779, _M. Le Monier_ has made some remarks with a design to

show that Captain Cook sought the land, usually called Cape

Circumcision, in a wrong place; and that, instead of looking for it

under the meridian of 9-1/2° or 10° of east longitude, he ought to

have looked for it under a meridian which is only 3°, or 3-1/2° to the

eastward of the meridian of Greenwich; and consequently that this land

may exist, notwithstanding all that has yet been done to find it. _M.

Le Monier_ has also two additional Memoirs on the same subject, in the

volume for 1779, occasioned, as it appears, by some objections which

have been made to his former Memoir before the Academy. For some

reason or other, the Academy has not thought proper to print the

objections which have been made to _M. Le Monier_’s hypothesis; nor

has he been particular enough in his two Memoirs which reply to them,

to enable me to say of what importance the objections are. I can only

gather, that they contain some exceptions to the quantity by which _M.

Le Monier_ asserts the variation alters in 10° of longitude, under the

parallel of 54° south; and which, I conceive, has little to do in the

dispute.

Whether the land, usually called Cape Circumcision, exists or not, is

a point of small importance to geography; as the most strenuous

asserters of its existence must allow it to be a very inconsiderable

island, and of no use. This, therefore, is not in itself a matter

worthy of dispute; but in asserting this, _M. Le Monier_ has, and I am

sorry to observe it, with some asperity too, particularly in his

second Memoir, endeavoured to censure the judgment and conduct of

Captain Cook, whose memory I have every reason to revere, as well as

the judgment of those who were with him; and, on this account, I

cannot help feeling myself called on to explain the motives which

induced _Captain Cook_ to place no dependence on the arguments now

adduced by _M. Le Monier_ in support of his supposition; and which,

_M. Le Monier_ must know, were not unattended to at that time, from

what the Captain has said, p. 236. Vol. II. of his account of the

voyage. And it may be proper to observe here, that what fell from

_Captain Cook_ on this subject, was to show that this circumstance was

then attended to, and not to throw blame on _M. Bouvet_, for whose

memory and abilities _Captain Cook_ entertained great respect: nor is

it incompatible with the utmost respect, for a man to have a

favourable opinion of his own labours; or to endeavour to show why he

thinks the disagreement between them and those of another person, when

there is one, does not arise from an error committed by himself. There

could, therefore, be no occasion for _M. Le Monier_ to express himself

as he has done in several parts of his second Memoir.

The substance of _M. Le Monier_’s argument is this. In 1739, when _M.

Bouvet_’s discovery is supposed to have been made, the methods for

determining the longitude of a ship at sea were very defective; and,

of course, the longitude of any land which happened accidentally to be

seen by one, was equally uncertain. On a presumption that this was the

case with respect to Cape Circumcision, _M. Le Monier_ enquires into

the quantity of the variation of the magnetic needle, observed by M.

Bouvet at that place, and also into observations of the same kind,

made at other places in the neighbourhood of it, about the same time,

as well as both before and since. And by comparing these observations

together, he concludes, that at the time when Captain Cook was in

these seas, the variation of the needle at Cape Circumcision must have

been 10° westerly: whereas, in the most westerly point of Captain

Cook’s track, where he was sufficiently near the parallel of 54°

south, to have seen land situated in it, the variation was 13-1/2°

westerly. This difference of 3-1/2°, in the variation, answers to

about 7° of longitude, in this part of the parallel of 54° south: and

by so much did Captain Cook fall in with this parallel to the eastward

of what he ought to have done to see the land in question. “Hence (M.

Le Monier infers), that it is not surprising the British navigator

should not find Cape Circumcision under a meridian which is 28-1/2° to

the eastward of Ferro, when it is really situated under a meridian

which is but 21-1/2° to the eastward of it.”

In replying to these allegations, I shall first show, that, granting

the dependence which _M. Le Monier_ supposes may be placed on

observations of the variation made at sea, he has stated the quantity

of the variation observed on board the Resolution, very erroneously.

Secondly, I shall prove, beyond contradiction, that observations of

the variation, made at sea, cannot be depended on for the purposes to

which _M. Le Monier_ has applied them.

And, lastly, that no material error had crept into _M. Bouvet_’s

reckoning; but that if any error did exist, it must have been of a

contrary nature to that which _M. Le Monier_ supposes.

That _M. Le Monier_ has not given altogether a true representation of

the matter, will appear from hence. On the 16th of February, at

noon[27], the Resolution was in latitude 54° 31-1/2ʹ south, which is

sufficiently near the parallel of 54° south, to see high land, the

northern extremity of which lies to the southward of that parallel;

and at that time we were in 6° east of Greenwich, or 23-3/4° east of

the island of Ferro: that is, 4-3/4° less than is assigned for our

situation by _M. Le Monier_. On the evening of the same day, the ship

being in latitude 54° 24ʹ, and longitude 6° 30ʹ, or 24-1/4° east of

Ferro, the variation was no more than 12° 7ʹ west, which also is near

a degree and a half less then _M. Le Monier_ says it was, when we

first arrived in a proper parallel for seeing Cape Circumcision. It is

true, the next morning, in latitude 54° 21-1/2ʹ south, longitude 8° 6ʹ

east, we had 13° 42ʹ west variation; but this was after we had run

more than two degrees within sight of the parallel of 54° south. It

is, moreover, highly probable, that both these variations were too

great; for, on the 17th, in the evening, latitude 54° 25ʹ south, and

longitude 9° 20ʹ east; that is, 1-1/4° more to the eastward, and after

we had run 3-1/3° on the parallel we were then on, the variation was

no more than 13° 16ʹ west. It is also worthy of remark, that on the

14th, in the evening, latitude 56° 14-1/2ʹ south, and longitude 4° 50ʹ

east, which is but 1° 10ʹ to the westward of the point, where the

Resolution came first into a proper situation to see land, situated in

the parallel of 54° south, the variation observed was no more than 6°

50ʹ west. And we may further add, that on the 1st of March, 1774, the

Adventure had no more than 12-3/4° west variation, though she was then

considerably both to the northward and eastward of our situation on

the 17th of February in the morning, on both which accounts the

variation ought to have been greater, instead of a whole degree less.

From all these circumstances, there can be little doubt but that the

two variations, observed by us on the 16th and 17th of February, were

too great; or that the variation, at the point where the Resolution

first came sufficiently near the parallel of 54° south, to see land,

the northern extremity of which is situated in that parallel, could

not be more than 11-1/2° west, instead of 13-1/2°, as _M. le Monier_

has represented it.

Under this head of enquiry, I may also observe, that, although the

Resolution was too much to the southward of the parallel of 54° south,

when she crossed the meridian which is 21-1/2° to the eastward of

Ferro, that is, 3-3/4° east of Greenwich, the longitude which _M. Le

Monier_ assigns for Cape Circumcision, to see if it had been in that

situation, yet her consort, the Adventure, was for several degrees on

each side of that meridian; and especially when she had 10-1/2° of

west variation, full as near to the parallel of 54° south as _M.

Bouvet_ was to the land when he saw it[28]; and on the day that she

actually passed that meridian, had fine clear weather.[29] Hence,

therefore, granting _M. Le Monier_ his own arguments, which, however,

I have proved to be erroneous, and that observations made at sea, for

the variation of the compass, may be depended on for the purpose of

finding the longitude, it is utterly impossible that both the

Resolution and Adventure could have passed Cape Circumcision without

seeing it. But I shall now show, that these observations are liable to

a much greater error than the whole quantity, so vigorously insisted

on by this gentleman.

I will not here run the risk of incurring _M. Le Monier_’s

displeasure, by calling the accuracy of _M. Bouvet_’s observations in

question; but will admit every thing that he himself can think due to

the instruments and observations of that deserving navigator. It is

enough for my argument, and it is but too evident from the

observations themselves, that ours were by no means capable of

determining the variation to so small a quantity as that which _M. Le

Monier_ rests his whole cause upon; and if so, his arguments, which

depend wholly on a supposition, that not only they, but _M. Bouvet_’s

also, were capable of determining it with the utmost exactness, must

fall to the ground.

1st, It appears, from various instances, that the variations observed

by the same compass would differ 3° to 5°, 6°, and sometimes even 10°,

from no other cause whatever, but putting the ship’s head a contrary

way.[30]

2d, That the same compass, in the same situation in every respect,

within a few miles, but at two different times of the same day, would

give variations differing from one another, 3°, 4°, 5°, 6°, and even

7°[31].

3d, That the same compass, on the same day, and in the hands of the

same observer, will give variations differing from one another by 5°,

on board the same ship, when under sail, and when at anchor in a

road-stead.[32]

4th, Compasses made by the same artists at the same time and place,

but on board different ships, differed 3°, 4°, and even 5° in the

variation.[33]

5th, The same compasses, on board the same ship, and within a few

miles of the same situation, but at different times of our being

there, gave variations differing by 4° and 5°, or upwards.[34]

6th, Different compasses, at the same time, on board the same ship,

and in every respect under the same circumstances, will give

variations differing from one another, 3°, 4°, 5°, and 6°.[35]

These differences, several of which happened very near the place in

question, are all of them at least equal to, most of them much

greater, and some of them double that which _M. Le Monier_ founds his

argument on, even according to his own account of it, which I have

already shown is by no means admissible, and, therefore, totally

invalidate it. To allege that the instruments made use of in Captain

Cook’s two voyages were bad, or that the observers were not expert in

the use of them, will answer no purpose: they are the instruments and

observers which _M. Le Monier_’s argument must rest on; and,

therefore, let those of the French, or any other navigator, have been

ever so much better than they were (which few will be hardy enough to

assert, and fewer still found weak enough to believe), it will avail

nothing to the point in dispute, which must evidently fall to the

ground, if the observations made for finding the variation in Captain

Cook’s voyage are not sufficient to support it. What then must become

of it, if _M. Bouvet_’s observations, of this kind, were liable to an

equal, or a greater error? which, without any reasonable cause for

offence, we might suppose they were.

It is not necessary to account for these differences in the observed

variations in this place, nor yet to point out the reasons why such

anomalies have not been noticed in observations of this kind before. I

shall, however, remark, that I have hinted at some of the causes in my

introduction to the observations which were made in Captain Cook’s

second voyage; and many others will readily offer themselves to

persons who have had much practice in making these observations, and

who have attentively considered the principles on which the

instruments are constructed, and the manner in which they are

fabricated. Nor is it at all surprising, that the errors to which the

instruments and observations of this kind are liable, should not have

been discovered before, since no navigators before us ever gave the

same opportunity, by multiplying their observations, and making them

under such a variety of circumstances as we did.

Having now fully shown, that the circumstances, brought forward by _M.

Le Monier_, in support of his argument, are neither such as can be

depended on, nor yet fairly represented, I shall next attempt to

demonstrate, that it is utterly improbable M. Bouvet could be out, in

his account of longitude, so much as is here supposed, in the short

run which had been made from the island of St. Catherine, the place

they took their departure from: on the contrary, that there is

sufficient reason to believe the error, of whatever magnitude it might

be, was of a different nature from that contended for, and that the

two ships, instead of being to the westward of their account of

longitude, were actually to the eastward of it. For according to their

journals, extracted from the archives of the French East-India

Company, by _M. D’ Apres_, printed under his inspection, and published

by Mr. Dalrymple, F. R. S. amongst other voyages made for the purpose

of examining the southern parts of the Atlantic Ocean, the longitude,

according to the Eagle’s run from St. Catherine’s, was, 26° 27ʹ, and

according to the Mary’s, 26° 20ʹ east of Teneriff; that is, 9° 57ʹ,

and 9° 50ʹ east of Greenwich, or 27° 43ʹ, and 27° 36ʹ east of Ferro.

But the Mary, which went to the Cape of Good Hope, made 7° 13ʹ east

longitude from the land in question, to that place. Consequently the

Cape of Good Hope being in longitude 18° 23ʹ east of Greenwich, Cape

Circumcision will be in 11° 10ʹ east of Greenwich, or 1° 20ʹ more to

the eastward than the run by the same ship from the island of St.

Catherine’s makes it. Again the Eagle made the difference of longitude

between Cape Circumcision and the island of Rodrigues 49° 44ʹ; and by

the observations of _M. Pingre_, this island is in 62° 50ʹ of east

longitude from Greenwich: Cape Circumcision is therefore in 13° 6ʹ

east of Greenwich, or 2° 9ʹ more to the eastward than by the Eagle’s

run from St. Catherine’s. Hence, therefore, as the longitude of this

land resulting from a comparison of that shown by each of the ships,

on their making land at places where the longitude is exceedingly well

determined, is greater than that which results from their run from St.

Catherine’s, the longitude of which is not known with certainty within

several degrees, we may infer, with great safety, that whatever the

quantity of M. Bouvet’s error might be, when he is supposed to have

seen Cape Circumcision, it must have been in defect, and not in

excess, as _M. Le Monier_ supposes it.

CHRIST’S HOSPITAL,

April 20. 1784. W. WALES.

Footnote 27:

I here go by the dates in “The Original Astronomical Observations,”

printed by order of the Board of Longitude; which, after the 14th of

February, 1775, differ one day from Captain Cook’s date.

Footnote 28:

See The Original Astronomical Observations, p. 185., and Bouvet’s

Voyage, published by Mr. Dalrymple, p. 4. and 11.

Footnote 29:

See the Observations p. 218.

Footnote 30:

See the Original Astronomical Observations, made in the second voyage,

March 11. 1773, p. 372., January 24. 1774, p. 375., and July 28. p.

378.

Footnote 31:

Observations in the second voyage, February 2. 1773, p. 371., and

January 19. 1775, p. 382. Also observations in last voyage, July 17.

1776, p. 179 August 30. p. 131., January 24. 1777, p. 192., and

September 15. 1778 p. 205.

Footnote 32:

Astronomical Observations of second voyage, July 14. 1775, p. 385.

Footnote 33:

Compare the Astronomical Observations, made in the second voyage,

August 8. and 9. and September 4. 1772, p. 181., with those of the

same dates, p. 369. Those of January 11. and 14. and February 7. 1773,

p. 182., with those of the same dates, p. 371. Also Astronomical

Observations, made in the last voyage, of December 27. 1776, p. 191,

February 22. 1778, p. 201., May 5. and 8. p. 102, July 9. and 24.

1779, p. 209., and January 16. 1780, p. 212., with those of the same

dates, p. 291., 293., 294., 297., and 298.

Footnote 34:

Compare Astronomical Observations, made in the second Voyage, February

10. p. 375., with Observations of December 11. 1774, p. 381. Also

Observations made in the last Voyage, May 3. and June 18. 1779, p.

208.

Footnote 35:

Observations made in the second Voyage, February 2. 1773. p. 371.

March 18. p. 372., and January 24. 1774, p. 375. See also Observations

made last Voyage, August 18. 1776, p. 180. October 7. and 14. p. 189,

and 190. December 12. p. ibid. January 24. 1777, p. 192. March 10. p.

195. July 9. and 17. 1779, p. 209. January 16. 1780, p. 212. March 24.

p. 213. and May 19. p. 214.

Footnote 36:

The judgment of the ingenious Author of _Recherches sur les

Américains_, on this question, seems to be very deserving of a place

here: “Qu’on calcule, comme on voudra, on sera toujours contraint

d’avouer, qu’il y a une plus grande portion de continent située dans

la latitude septentrionale, que dans la latitude australe.

“C’est fort mal à-propos, qu’on a soutenu que cette répartition

inégale ne sauroit exister, sous prétexte que le globe perdroit son

équilibre, faute d’un contrepoids suffisant au pole méridionale. Il

est vrai qu’un pied cube d’eau salée ne pese pas autant qu’un pied

cube de terre; mais on auroit dû réfléchir, qu’il peut y avoir sous

l’ocean des lits & des couches de matières, dont la pésanteur

spécifique varie à l’infini, & que le peu de profondeur d’une mer,

versée sur une grande surface, contrebalance les endroits où il y a

moins de mer, mais où elle est plus profonde.” _Recherches

Philosophiques_, tom. ii. p. 375.

Footnote 37:

See Vol. IV. p. 219.

Footnote 38:

See the history of former attempts to sail toward the north pole, in

the introduction to Lord Mulgrave’s Journal. Mr. Barrington has

collected several instances of ships advancing to very high latitudes.

See his Miscellanies, p. 1-124.

Footnote 39:

See the Statutes at Large, 18 George II. chap. 17.

Footnote 40:

See the Statutes at Large, 1776, 16 George III. chap. 6.

Footnote 41:

From his MS. Instructions, dated May 14. 1776.

Footnote 42:

In the Philosophical Transactions, Vol. lxviii. p. 1057, we have the

track of Pickersgill’s voyage, which, probably, may be of use to our

Greenland ships, as it contains many observations for fixing the

longitude and latitude of the coasts in Davis’s Straits. But it

appears that he never entered Baffin’s Bay, the highest northern

latitude to which he advanced being 68° 14ʹ. As to Young’s

proceedings, having failed absolutely in making any discovery, it is

of less consequence, that no communication of his journal could be

procured.

Footnote 43:

See the Abstract of his Journal, published by Mr. Dobbs.

Footnote 44:

Ellis’s Voyage, p. 328.

Footnote 45:

Ibid. p. 330.

Footnote 46:

Account of the voyage, by the clerk of the California, Vol. ii. p.

273. Mr. Dobbs himself says, that _he thought the passage would be

impracticable, or, at least, very difficult, in case there was one

farther North than 67°_.—Account of Hudson’s Bay, p. 99.

Footnote 47:

Printed for Jeffreys, in 1768. His words are, “There remains then to

be searched for the discovery of a passage, the opening called Pistol

Bay, in Hudson’s Bay.” P. 122.

Footnote 48:

Mr. Hearne’s Journey, back from the Copper-mine river, to Fort Prince

of Wales, lasted till June 30. 1772. From his first setting out till

his return, he had employed near a year and seven months. The

unparalleled hardships he suffered, and the essential service he

performed, met with a suitable reward from his masters, and he is now

the Governor of Fort Prince of Wales, where he was taken prisoner by

the French in 1782; and last summer returned to his station.

Footnote 49:

The Hudson’s Bay Company have a trading post called _Hudson’s House_,

above five hundred miles up the country, in lat. 53° 0ʹ 32ʺ, and in

long. 106° 27ʹ 30ʺ.

Footnote 50:

This day, Jan. 11. 1772, as the Indians were hunting, some of them saw

a strange snow-shoe track, which they followed, and at a considerable

distance came to a little hut, where they found a young woman sitting

alone. They brought her to the tents; and, on examining her, found

that she was one of the western _Dog-ribbed_ Indians, and had been

taken prisoner by the _Arathapescow_ Indians in the summer 1770; and,

when the Indians who took her prisoner, were near this part in the

summer 1771, she eloped from them, with an intent to return to her own

country; but _it being so far off_, and, after being taken prisoner,

having come the whole way in canoes, with the winding of rivers and

lakes, she had forgot the way; and had been in this little hut ever

since the first setting in of the fall. By her account of the moons

past since her elopement, it appears to be the middle of last July

when she left the Arathapescow Indians, and had not seen a human face

ever since. She supported herself very well by snaring of rabbits,

partridges, and squirrels, and was now in good health and flesh; and,

I think, as fine a woman of a real Indian, as I have seen in any part

of North America. She had nothing to make snares of but the sinews of

rabbits’ legs and feet, which she twisted together for that purpose;

and of the rabbits’ skins had made herself a neat and warm winter’s

clothing. The stock of materials she took with her when she eloped,

consisted of about five inches of an iron hoop for a knife; a stone

steel, and other hard stones as flints, together with other

fire-tackle, as tinder, &c.; about an inch and half of the shank of

the shoeing of an arrow of iron, of which she made an awl. She had not

been long at the tents, when half a score of men wrestled to see who

should have her for their wife. She says, when the Arathapescow

Indians took her prisoner, that they stole on the tents in the night,

when the inhabitants were all asleep, and killed every soul except

herself and three other young women. Her father, mother, and husband

were in the same tent with her, and they were all killed. Her child,

of about five months old, she took with her, wrapped in a bundle of

her clothing, undiscovered, in the night. But, when arrived at the

place where the Arathapescows had left their wives, which was not far

off, it being then day-break, these Indian women immediately began to

examine her bundle; and having there found the child, took it from her

and killed it immediately. The relation of this shocking scene only

served the savages of my gang for laughter. _Her country is so far to

the Westward_, that she says she never saw any iron, or other kind of

metal, till taken prisoner; those of her tribe making their hatchets

and chisels of deers’ horns, and knives of stone and bone; their

arrows are shod with a kind of slate, bones, and deers’ horns; and

their instruments, to make their wood work, are nothing but beavers’

teeth. They have frequently heard of the useful materials the nations

to the east of them are supplied with from the English; but, instead

of drawing nearer to be in the way of trading for iron work, &c. are

obliged to retreat farther back, to avoid the Arathapescow Indians, as

they make surprising slaughter amongst them every year, both winter

and summer. HEARNE’s MS. Journal.

Footnote 51:

Journal of a Voyage in 1775 by Don Francisco Antonio Maurelle, in Mr.

Barrington’s Miscellanies, p. 508.

Footnote 52:

_Ibid._ p. 507. We learn from Maurelle’s Journal that another voyage

had been some time before performed upon the coast of America; but the

utmost northern progress of it was to latitude 55.

Footnote 53:

Dr. Campbell, speaking of Beering’s voyage in 1741, says, “Nothing can

be plainer than this truth, that his discovery does not warrant any

such supposition, as that the country he touched at was a great

continent making part of North America.”

Footnote 54:

See Coxe’s Russian Discoveries, pp. 26, 27, &c. The fictions of

speculative geographers in the Southern hemisphere, have been

continents; in the northern hemisphere, they have been seas. It may be

observed, therefore, that if Captain Cook in his first voyages

annihilated imaginary southern lands, he has made amends for the

havock in his third voyage, by annihilating imaginary northern seas,

and filling up the vast space, which had been allotted to them, with

the solid continents of his new discoveries of American land farther

west and north than had hitherto been traced.

Footnote 55: