The Russians seem to owe much to England in matters of this sort. It

is singular enough that one of our countrymen, Dr. Campbell [See his

edition of Harris’s voyages, vol. ii. p. 1021.] has preserved many

valuable particulars of Beering’s first voyage, of which Muller

himself, the historian of their earlier discoveries, makes no mention;

that it should be another of our countrymen, Mr. Coxe, who first

published a satisfactory account of their later discoveries; and that

the King of Great Britain’s ships should traverse the globe in 1778,

to confirm to the Russian empire the possession of near thirty

degrees, or above six hundred miles of continent, which Mr. Engel, in

his zeal for the practicability of a north-east passage, would prune

away from the length of Asia to the eastward. See his _Mémoires

Geographiques_, &c. Lausanne, 1765; which, however, contains much real

information; and many parts of which are confirmed by Captain Cook’s

American discoveries.

Footnote 56:

See Maupertuis’s Letter to the King of Prussia. The author of the

Preliminary Discourse to Bougainville’s _Voyage aux Isles Malouines_,

computes that the southern continent (for the existence of which, he

owns, we must depend more on the conjectures of philosophers, than on

the testimony of voyagers) contains eight or ten millions of square

leagues.

Footnote 57:

See Vol. III. p. 107.

Footnote 58:

Messrs. Hodges and Webber.

Footnote 59:

Mr. Green, in the Endeavour; Messrs. Wales and Bayly, in the

Resolution and Adventure; Mr. Bayly, a second time, jointly with

Captains Cook and King in this voyage; and Mr. Lyons, who accompanied

Lord Mulgrave. The observations of Messrs. Wales and Bayly during

Captain Cook’s second voyage are already in the hands of the public,

by the favour of the Board of Longitude; and those of Captains Cook

and King, and Mr. Bayly, during this last, will appear immediately

after our publication. [First Edit.]

Footnote 60:

The Abbe’s words are, “Si ceux qui promettent une si grande precision

dans ces sortes de methodes, avoient navigué quelque tems, ils

auroient vû souvent, que dans l’observation la plus simple de toutes,

qui est celle de la hauteur du soleil à midi, deux observations, munis

de bons quartiers de reflexion, bien rectifiés, different entr’eux,

lorsqu’ils observent chacun à part, de 5ʹ, 6ʹ, 7ʹ, & 8ʹ.”

_Ephémer_. 1755-1765. _Introduction_, p. 32.

It must be however mentioned, in justice to M. de la Caille, that he

attempted to introduce the lunar method of discovering the longitude,

and proposed a plan of calculations of the moon’s distance from the

sun and fixed stars; but, through the imperfection of his instruments,

his success was much less than that method was capable of affording.

The bringing it into general use was reserved for Dr. Maskelyne, our

astronomer royal. See the preface to the _Tables for correcting the

Effects of Refraction and Parallax_, published by the Board of

Longitude, under the direction of Dr. Shepherd, Plumian Professor of

Astronomy and Experimental Philosophy at Cambridge, in 1772.

Footnote 61:

In addition to Mr. Wales’s Remark, it may be observed, that the

proficiency of our naval officers in taking observations at sea, must

ultimately be attributed to the great attention paid to this important

object by the Board of Longitude at home; liberal rewards having been

given to mathematicians for perfecting the lunar tables, and

facilitating calculations; to artists for constructing more accurate

instruments for observing, and watches better adapted to keeping time

at sea. It appears, therefore, that the voyages of discovery, and the

operations of the Board of Longitude went hand in hand; and they must

be combined in order to form a just estimate of the extent of the plan

carried into execution since his Majesty’s accession, for improving

astronomy and navigation. But, besides the establishment of the Board

of Longitude on its present footing, which has had such important

consequences, it must also be ever acknowledged, that his present

Majesty has extended his royal patronage to every branch of the

liberal arts and useful science. The munificent present to the Royal

Society for defraying the expence of observing the _transit_ of

Venus;—the institution of the Academy of Painting and Sculpture;—the

magnificent apartments allotted to the Royal and Antiquary Societies,

and to the Royal Academy, at Somerset Place;—the support of the Garden

of Exotics at Kew, to improve which, Mr. Mason was sent to the

extremities of Africa;—the _substantial_ encouragement afforded to

learned men and learned works, in various departments; and

particularly that afforded to Mr. Herschell, which has enabled him to

devote himself entirely to the improvement of astronomy; these and

many other instances which might be enumerated, would have greatly

distinguished his Majesty’s reign, even if he had not been the patron

of those successful attempts to perfect geography and navigation by so

many voyages of discovery.

Footnote 62:

See Dr. Shepherd’s Preface, as above.

Footnote 63:

Dr. Solander, Dr. Foster and his son, and Dr. Sparman. Dr. Foster has

given us a specimen of the botanical discoveries of his voyage in the

_Characteres Generum Plantarum_, &c.; and much curious philosophical

matter is contained in his _Observations made on a Voyage round the

World_. Dr. Sparman also, on his return to Sweden, favoured us with a

publication, in which he expatiates on the advantages accruing to

natural history, to astronomy, geography, general physic, and

navigation, from our South-Sea voyages.

Footnote 64:

See Vol. IV. p. 266.

Footnote 65:

Preface to his History of English Poetry.

Footnote 66:

Tom. i. p. 331.

Footnote 67:

History of Japan, vol. i. p. 93.

Footnote 68:

That the Malayans have not only frequented Madagascar, but have also

been the progenitors of some of the present race of inhabitants there,

is confirmed to us by the testimony of Monsieur de Pages, who visited

that island so late as 1774. “Ils m’ont paru provenir des diverses

Races; leur couleur, leurs cheveux, et leur corps l’indiquent. Ceux

que je n’ai pas cru originaires des anciens naturels du pays, sont

petits et trapus; ils ont les cheveux presque unis, et sont _olivâtres

comme les Malayes, avec qui ils ont, en général, une espece de

resemblance_.”

_Voyages des M._ des Pages, T. ii. p. 90.

Footnote 69:

Archæolog. vol. vi. p. 155. See also his History of Sumatra, p. 166,

from which the following passage is transcribed. “Besides the Malaye,

there are a variety of languages spoken on Sumatra, which, however,

have not only a manifest affinity among themselves, but also to that

general language which is found to prevail in, and to be indigenous

to, all the islands of the eastern seas; from Madagascar to the

remotest of Captain Cook’s discoveries, comprehending a wider extent

than the Roman or any other tongue has yet boasted. In different

places, it has been more or less mixed and corrupted; but between the

most dissimilar branches, an eminent sameness of many radical words is

apparent; and in some very distant from each other, in point of

situation: As, for instance, the Philippines and Madagascar, the

deviation of the words is scarcely more than is observed in the

dialects of neighbouring provinces of the same kingdom.”

Footnote 70:

We are indebted to Sir Joseph Banks, for a general outline of this, in

Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. iii. p. 777. The reader will find our

enlarged Table at the end of the third volume, Appendix, No. 2.

Footnote 71:

See Crantz’s History of Greenland, vol. i. p. 262.; where we are told

that the Moravian Brethren, who, with the consent and furtherance of

Sir Hugh Palliser, then Governor of Newfoundland, visited the

Esquimaux on the Labradore coast, found that their language, and that

of the Greenlanders, do not differ so much as that of the High and Low

Dutch.

Footnote 72:

See Appendix, No. 6. The Greenlanders, as Crantz tells us, call

themselves _Karalit_; a word not very unlike _Kanagyst_, the name

assumed by the inhabitants of Kodiack, one of the Schumagin islands,

as Stæhlin informs us.

Footnote 73:

A contempt of revelation is generally the result of ignorance,

conceited of its possessing superior knowledge. Observe how the Author

of _Recherches Philosophiques sur les Américains_, expresses himself

on this very point. “Cette distance que Mr. Antermony veut trouver si

peu importante, est à-peu-près _de huit cent lieues Gauloises au

travers d’un ocean perilleux_, et impossible à franchir avec des

canots aussi chetifs et aussi fragiles que le sont, au rapport

d’Ysbrand Ides, les chaloupes des Tunguses,” &c. &c. t. i. p. 156. Had

this writer known that the two continents are not above _thirteen_

leagues (instead of _eight hundred_) distant from each other, and

that, even in that narrow space of sea, there are intervening islands,

he would not have ventured to urge this argument in opposition to Mr.

Bell’s notion of the quarter from which North America received its

original inhabitants.

Footnote 74:

Soon after our departure from England, I was instructed by Captain

Cook to complete a map of the world as a general chart, from the best

materials he was in possession of for that purpose; and before his

death this business was in a great measure accomplished: That is, the

grand outline of the whole was arranged, leaving only those parts

vacant or unfinished, which he expected to fall in with and explore.

But on our return home, when the fruits of our voyage were ordered by

the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to be published, the care of

the general chart being consigned to me, I was directed to prepare it

from the latest and best authorities; and also to introduce Captain

Cook’s three successive tracts, that all his discoveries, and the

different routs he had taken might appear together; by this means to

give a general idea of the whole. This task having been performed by

me, it is necessary, for the information of the reader, to state the

heads of the several authorities which I have followed in such parts

of the chart as differ from what was drawn up immediately under the

inspection of Captain Cook. And when the public are made acquainted,

that many materials, necessary to complete and elucidate the work,

were not at the time on board the Resolution, or in his possession,

the reason will appear very obvious, why these alterations and

additions were introduced contrary to the original drawing.

First, then, I have followed closely the very excellent and correct

charts of the Northern Atlantic Ocean, published by Messrs. de Verdun

de la Crenne, de Borda, et Pringre in 1775 and 1776; which comprise

the coast of Norway from the Sud Hoek, in the latitude of 62 degrees

north, to Trelleburg, Denmark, the coast of Holland, north coast of

Great Britain, Orkneys, Shetland, Ferro Isles, Iceland, coasts of

France, Spain, and Portugal, to Cape St. Maria on the coast of Africa;

including the Azores, Canaries, Cape de Verd, Antilles, and West

Indian islands from Barbadoes to the east end of Cuba; the north part

of Newfoundland and the Labradore coast, as far as the latitude of 57°

north.

Ireland, and part of the coast of Scotland, is laid down from Mr.

Mackenzie’s late surveys; and the south coast of England from a chart

published by Mr. Faden in 1780, taken from M. l’Abbé Dicquemare.

The north part of the coast of Labradore, from the latitude of 57°

north, to Button’s Islands in the entrance of Hudson’s Strait, is

taken from Monsieur Bellin’s chart, as is also the north coast of

Norway and Lapland, including the White Sea, Gulph of Bothnia, Baltic

Sea, and the east coast of Greenland.

The Gulf of Finland, from a large (MS.) chart, now engraving for the

use of some private merchants.

The West India islands, from the east end of Cuba to the west end,

including Jamaica and the Bahama islands, are from a chart published

in London by Sayer and Bennett in 1779.

The south side of Cuba, from Point Gorda to Cape de Cruz, is laid down

from Monsieur Bellin, in 1762.

The coasts of Newfoundland, and the Gulf of St. Laurence, from the

surveys made by Captain Cook, and Messrs. Gilbert and Lane.

Nova Scotia, Cape Breton, Island of St. John, River St. Laurence,

Canada, and New England to the River Delaware, from J. F. W. des

Barres, Esq. in 1777 and 1778; and charts published in France by order

of the King, in 1780, intituled, Neptune Americo-Septrentrional, &c.

And from these charts also are taken the coast of Pennsylvania, New

Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia, East

and West Florida, as well as the interior parts of the country to the

east side of Lake Ontario.

The other parts of this lake, as likewise Lakes Erie, Hurons,

Michigan, and Superior, were copied from Mr. Green’s maps of America:

The northern part of this last-mentioned lake is fixed from the

astronomical observations made by order of the Hudson’s Bay Company,

at Mishippicotton House.

The whole of Hudson’s Bay I took from a chart, compiled by Mr. Marly,

from all the most authentic maps he could procure of those parts, with

which I was favoured by Samuel Wegg, Esq. F. R. S. and Governor of

that Company, who also politely furnished me with Mr. Hearne’s

Journals, and the map of his route to the Coppermine River, which is

faithfully inserted on the chart, together with the survey of

Chesterfield Inlet made by Captain Christopher and Mr. Moses Norton,

in 1762; and the discoveries from York Fort to Cumberland, and Hudson

Houses (this last is the most western settlement belonging to the

company), extending to Lake Winipeg, from the drafts of Mr. Philip

Turnor, made in 1778 and 1779, corrected by astronomical observations.

And from this lake, the disposition of the other lakes to the

southward of it, and which communicate with it, is formed, and laid

down from a map constructed by Mr. Spurrel, in the company’s service.

The Albany and Moose rivers to Gloucester House, and to Lake Abitibbe

and Superior, are also drawn from a map of Mr. Turnor’s, adjusted by

observations for the longitudes.

The west coast of Greenland, as chiefly laid down from the

observations made by Lieut. R. Pickersgill in the Lion brig in 1776,

which determine the line of the coast only, as the immense quantities

of ice choke up every bay and inlet on this coast, which formerly

were, in the summer season, quite free and open.

From the mouth of the Mississippi River, including its source, and the

other rivers branching from it; all the coast of New Leon to Cape

Rozo, and the western coast of America, from Cape Corrienties to the

Great Bay of Tecoantepec, is taken from Monsieur D’Anville.

The Gulf of California I have laid down from a German publication in

1773, put into my hands by Sir Joseph Banks, Bart. P. R. S.; and the

western side of it is brought together from a Spanish MS. chart with

which A. Dalrymple, Esq. F. R. S. obliged me.

The coast of Brazil, from Sera to Cape Frio, is copied from a small

chart of that part by Mr. Dalrymple.

For the southern part of Africa, from the Cape of Good Hope to Point

Natal, I have taken the authority of the chart of Major J. Rennels, F.

R. S. shewing the extent of the bank of Lagullus.

For the existence of the small islands, shoals, and banks to the

eastward of Madagascar, together with the Archipelago of the Maldive

and Laccidive islands; for the coasts of Mallacca, part of Cambodia,

and the island Sumatra, I have used the latest authority of Monsieur

D’Après de Mannevillette’s publications in the Neptune Oriental.

The coasts of Guzerat, Malabar, Coromandel, and the opposite shore,

containing the Great Bay of Bengal, and the Island of Ceylon, and

exhibiting the Heads of the Ganges, and Barampooter or Sanpoo rivers,

are inserted from the work of the ingenious author of the map of

Hindoostan, published in 1782.

The China sea is laid down from the chart published by Mr. Dalrymple;

but the longitude of Pula Sapara, Pulo Condore, Pulo Timoan, Straits

of Banca and Sunda, and the parts we saw are, as settled by us,

together with the east coast of Niphon, the principal of the Japanese

islands.

The Jeso and Kurile islands, the east coast of Asia and Kamtschatka,

as well as the sea of Okotsk, and the islands lying between

Kamtschatka and America that were not seen in the voyage, are taken

from a Russian MS. chart, got by us at the island of Oonalashka.

The northern countries from Cape Kanin, near the White Sea, as far

east of the River Lena, I have given from the Great Russian map,

published at Petersburgh in 1776, including the Euxine, Caspian, and

Aral Seas, as also the principal lakes to the eastward; the intent of

which is to show the source of the large rivers that empty themselves

into the different oceans and seas.

Every other part of the chart not mentioned in this account, is as

originally placed by Captain Cook.

The whole has been corrected from the latest astronomical

observations, selected from the tables compiled by Mr. William Wales,

F. R. S. and mathematical master of Christ’s Hospital, for the

Nautical Almanacs: from those in the Mariner’s Guide by the Rev. Dr.

Maskelyne, F. R. S. and Astronomer Royal, published in 1763; from the

Connoissance des Tems for 1780 and 1781; From Professor Mayer’s

Geographical Table; from the Voyages of Messrs. d’Eveux de Fleurieu,

Verdun, de Borda, and Chabet, &c.; from the Table lately published by

Mr. Dalrymple for the use of the East India ships; from the

Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society; and from the

Observations of our late Navigators.

HEN. ROBERTS.

SHOREHAM, SUSSEX, May 18. 1784.

Footnote 75:

The very copious Vocabulary of the language of Otaheite, and the

comparative specimen of the languages of the several other islands

visited during the former voyage, and published in Captain Cook’s

account of it, were furnished by Mr. Anderson.

Footnote 76:

The late Sir Joseph.

Footnote 77:

See the instructions in the Introduction.

Footnote 78:

Captain Le Crass, Admiral Amherst having struck his flag some days

before.

Footnote 79:

It appears from Captain Cook’s log-book, that he began his judicious

operations for preserving the health of his crew, very early in the

voyage. On the 17th, the ship was smoked between decks with

gun-powder. The spare sails also were then well aired.

Footnote 80:

Though no such instance was known to those from whom Captain Cook had

this information, we learn from Glas, that _some years before_ he was

at Teneriffe, _almost all the shipping in the road were driven on

shore_. See _Glas’s Hist. of the Canary Islands_, p. 235. We may well

suppose the precautions now used, have prevented any more such

accidents happening. This will sufficiently justify Captain Cook’s

account.

Footnote 81:

Formerly, there was made at Teneriffe a great quantity of Canary sack,

which the French call _Vin de Malvesie_; and we, corruptly after them,

name Malmsey (from Malvesia, a town in the Morea, famous for such

luscious wine). In the last century, and still later, much of this was

imported into England; but little wine is now made there, but of the

sort described by Captain Cook. Not more than fifty pipes of the rich

Canary was annually made in Glas’s time; and he says, they now gather

the grapes when green, and make a dry hard wine of them, fit for hot

climates, p. 262.

Footnote 82:

See an account of a journey to the top of the Pic of Teneriffe, in

_Sprat’s History of the Royal Society_, p. 200, &c. _Glas_ also went

to the top of it. _History of the Canary Islands_, p. 252 to 259. In

the Philosophical Transactions, vol. xlvii. p. 353-356, we have

_Observations made, in going up the Pic of Teneriffe, by Dr. T.

Heberden_. The Doctor makes its height, about the level of the sea, to

be 2566 fathoms, or 15,396 English feet; and says, that this was

confirmed by two subsequent observations by himself, and another made

by Mr. Crosse, the consul. And yet, I find, that the Chevalier de

Borda, who measured the height of this mountain in August 1776, makes

it to be only 1931 French toises, or 12,340 English feet. See Dr.

Forster’s _Observations during a Voyage round the World_, p. 32.

Footnote 83:

_Glas_, p. 231., speaking of this plant, says, that _he cannot imagine

why the natives of the Canaries do not extract the juice, and use it

instead of pitch, for the bottoms of their boats_. We now learn from

Mr. Anderson their reason for not using it.

Footnote 84:

Its extended name is St. Christobal de la Laguna; and it used to be

reckoned the capital of the island, the gentry and lawyers living

there; though the Governor-General of the Canary Islands resides at

Santa Cruz, as being the centre of their trade, both with Europe and

America. See _Glas’s Hist._ p. 248.

Footnote 85:

The writer of the _Relation of Teneriffe, in Sprat’s History_, p. 207,

takes notice of this lemon as produced here, and calls it _Pregnada_.

Probably, _emprennada_, the Spanish word for _impregnated_, is the

name it goes by.

Footnote 86:

This agrees with Dr. T. Heberden’s account, who says that the

sugar-loaf part of the mountain, or _la pericosa_ (as it is called),

_which is an eighth part of a league_ (or 1980 feet) _to the top, is

covered with snow the greatest part of the year_. See _Philosophical

Transactions_, as quoted above.

Footnote 87:

This port was then filled up by the rivers of burning lava that flowed

into it from a volcano; insomuch that houses are now built where ships

formerly lay at anchor. See _Glas’s Hist._ p. 244.

Footnote 88:

_Glas_, p. 342., says, that they annually export no less than fifteen

thousand pipes of wine and brandy. In another place, p. 252, he tells

us, that the number of the inhabitants of Teneriffe, when the last

account was taken, was no less than 96,000. We may reasonably suppose

that there has been a considerable increase of population since Glas

visited the island, which is above thirty years ago. The quantity of

wine annually consumed, as the common beverage of at least one hundred

thousand persons, must amount to several thousand pipes. There must be

a vast expenditure of it, by conversion into brandy; to produce one

pipe of which, five or six pipes of wine must be distilled. An

attention to these particulars will enable every one to judge, that

the account given to Mr. Anderson, of an annual produce of 40,000

pipes of wine, has a foundation in truth.

Footnote 89:

It was otherwise in Glas’s time, when a few families of the _Guanches_

(as they are called) remained still in Teneriffe, not blended with the

Spaniards. _Glas_, p. 240.

Footnote 90:

As a proof of Captain Cook’s attention, both to the discipline and to

the health of his ship’s company, it may be worth while to observe

here, that it appears from his log-book, _he exercised them at great

guns and small arms, and cleared and smoked the ship below decks_,

twice in the interval between the 4th and the 10th of August.

Footnote 91:

On board his Majesty’s ship Elizabeth, from 1758 to 1764; by William

Nichelson, master of the said ship. London, 1773.

Footnote 92:

Dampier’s Voyages, vol. iii. p. 10.

Footnote 93:

On the 18th, I sunk a bucket with a thermometer seventy fathoms below

the surface of the sea, where it remained two minutes; and it took

three minutes more to haul it up. The mercury in the thermometer was

at 66, which before, in the air, stood at 78, and in the surface of

the sea at 79. The water which came up in the bucket contained, by Mr.

Cavendish’s table, 1/25, 7 part salt; and that at the surface of the

sea 1/29, 4. As this last was taken up after a smart shower of rain,

it might be lighter on that account. _Captain Cook’s log-book._

Footnote 94:

The particulars are mentioned in his log-book. On the 14th of August,

a fire was made in the well, to air the ship below. On the 15th, the

spare-sails were aired upon deck, and a fire made to air the

sail-room. On the 17th, cleaned and smoked betwixt decks, and the

bread-room aired with fires. On the 21st, cleaned and smoked betwixt

decks; and on the 22d, the men’s bedding was spread on deck to air.

Footnote 95:

The afternoon, as appears from Mr. Anderson’s Journal, was spent in

performing the old and ridiculous ceremony of ducking those who had

not crossed the equator before. Though Captain Cook did not suppress

the custom, he thought it too trifling to deserve the least mention of

it in his Journal, or even in his log-book. Pernetty, the writer of

Bougainville’s Voyage to the Falkland Islands, in 1763 and 1764,

thought differently; for his account of the celebration of this

childish festival on board his ship, is extended through seventeen

pages, and makes the subject of an entire chapter, under the title of

_Baptême de la Ligne_.

It may be worth while to transcribe his introduction to the

description of it. “C’est un usage qui ne remonte pas plus haut que ce

voyage célébre de Gama, qui a fourni au Camoens le sujet de la

Lusiade. L’Idée qu’on ne sçauroit être un bon marin, sans avoir

traversé l’Equateur, l’ennui inséparable d’une longue navigation, un

certain esprit republicain qui regne dans toutes les petites societés,

peut-être toutes ces causes reunies, on pu donner naissance à ces

especes de saturnales. Quoiqu’il en soit, elles furent adoptées, en un

instant, dans toutes les nations, et les hommes les plus eclairés

furent obligés de se soumettre à une coutume dont ils reconnoissoient

l’absurdité. Car, partout, des que le peuple parle, il faut que le

sage se mette à l’unison.” _Histoire d’un Voyage aux Isles Malouines_,

p. 107, 108.

Footnote 96:

See vol. IV. p. 252.

Footnote 97:

P. 11.

Footnote 98:

See Hawkesworth’s Collection of Voyages, vol. ii. p. 15.

Footnote 99:

“The most remarkable thing in the Cape sheep, is the length and

thickness of their tails, which weigh from fifteen to twenty pounds.

The fat is not so tallowish as that of European mutton, and the poorer

sort use it for butter.” _Kolben’s Cape of Good Hope_ [English

translation], vol. ii. p. 65. De la Caille, who finds every thing

wrong in Kolben, says, the weight of the tails of the Cape sheep is

not above five or six pounds. _Voyage de la Caille_, p. 343. If the

information given to Captain Cook may be depended upon, it will prove

that, in this instance at least, Kolben is unjustly accused of

exaggeration.

Footnote 100:

In the Philosophical Transactions, vol. lxvi. p. 268 to 319, is an

_Account of Three Journies from the Cape Town into the Southern parts

of Africa_, in 1772, 1773, and 1774; by Mr. Francis Masson, who had

been sent from England for the discovery of new plants, towards the

improvement of the Royal Botanical Garden at Kew. Much curious

information is contained in Mr. Masson’s account of these journies. M.

de Pagés, who was at the Cape in 1773, gives some remarks on the state

of that settlement, and also the particulars of his journey from False

Bay to the Cape Town. _Voyage vers le Pole du Sud_, p. 17 to 32.

Footnote 101:

In the Philosophical Transactions, vol. lxviii. part I. p. 102, we

have a Letter from Mr. Anderson to Sir John Pringle, describing this

remarkable stone. The account sent home from the Cape, and read before

the Royal Society, is much the same with that now published, but

rather fuller. In particular, he tells Sir John, that he went to see

it _at Mr. Mason’s desire_, who, probably, had not had an opportunity

of sufficiently examining it himself. In the account of his journies,

above referred to, p. 270, he only says, “_there are two large solid

rocks on the Perel Berg, each of which (he believes) is more than a

mile in circumference at the base, and upwards of two hundred feet

high. Their surfaces are nearly smooth, without chink or fissures; and

they are found to be a species of granite, different from that which

composes the neighbouring mountains._”

Mr. Anderson having, with his letter to Sir John Pringle, also sent

home a specimen of the rock, it was examined by Sir William Hamilton,

whose opinion is, that “_this singular, immense fragment of granite,

most probably has been raised by a volcanic explosion, or some such

cause_.” See his Letter to Sir John Pringle, annexed to Mr.

Anderson’s, in the Philosophical Transactions.

Footnote 102:

It is strange that neither Kolben nor de la Caille should have thought

the _Tower of Babylon_ worthy of a particular description. The former

[vol. ii. p. 52, 53, English Translation,] only mentions it as a _high

mountain_. The latter contents himself with telling us, that it is a

very low hillock, _un très-bas monticule_. _Voyage de la Caille_, p.

341. We are much obliged to Mr. Anderson for his very accurate account

of this remarkable rock, which agrees with Mr. Sonnerat’s, who was at

the Cape of Good Hope so late as 1781. His words are, “La Montagne de

la _Perle_, merite d’être observée. C’est un des plus hautes des

environs du Cap. Elle n’est composée que d’un seul bloc de granit

crévassé dans plusieurs endroits.” _Voyage aux Indes_, tom. ii. p. 91.

Mr. Sonnerat tells us, that Mr. Gordon, commander of the troops at the

Cape, had lately made three journies up the country, from which, when

he publishes his Journal, we may expect much curious information.

Footnote 103:

Vol. III. p. 35.

Footnote 104:

Nichelson.

Footnote 105:

Mr. Dun.

Footnote 106:

See Vol. IV. p. 243. These islands are there said to be in the

latitude of 48° S., that is, two degrees farther south, than what here

appears to be their real position.

Footnote 107:

See Vol. IV. as above. Dr. Forster, in his _observations made during

that voyage_, p. 30., gives us this description of the chart then

communicated by Monsieur Crozet; that it was _published under the

patronage of the Duke de Croye, by Robert de Vaugondy_. Captain Cook

tells us lower in this chapter that it was published in 1773.

Footnote 108:

Captain Cook’s proceedings, as related in the remaining part of this

chapter, and in the next, being upon a coast newly discovered by the

French, it could not but be an object of his attention to trace the

footsteps of the original explorers. But no superiority of

professional skill, nor diligence in exerting it, could possibly

qualify him to do this successfully, without possessing, at the same

time, full and authentic intelligence of all that had been performed

here by his predecessors in the discovery. But that he was not so

fortunate as to be thus sufficiently instructed, will appear from the

following facts, which the reader is requested to attend to, before he

proceeds to the perusal of this part of the journal.

How very little was known, with any precision, about the operations of

Kerguelen, when Captain Cook sailed in 1776, may be inferred from the

following paragraph of his instructions: “You are to proceed in search

of some islands _said to have been lately seen_ by the French in the

latitude of 48° S., and in the meridian of Mauritius.”[109] This was,

barely, the amount of the very indefinite and imperfect information,

which Captain Cook himself had received from Baron Plettenberg at the

Cape of Good Hope, in November 1772[110]; in the beginning of which

year Kerguelen’s _first_ voyage had taken place.

The Captain, on his return homeward, in March 1775, heard, a second

time, something about this French discovery at the Cape, where he met

with Monsieur Crozet, who _very obligingly communicated to him_ a

chart of the southern hemisphere, _wherein were delineated not only

his own discoveries, but also that of Captain Kerguelen_.[111] But

what little information that chart could convey, was still necessarily

confined to the operations of the first voyage; the chart here

referred to, having been published in France in 1773; that is, before

any intelligence could possibly be conveyed from the southern

hemisphere of the result of Kerguelen’s second visit to this new land;

which we now know happened towards the close of the same year.

Of these latter operations, the only account (if that can be called an

account which conveys no particular information) received by Captain

Cook from Monsieur Crozet was, _that a later voyage had been

undertaken by the French, under the command of Captain Kerguelen,

which had ended much to the disgrace of that commander_.[112]

What Crozet had _not_ communicated to our author, and what we are

sure, from a variety of circumstances, he had _never_ heard of from

any other quarter, he missed an opportunity of learning at Teneriffe.

He expresses his being sorry, as we have just read, _that he did not

know sooner that there was on board the frigate an officer who had

been with Kerguelen, as he might have obtained from him more

interesting information about this land than its situation_. And,

indeed, if he had conversed with that officer he might have obtained

information _more interesting_ than he was aware of; he might have

learnt that Kerguelen had actually visited this southern land a second

time, and that the little isle of which he then received the name and

position from the Chevalier de Borda, was a discovery of this later

voyage. But the account conveyed to him being, as the reader will

observe, unaccompanied with any date, or other distinguishing

circumstance, he left Teneriffe, and arrived on the coasts of

Kerguelen’s Land, under a full persuasion that it had been visited

only _once_ before. And, even with regard to the operations of that

first voyage, he had nothing to guide him, but the very scanty

materials afforded to him by Baron Plettenberg and Monsieur Crozet.

The truth is, the French seem, for some reason or other, not surely

founded on the importance of Kerguelen’s discovery, to have been very

shy of publishing a full and distinct account of it. No such account

had been published while Captain Cook lived. Nay, even after the

return of his ships in 1780, the gentleman who obligingly lent his

assistance to give a view of the prior observations of the French, and

to connect them on the same chart with those of our author, though his

assiduity in procuring geographical information can be equalled only

by his readiness in communicating it, had not, it should seem, been

able to procure any materials for that purpose, but such as mark the

operations of the first French voyage; and even for these, he was

indebted to a MS. drawing.

But this veil of unnecessary secrecy is at length drawn aside.

Kerguelen himself has, very lately, published the journal of his

proceedings in two successive voyages in the years 1772 and 1773; and

has annexed to his Narrative a chart of the coasts of this land, as

far as he had explored them in both voyages. Monsieur de Pagés also,

much about the same time, favoured us with another account of the

second voyage, in some respects fuller than Kerguelen’s own, on board

whose ship he was then an officer.

From these sources of authentic information we are enabled to draw

every necessary material to correct what is erroneous, and to

illustrate what, otherwise, would have remained obscure, in this part

of Captain Cook’s Journal. We shall take occasion to do this in

separate notes on the passages as they occur, and conclude this

tedious, but, it is hoped, not unnecessary detail of facts, with one

general remark, fully expressive of the disadvantages our author

laboured under. He never saw that part of the coast upon which the

French had been in 1772; and he never knew that they had been upon

another part of it in 1773, which was the very scene of his own

operations. Consequently, what he knew of the _former_ voyage, as

_delineated_ upon Crozet’s chart, only served to perplex and mislead

his judgment; and his total ignorance of the _latter_, put it out of

his power to compare his own observations with those then made by

Kerguelen; though we, who are better instructed, can do this, by

tracing the plainest marks of coincidence and agreement.

Footnote 109:

See the Instructions in the Introduction.

Footnote 110:

See Vol. III. p. 36.

Footnote 111:

Vol. IV. p. 243.

Footnote 112:

Vol. IV. p. 244.

Footnote 113:

Captain Cook was not the original discoverer of these small islands

which he now fell in with. It is certain that they had been seen and

named by Kerguelen, on his second voyage, in December, 1773. Their

position, relatively to each other, and to the adjoining coasts of the

greater land, as represented on the annexed chart, bears a striking

resemblance to Kerguelen’s delineation of them; whose chart, however,

the public may be assured, was unknown in England till after our’s had

been engraved.

Footnote 114:

This is the isle to which Kerguelen gave the name of _Croy_ or

_Crouy_. Besides delineating it upon his chart, he has added a

particular view of it, exactly corresponding with Captain Cook’s

account of its being of _considerable height_.

Footnote 115:

Kerguelen called this _Isle Rolland_, after the name of his own ship.

There is also a particular view of it on the French chart.

Footnote 116:

The observations of the French and English navigators agree exactly,

as to the position of these smaller isles.

Footnote 117:

The situation of Kerguelen’s _Isle de Clugny_, as marked on his chart,

shows it to be the _third high island_ seen by Captain Cook.

Footnote 118:

This isle, or _rock_, was the single point about which Captain Cook

had received the least information at Teneriffe; and we may observe

how sagacious he was in tracing it. What he could only speak of as

_probable_, a comparison of his chart with that lately published by

Kerguelen, proves to be certain; and if he had even read and copied

what his predecessors in the discovery says of it, he could scarcely

have varied his account of its shape. Kerguelen’s words are, “_Isle de

Réunion_, qui n’est qu’une _roche_, nous servoit _de rendezvous_, ou

de point de ralliement; et resemble à un _coin de mire_.”

Footnote 119:

The French and English agree very nearly (as might be expected) in

their accounts of the latitude of this island; but the observations by

which they fix its longitude, vary considerably.

The pilot at Teneriffe made it only 64° 57ʹ E. from Paris, which is

about 67° 16ʹ E. from London; or 1° 24ʹ more, westerly than Captain

Cook’s observations fix it.

Monsieur de Pagés says it is 66° 47ʹ E. from Paris, that is 69° 6ʹ E.

from London, or twenty-six miles more easterly than it is placed by

Captain Cook.

Kerguelen himself only says that it is _about_ 68° of E. longitude,

_par 68° de longitude_.

Footnote 120:

Hitherto, we have only had occasion to supply defects, owing to

Captain Cook’s _entire_ ignorance of Kerguelen’s second voyage in

1773; we must now correct errors, owing to his very limited knowledge

of the operations of the first voyage in 1772. The chart of the

southern hemisphere, his only guide, having given him, as he tells us,

the name of Cape St. Louis (or Cape Louis) as the most northerly

promontory then seen by the French; and his own observations now

satisfying him that no part of the main land stretched further N. than

the _left extreme_ now before him; from this supposed similarity of

situation, he _judged_ that his own _perpendicular rock_ must be the

Cape Lewis of the first discoverers. By looking upon our chart, we

shall find Cape Louis lying upon a very different part of the coast;

and by comparing this chart with that lately published by Kerguelen,

it will appear, in the clearest manner, that the northern point now

described by Captain Cook, is the very same to which the French have

given the name of Cape François.

Footnote 121:

This _right extreme_ of the coast, as it now showed itself to Captain

Cook, seems to be what is represented on Kerguelen’s chart under the

name of Cape Aubert. It may be proper to observe here, that all that

extent of coast lying between Cape Louis and Cape François, of which

the French saw very little during their first visit in 1772, and may

be called the N. W. side of this land, they had it in their power to

trace the position of in 1773, and have assigned names to some of its

bays, rivers, and promontories, upon their chart.

Footnote 122:

Kerguelen’s Isle de Clugny.

Footnote 123:

Cape François, as already observed.

Footnote 124:

The observations of the French, round Cape François, remarkably

coincide with Captain Cook’s in this paragraph; and the rocks and

islands here mentioned by him, also appear upon their chart.

Footnote 125:

The (_d_), no doubt, is a contraction of the word _Domino_. The French

Secretary of the Marine was then Monsieur de Boynes.

Footnote 126:

On perusing this paragraph of the Journal, it will be natural to ask,

How could Monsieur de Boisguehenneu, in the beginning of 1772, leave

an inscription, which, upon the very face of it, commemorates a

transaction of the following year? Captain Cook’s manner of expressing

himself here, strongly marks, that he made this supposition only for

want of information to enable him to make any other. He had no idea

that the French had visited this land a second time; and, reduced to

the necessity of trying to accommodate what he saw himself, to what

little he had heard of their proceedings, he confounds a transaction

which we, who have been better instructed, know, for a certainty,

belongs to the second voyage, with a similar one, which his chart of

the Southern Hemisphere has recorded, and which happened in a

different year, and at a different place.

The bay, indeed, in which Monsieur de Boisguehenneu landed, is upon

the west side of this land, considerably to the south of Cape Louis,

and not far from another more southerly promontory, called Cape

Bourbon; a part of the coast which our ships were not upon. Its

situation is marked upon our chart; and a particular view of the bay

_du Lion Marin_ (for so Boisguehenneu called it), with the soundings,

is preserved by Kerguelen.

But if the bottle and inscription, found by Captain Cook’s people,

were not left here by Boisguehenneu, by whom and when were they left?

This we learn most satisfactorily, from the accounts of Kerguelen’s

second voyage, as published by himself and Monsieur de Pagés, which

present us with the following particulars: That they arrived on the

west side of this land on the 14th of December, 1773; that, steering

to the north-east, they discovered, on the 16th, the _Isle de

Réunion_, and the other small islands as mentioned above; that, on the

17th, they had before them the principal land (which they were sure

was connected with that seen by them on the 14th), and a high point of

that land, named by them Cape François; that beyond this Cape the

coast took a south-easterly direction, and behind it they found a bay,

called by them _Baie de l’Oiseau_, from the name of their frigate;

that they then endeavoured to enter it, but were prevented by contrary

winds and blowing weather, which drove them off the coast eastward;

but that, at last, on the 6th of January, Monsieur de Rosnevet,

Captain of the Oiseau, was able to send his boat on shore into this

bay, under the command of Monsieur de Rochegude, one of his officers,

_who took possession of that bay, and of all the country, in the name

of the King of France, with all the requisite formalities_.

Here, then, we trace, by the most unexceptionable evidence, the

history of the bottle and inscription; the leaving of which was, no

doubt, one of the requisite formalities observed by Monsieur de

Rochegude on this occasion. And though he did not land till the 6th of

January, 1774, yet, as Kerguelen’s ships arrived upon the coast on the

14th of December, 1773, and had discovered and looked into this very

bay on the 17th of that month, it was with the strictest propriety and

truth that 1773, and not 1774, was mentioned as the date of the

discovery.

We need only look at Kerguelen’s and Cook’s charts, to judge that the

_Baie de l’Oiseau_, and the harbour where the French inscription was

found, is one and the same place. But besides this agreement as to the

general position, the same conclusion results more decisively still,

from another circumstance worth mentioning: the French, as well as the

English visitors of this bay and harbour, have given us a particular

plan of it; and whoever compares ours, published in this volume, with

that to be met with in Kerguelen’s and de Pagés’s voyages, must be

struck with a resemblance that could only be produced by copying one

common original with fidelity. Nay, even the soundings are the same

upon the same spots in both plans, being forty-five fathoms between

the two Capes, before the entrance of the bay; sixteen fathoms farther

in, where the shores begin to contract; and eight fathoms up, near the

bottom of the harbour.

To these particulars, which throw abundant light on this part of our

author’s Journal, I shall only add, that the distance of our harbour

from that where Boisguehenneu landed, in 1772, is forty leagues. For

this we have the authority of Kerguelen, in the following passage:

“Monsieur de Boisguehenneu descendit le 13 de Février, 1772, dans un

baie, qu il nommé Baie du Lion Marin, et prit possession de cette

terre au nom de Roi; il n’y vit aucune trace d’habitants. Monsieur de

Rochegude, en 1774, a descendu dans un autre baie, que nous avons

nommé Baie de l’Oiseau, et cette seconde rade est à quarantes lieues

de la première. Il en a également pris possession, et il n’y trouva

également aucune trace d’habitants.” _Kerguelen_, p. 92.

Footnote 127:

Cap François, for reasons already assigned.

Footnote 128:

If there could be the least doubt remaining of the identity of the

Baie de l’Oiseau, and Christmas Harbour, the circumstance of the

perforated rock, which divides it from another bay to the south, would

amount to a strict demonstration. For Monsieur de Pagés had observed

this discriminating mark before Captain Cook. His words are as follow:

“L’on vit que la côte de l’est, voisine du Cap François, avoit deux

baies; elles étoient separées par une pointe très-reconnoissable par

sa forme, _qui representoit une porte cochère, au travers de laquelle

l’on voyoit le jour_.” _Voyages du M. de Pagés_, vol. ii. p. 67. Every

one knows how exactly the form of a _porte cochère_, or arched

gateway, corresponds with that of the arch of a bridge. It is very

satisfactory to find the two navigators, neither of whom knew any

thing of the other’s description, adopting the same idea; which both

proves that they had the same uncommon object before their eyes, and

that they made an accurate report.

Footnote 129:

In the last note, we saw how remarkably Monsieur de Pagés and Captain

Cook agree about the appearance of the south point of the harbour; I

shall here subjoin another quotation from the former, containing his

account of the harbour itself, in which the reader may trace the same

distinguishing features observed by Captain Cook in the foregoing

paragraph.

“Le 6, l’on mit à terre dans la première baie à l’est du Cap François,

et l’on prit possession de ces contrées. Ce mouillage consiste en une

petite rade, qui a environs quatres encablures, ou quatre cents toises

de profondeur, sur un tiers en sus de largeur. En dedans de cette rade

est un petit port, dont l’entrée, de quatres encablures de largeur,

presente au sud-est. La sonde de la petite rade est depuis

quarante-cinq jusqu’à trente brasses; et celle du port depuis seize

jusqu’à huit. Le fond des deux est de sable noir et vaseux. La côte

des deux bords est haute, et par une pente très-rude; elle est

couverte de verdure, et il y a une quantité prodigieuse d’outardes. Le

fond du port est occupé par un monticule qui laisse entre lui, et la

mer une plage de sable. Une petite rivière, de très-bonne eau, coule à

la mer dans cet endroit; et elle est fournie par un lac qui est un peu

au loin, au-dessus du monticule. Il y avoit sur la plage beaucoup de

pinguoins et de lions marins. Ces deux espèces d’animaux ne fuyoient

pas, et l’on augura que le pays n’étoit point habité; la terre

rapportoit de l’herbe large, noire, et bien nourrie, qui n’avoit

cependant que cinque pouces ou plus de hauteur. L’on ne vit aucun

arbre, ni signe d’habitation.” _Voyage du Monsieur du Pagés_, tom. ii.

p. 69, 70.

Footnote 130:

Cap François.

Footnote 131:

Cap François.

Footnote 132:

Though Kerguelen’s ships, in 1773, did not venture to explore this

part of the coast, Monsieur de Pagés’ account of it answers well to

Captain Cook’s. “Du 17 au 23, l’on ne prit d’autre connoissance que

celle de la figure de la côte, qui, courant d’abord au S. E., et

revenant ensuite au N. E., formoit un grand golfe. Il étoit occupé par

des brisans et des rochers; il avoit aussi une isle basse, et assez

étendue, et l’on usa d’une bien soigneuse precaution, pour ne pas

s’affaler dans ce golfe.” _Voyage du M. de Pagés_, tom. ii. p. 67.

Footnote 133:

Cap François.

Footnote 134:

Cap François.

Footnote 135:

This part of the coast seems to be what the French saw on the 5th of

January, 1774. Monsieur de Pagés speaks of it thus: “Nous reconnumes

une nouvelle côte etendue de toute vue dans l’est, et dans le ouest.

Les terres de cette côte étoient moins elevées que celles que nous

avions vues jusques ici; elles étoient aussi d’un aspect moins rude.”

_De Pagés_, tom. ii. p. 68.

Footnote 136:

See Hawkesworth’s Collection of Voyages, Vol. ii. p. 42.

Footnote 137:

If the French observations, as marked upon Captain Cook’s chart, and

still more authentically upon that published by their own discoverers,

may be depended upon, this land doth not reach so far to the west as

the meridian of 68°; Cape Louis, which is represented as its most

westerly point, being laid down by them to the east of that meridian.

Footnote 138:

The idea of Cape Louis being this projecting point of a southern

continent, must have soon vanished, as Cape François, within a year

after, was found, by the same discoverer, to lie above one third of a

degree farther north upon the same land. But if Kerguelen entertained

any such imagination at first, we are sure that, at present, he thinks

very differently. This appears from the following explicit declaration

of his sentiments, which deserves to be transcribed from his late

publication, as it does equal honour to his candour, and to Captain

Cook’s abilities. “La terre que j’ai découverte est certainement _une

isle_; puisque le célèbre Capitaine Cook a passé au sud, lors de son

premier voyage, sans rien rencontrer. Je juge même, que cette isle

_n’est pas bien grande_. Il y a aussi apparence, d’après le Voyage de

Monsieur Cook, que toute cette étendue de mers meridionales, est semée

d’isles ou de rochers; mais qu’il n’y a _ni continent ni grande

terre_.” Kerguelen, p. 92.

Footnote 139:

Kerguelen, as we see in the last note, concurs with Captain Cook as to

this. However, he tells us, that he has reason to believe that it is

about two hundred leagues in circuit; and that he was acquainted with

about fourscore leagues of its coast. “J’en connois environs

quatre-vingt lieues des côtes; et j’ai lieu de croire, qu’elle a

environ deux cents lieues de circuit.” _Kerguelen_, ibid.

Footnote 140:

Some of Monsieur de Kerguelen’s own countrymen seem more desirous than

we are, to rob him of this honour. It is very remarkable that Monsieur

de Pagés never once mentions the name of his commander. And, though he

takes occasion to enumerate the several French explorers of the

southern hemisphere, from Gonneville down to Crozet, he affects to

preserve an entire silence about Kerguelen, whose first voyage, in

which the discovery of this considerable tract of land was made, is

kept as much out of sight, as if it never had taken place. Nay, not

satisfied with refusing to acknowledge the right of another, he almost

assumes it to himself. For, upon a Map of the World annexed to his

book, at the spot where the new land is delineated, we read this

inscription: _Isles nouvelles Australes vuées par Monsieur de Pagés,

en 1774_. He could scarcely have expressed himself in stronger terms,

if he had meant to convey an idea that he was the conductor of the

discovery. And yet we know, that he was only a lieutenant [enseigne de

vaisseau] on board one of the three ships commanded by Kerguelen; and

that the discovery had been already made in a former voyage,

undertaken while he was actually engaged in his singular journey round

the world.

After all, it cannot but be remarked that Kerguelen was peculiarly

unfortunate, in having done so little to complete what he had begun.

He discovered a new land indeed; but, in two expeditions to it, he

could not once bring his ships to an anchor upon any part of its

coasts. Captain Cook, as we have seen in this, and in the foregoing

chapter, had either fewer difficulties to struggle with, or was more

successful in surmounting them.

Footnote 141:

Pennant’s Patagonian penguin. See his _Genera of Birds_. Tab. 14. p.

66.

Footnote 142:

_Voyage autour du Monde_, p. 69.

Footnote 143:

_Voyage à la Nouvelle Guinée_ p. 181, 182. Tab. 113. 115.

Footnote 144:

The sheath-bill. See _Pennant’s Genera of Birds_, p. 43.

Footnote 145:

The most striking difference seems to be with regard to the texture of

the hair. The natives whom Captain Cook met with at Endeavour River in

1769, are said, by him, to have _naturally long and black hair, though

it be universally cropped short. In general it is straight, but

sometimes it has a slight curl. We saw none that was not matted and

filthy. Their beards were of the same colour with the hair, and bushy

and thick._ See Vol. II. p. 211. of this Edition of Cook’s Voyages.

It may be necessary to mention here, on the authority of Captain King,

that Captain Cook was very unwilling to allow that the hair of the

natives now met with in Adventure Bay was _woolly_, fancying that his

people, who first observed this, had been deceived, from its being

clotted with grease and red ochre. But Captain King prevailed upon him

afterward to examine carefully the hair of the boys, which was

generally, as well as that of the women, free from this dirt; and then

he owned himself satisfied that it was naturally _woolly_. Perhaps we

may suppose it possible, that he himself had been deceived when he was

in Endeavour River, from this very circumstance; as he expressly says,

that _they saw none that was not matted and filthy_.

Footnote 146:

And yet Dampier’s New Hollanders, on the western coast, bear a

striking resemblance to Captain Cook’s at Van Diemen’s Land, in many

remarkable instances:

1st, As to their becoming familiar with the strangers.

2dly, As to their persons; being straight-bodied, and thin; their skin

black; and black, short, curled hair, like the negroes of Guinea; with

wide mouths.

3dly, As to their wretched condition; having no houses, no garment, no

canoes, no instrument to catch large fish; feeding on broiled muscles,

cockles, and periwinckles; having no fruits of the earth; their

weapons a straight pole, sharpened and hardened at the end, &c. &c.

The chief peculiarities of Dampier’s _miserable wretches_ are, 1st,

Their eye-lids being always half closed, to keep the flies out, which

were excessively troublesome there: and, 2dly, Their wanting the two

fore-teeth of the upper jaw, and their having no beards. See _Dampier

s Voyages_, vol. i. p. 464, &c. There seems to be no reason for

supposing that Dampier was mistaken in the above account of what he

saw.

Footnote 147:

Captain Cook’s account of the natives of Van Diemen’s Land, in this

chapter, no doubt proves that they differ, _in many respects_, as he

says, from the inhabitants of the more northerly parts of the east

coast of New Holland, whom he met with in his first voyage. It seems

very remarkable, however, that the only woman any of his people came

close to in Botany Bay, should have _her hair cropped short_; while

the man who was with her, is said to have had _the hair of his head

bushy, and his beard long and rough_. See Vol. II. p. 87. of this

Edition. Could the natives of Van Diemen’s Land be more accurately

described, than by saying that the hair of the men’s heads is _bushy,

and their beards long and rough, and that the women’s hair is cropped

short_? So far north, therefore, as Botany Bay, the natives of the

east coast of New Holland seem to resemble those of Van Diemen’s Land

in this circumstance.

Footnote 148:

Vol. III. chap. vii.

Footnote 149:

Vol. II. p. 167. of this Edition of Cook’s Voyages.

Footnote 150:

Ibid. p. 159.

Footnote 151:

Tom. ii. p. 211. 12mo. Planche xvii.

Footnote 152:

_Iter Palæstinum._

Footnote 153:

Tasman, when in the bay of Frederick Henry, adjoining to Adventure

Bay, found two trees, one of which was two fathoms, and the other two

fathoms and a half in girth, and sixty or sixty-five feet high, from

the root to the branches. See his _Voyage, in Harris’s Collection,

Campbell’s Edition_, vol. i. p. 326.

Footnote 154:

The ingenious Author of _Récherches sur les Américains_, illustrates

the grounds of this assertion in the following satisfactory manner:

“C’est quelque chose de surprenant, que la foule des idiomes, tous

variés entr’eux, que parlent les naturels de l’Amérique

Septentrionale. Qu’on réduise ces idiomes à des racines, qu’on les

simplifie, qu’on en sépare les dialectes et les jargons dérivés, il en

resulte toujours cinq ou six langues-mères, respectivement

incomprehensibles. On a observé la même singularité dans la Sibérie et

la Tartarie, où le nombre des idiomes, et des dialectes, est également

multiplié; et rien n’est plus commun, que d’y voir deux hordes

voisines qui ne se comprennent point. On rétrouve cette même

multiplicité de jargons dans toutes les Provinces de l’Amérique

Méridionale.” [He might also have included Africa.] “Il y a beaucoup

d’apparence que _la vie sauvage, en dispersant les hommes par petites

troupes isolées dans des bois épais, occasione nécessairement cette

grande diversité des langues_ dont le nombre diminue à mesure que la

société, en rassemblant les barbares vagabonds, en forme un corps de

nation. Alors l’idiome le plus riche, ou le moins pauvre en mots,

devient dominant, et absorbe les autres.” Tom. i. p. 159, 160.

Footnote 155:

Dampier seems to be of this opinion. Vol. iii, p. 104, 125.

Footnote 156:

We find Mr. Anderson’s notions on this subject conformable to those of

Mr. Marsden, who has remarked, “that one general language prevailed

(however mutilated and changed in the course of time) throughout all

this portion of the world, from Madagascar to the most distant

discoveries eastward; of which the Malay is a dialect, much corrupted

or refined by a mixture of other tongues. This very extensive

similarity of language indicates a common origin of the inhabitants;

but the circumstances and progress of their separation are wrapped in

the darkest veil of obscurity.” _History of Sumatra_, p. 35.

See also his very curious paper, read before the Society of

Antiquaries, and published in their _Archæologia_, vol. vi. p. 155;

where his sentiments on this subject are explained more at large, and

illustrated by two tables of corresponding words.

Footnote 157:

See the chart of Queen Charlotte’s Sound, in Hawkesworth’s Collection,

vol. ii. p. 385.

Footnote 158:

In 1772.

Footnote 159:

See Vol. I. p. 383.

Footnote 160:

See Vol. III. p. 132.

Footnote 161:

See Vol. IV. p. 145.

Footnote 162:

See Vol. IV. p. 144.

Footnote 163:

See his Narrative, Vol. IV. p. 232.

Footnote 164:

In a separate memorandum-book, Mr. Anderson mentions the monstrous

animal of the lizard kind, described by the two boys after they left

the island.

Footnote 165:

See Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. iii. p. 474, 475, and Captain

Cook’s Voyage, Vol. ii. p. 364.

Footnote 166:

A very ingenious and satisfactory account of the cause of the surf, is

to be met with in Marsden’s History of Sumatra, p. 29. 32.

Footnote 167:

The inhabitants of the Palaos, New Philippine, or rather Caroline

Islands, at the distance of almost fifteen hundred leagues from

Mangeea, have the same mode of salutation. “Leur civilité, et la

marque de leur respect, consiste à prendre la main ou le pied de celui

à qui ils veulent faire honneur, et s’en frotter doucement tout le

visage.” _Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 208. Edit.

1781.

Footnote 168:

Something like this ceremony was performed by the inhabitants of the

Marquesas, when Captain Cook visited them in 1774. _See his 2d

Voyage_, Vol. III. It is curious to observe, at what immense distances

this mode of receiving strangers prevails.—Padillo, who sailed from

Manilla in 1710, on a voyage to discover the Palaos Islands, was thus

received there. The writer of the relation of his voyage says,

“Aussitôt qu’ils approchèrent de notre bord, ils se mirent à chanter.

Ils régloient la cadence, en frappant des mains sur leurs cuisses.”

_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 323.

Footnote 169:

The dances of the inhabitants of the Caroline Islands have a great

resemblance to those here described. See _Lettres Edif. et Curieuses_,

tom. xv. p. 315. See also, in the same volume, p. 207, what is said of

the singing and dancing of the inhabitants of the Palaos Islands,

which belong to the same group.

Footnote 170:

Such accidents as this here related, probably happen frequently in the

Pacific Ocean. In 1696, two canoes, having on board thirty persons of

both sexes, were driven by contrary winds and tempestuous weather, on

the isle of Samal, one of the Philippines, after being tost about at

sea seventy days, and having performed a voyage from an island called

by them Amorsot, 300 leagues to the east of Samal. Five of the number

who had embarked, died of the hardships suffered during this

extraordinary passage. See a particular account of them, and of the

islands they belonged to, in _Lettres Edifiantes and Curieuses_, tom.

xv. from p. 196 to p. 215. In the same volume, from p. 282 to p. 320,

we have the relation of a similar adventure, in 1721, when two canoes,

one containing twenty-four, and the other six persons, men, women, and

children, were driven from an island they called Farroilep, northward

to the isle of Guam, or Guahan, one of the Ladrones or Mariannes. But

these had not sailed so far as their countrymen, who reached Samal as

above, and they had been at sea only twenty days. There seems to be no

reason to doubt the general authenticity of these two relations. The

information contained in the letters of the Jesuits, about these

islands, now known under the name of the Carolines, and discovered to

the Spaniards by the arrival of the canoes at Samal and Guam, has been

adopted by all our later writers. See President de Brosse’s _Voyages

aux Terres Australes_, tom. ii. from p. 443. to p. 490. See also the

_Modern Universal History_.

Footnote 171:

See Vol. III. book ii. chap. 1., where this island is said to be about

six leagues in circuit.

Footnote 172:

The reader will observe, that this name bears little affinity to any

one of the names of the three chiefs of Wateeoo, as preserved by Mr.

Anderson.

Footnote 173:

See Vol. IV. p. 2., 5.

Footnote 174:

Mr. Anderson, in his journal, mentions the following particulars,

relative to Palmerston’s Island, which strongly confirm Captain Cook’s

opinion about its formation. “On the last of the two islots, where we

landed, the trees, being in great numbers, had already formed, by

their rotten parts, little risings or eminences, which, in time, from

the same cause, may become small hills. Whereas, on the first islot,

the trees being less numerous, no such thing had as yet happened.

Nevertheless, on that little spot, the manner of formation was more

plainly pointed out. For, adjoining to it, was a small isle, which

had, doubtless, been very lately formed; as it was not, as yet,

covered with any trees, but had a great many shrubs, some of which

were growing among pieces of coral, that the sea had thrown up. There

was still a more sure proof of this method of formation a little

farther on, where two patches of sand, about fifty yards long, and a

foot or eighteen inches high, lay upon the reef, but not, as yet,

furnished with a single bush or tree.”

Footnote 175:

For an account of the discovery of Savage Island; a description of it;

and the behaviour of its inhabitants, on Captain Cook’s landing, see

Vol. IV. p. 3. to p. 6.

Footnote 176:

That is, Little Annamooka.

Footnote 177:

See Captain Cook’s last Voyage, Vol. IV. p. 7.

Footnote 178:

See Tasman’s account of this island, in Mr. Dalrymple’s valuable

Collection of Voyages to the Pacific Ocean, vol. ii. p. 79, 80. The

few particulars mentioned by Tasman, agree remarkably with Captain

Cook’s more extended relation.

Footnote 179:

As a proof of the great difficulty of knowing accurately the exact

names of the South Sea Islands, as procured from the natives, I

observe that what Captain Cook calls _Aghao_, Mr. Anderson calls

_Kao_; and Tasman’s drawing, as I find it in Mr. Dalrymple’s

Collection of Voyages, gives the name of _Kaybay_ to the same island.

Tasman’s and Captain Cook’s _Amattafoa_, is, with Mr. Anderson,

_Tofoa_. Captain Cook’s _Komango_, is Tasman’s _Amango_. There is

scarcely an instance in which such variations are not observable. Mr.

Anderson’s great attention to matters of this sort being, as we learn

from Captain King, well known to every body on board, and admitted

always by Captain Cook himself, his mode of spelling has been adopted

on the engraved chart of the Friendly Islands, which has made it

necessary to adopt it also, in printing the journal.

Footnote 180:

Mr. Anderson’s account of the night dances being much fuller than

Captain Cook’s, the reader will not be displeased that it has been

adopted.

Footnote 181:

In a former note, at p. 258. it was observed, that the songs and

dances of the Caroline Islanders, in the north Pacific, bear a great

resemblance to those of the inhabitants of Wateeoo. The remark may be

now extended to those of the Friendly Islanders, described at large in

this chapter. That the reader may judge for himself, I have selected

the following particulars from Father Cantova’s account. “Pendant la

nuit, au clair de la lune, ils s’assemblent, de temps en temps, pour

chanter et danser devant la maison de leur _Tamole_. Leurs danses se

font au son de la voix, car ils n’ont point d’instrument de musique.

La beauté de la danse, consiste dans l’exacte uniformité des mouvemens

du corps. Les hommes, séparés des femmes, se postent vis-à-vis les uns

des autres; après quoi, ils remuent la tête, les bras, les mains, les

pieds, en cadence.—Leur tête est couverte de plumes, ou de fleurs; et

l’on voit, attachées à leurs oreilles, des feuilles de palmier tissues

avec assez d’art.—Les femmes, de leur côté, se regardant les unes les

autres, commencent un chant pathétique et langoureux, accompagnant le

son de leur voix du mouvement cadencé de la tête et des bras.”

_Lettres Edifiantes & Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 314, 315.

Footnote 182:

See Vol. III. book ii. ch. 2. The name of this extraordinary personage

is there said to be _Kohagee-too Fallangou_; which cannot, by the most

skilful etymologist, be tortured into the least most distant

resemblance of _Latooliboula_. It is remarkable, that Captain Cook

should not take any notice of his having called the same person by two

names so very different. Perhaps we may account for this by supposing

one to be the name of the person, and the other the description of his

title or rank. This supposition seems well founded, when we consider,

that _Latoo_, in the language of these people, is sometimes used to

signify a great chief; and Dr. Foster, in his _Observations_, p. 378,

379, and elsewhere, speaks of the sovereign of Tongataboo, under the

title of their _Latoo_. This very person is called by Dr. Foster, p.

370, _Latoo-Nipooroo_; which furnishes a very striking instance of the

variations of our people in writing down the same word as pronounced

by the natives. However, we can easily trace the affinity between

_Nipooroo_ and _Liboula_, as the changes of the consonants are such as

are perpetually made, upon hearing a word pronounced, to which our

ears have not been accustomed. Mr. Anderson here agrees with Captain

Cook in writing Latooliboula.

Footnote 183:

_Tangata_, in their language is man; _Arekee_, king.

Footnote 184:

Marks of profound respect, very similar to those paid by natives of

the Friendly Islands to their sovereign, are also paid to the

principal chiefs, or _Tamoles_ of the Caroline Islands, as appears

from father Cantova’s account here transcribed. “Lorsqu’un _Tamole_

donne audience, il paroît assis sur une table élevée: les peuples

s’inclinent devant lui jusqu’à terre; et du plus loin qu’ils arrivent,

ils marchent, le corps tout courbé, et la tête presqu’entre les

génoux, jusqu’à ce qu’ils soient auprès de sa personne; alors ils

s’asséyent à plate terre; et, les yeux baissés, ils reçoivent ses

ordres avec le plus profond respect. Quand le _Tamole_ les congedie,

ils se retirent, en se courbant de la même manière que quand ils sont

venus, et ne se relèvent que lorsqu’ils sont hors de sa présence. Ses

paroles sont autant d’oracles qu’on revère; on rend à ses ordres une

obeissance aveugle; enfin, on baise les mains et les pieds, quand on

lui demande quelque grace.”

_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 312, 313.

Footnote 185:

The same sort of evening concert is performed round the house of the

chief, or _Tamole_, at the Caroline Islands. “Le _Tamole_ ne s’endort

qu’au bruit d’un concert de musique que forme une troupe de jeunes

gens, qui s’assemblent le soir, autour de sa maison, et qui chantent,

à leur manière, certaines poësies.” _Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_,

tom. xv. p. 314.

Footnote 186:

See Vol. I. p. 209.

Footnote 187:

Mr. Anderson’s description of the entertainments of this day being

much fuller than Captain Cook’s, it has been adopted, as on a former

occasion.

Footnote 188:

The burying-places of the chiefs at the Caroline Islands, are also

inclosed in this manner. See _Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom.

xv. p. 309.

Footnote 189:

The following account of _kava_, to the end of this paragraph, is

inserted from Mr. Anderson’s journal.

Footnote 190:

From the 4th to the 7th of October.

Footnote 191:

See his _Characteres Generum Plantarum_. Lond. 1776.

Footnote 192:

_Voyage à la Nouvelle Guinée_, Tab. cii.

Footnote 193:

This is the _fiatooka_ mentioned above by Mr. Anderson, p. 379.

Footnote 194:

See p. 371.

Footnote 195:

In the account of Captain Cook’s former Voyage, he calls the only

chief he then met with at this place, _Tioony_. See Vol. III. p. 200.

Footnote 196:

Those islands; which the natives represented as large ones, are

distinguished in Italics.

Footnote 197:

Tasman saw eighteen or twenty of these small islands, every one of

which was surrounded with sands, shoals, and rocks. They are also

called, in some charts, _Heemskirk’s Banks_. See Dalrymple’s

Collection of Voyages to the South Pacific Ocean, vol. ii. p. 83.; and

Campbell’s edition of Harris’s, vol. i. p. 325.

Footnote 198:

See Captain Wallis’s Voyage, in Hawkesworth’s Collection, vol. i. p.

492-494. Captain Wallis there calls both these islands _high ones_.

But the superior height of one of them may be inferred, from his

saying, that it appears _like a sugar-loaf_. This strongly marks its

resemblance to Kao. From comparing Poulaho’s intelligence to Captain

Cook, with Captain Wallis’s account, it seems to be past all doubt,

that Boscawen’s Island is our Kootahee, and Keppel’s Island our

Neeootabootaboo. The last is one of the large islands marked in the

foregoing list. The reader, who has been already apprized of the

variations of our people in writing down what the natives pronounced,

will hardly doubt that Kottejeea and Kootahee are the same.

Footnote 199:

Neither Dalrymple nor Campbell, in their accounts of Tasman’s voyage,

take any particular notice of his having seen such an island. The

chart here referred to by Captain Cook is probably Mr. Dalrymple’s, in

his Collection of Voyages, where Tasman’s track is marked accurately;

and several very small spots of land are laid down in the situation

here mentioned.

Footnote 200:

In two or three preceding notes, extracts have been made from the

_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, as marking a strong resemblance

between some of the customs of the inhabitants of the Caroline

Islands, and those which Captain Cook describes as prevailing at an

immense distance in the islands which he visited in the South Pacific

Ocean. Possibly, however, the presumption, arising from this

resemblance, that all these islands were peopled by the same nation,

or tribe, may be resisted under the plausible pretence, that customs

very similar prevail amongst very distant people, without inferring

any other common source, besides the general principles of human

nature, the same in all ages, and every part of the globe. The reader,

perhaps, will not think this pretence applicable to the matter before

us, if he attends to the following very obvious distinction: Those

customs which have their foundation in wants that are common to the

whole human species, and which are confined to the contrivance of

means to relieve those wants, may well be supposed to bear a strong

resemblance, without warranting the conclusion, that they who use them

have copied each other, or have derived them from one common source;

human sagacity being the same every where, and the means adapted to

the relief of any particular natural want, especially in countries

similarly uncultivated, being but few. Thus the most distant tribes,

as widely separated as Terra del Fuego is from the islands east of

Kamtschatka, may, both of them, produce their fire by rubbing two

sticks upon each other, without giving us the least foundation for

supposing, that either of them imitated the other, or derived the

invention from a source of instruction common to both. But this seems

not to be the case with regard to those customs to which no general

principle of human nature has given birth, and which have their

establishment solely from the endless varieties of local whim, and

national fashion. Of this latter kind, those customs obviously are,

that belong both to the North, and to the South Pacific Islands, from

which, we would infer, that they were originally one nation; and the

men of Mangeea, and the men of the New Philippines, who pay their

respects to a person whom they mean to honour, by rubbing his hand

over their faces, bid fair to have learned their mode of salutation in

the same school. But if this observation should not have removed the

doubts of the sceptical refiner, probably he will hardly venture to

persist in denying the identity of race, contended for in the present

instance, when he shall observe, that, to the proof drawn from

affinity of customs, we have it in our power to add that most

unexceptionable one, drawn from affinity of language. _Tamoloa_, we

now know, is the word used at Hamoa, one of the Friendly Islands, to

signify a chief; and whoever looks into the _Lettres Edifiantes et

Curieuses_, will see that this is the very name by which the

inhabitants of the Caroline Islands distinguish their principal men.

We have in two preceding notes, inserted passages from Father

Cantova’s account of them, where their _Tamoles_ are spoken of; and he

repeats the word at least a dozen times, in the course of a few pages.

But I cannot avoid transcribing from him, the following very decisive

testimony, which renders any other quotation superfluous. “L’autorité

du gouvernement se partage entre plusieurs familles nobles, dont les

chefs s’appellent _Tamoles_. Il y a outre cela, dans chaque province,

un principal _Tamole_, auquel tous les autres sont soumis.”

_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 312.

Footnote 201:

Vol. III. p. 218, 219.

Footnote 202:

Ibid. p. 220, &c.

Footnote 203:

See Vol. IV. p. 19., where Captain Cook gives a particular account of

meeting with a person afflicted with this disease, at Annamooka, on

his landing there in 1773.

Footnote 204:

So at the Caroline Islands. “Ils sont accoutumés à se baigner trois

fois le jour, le matin, à midi, et sur le soir.”

_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 314.

Footnote 205:

How remarkably does Captain Cook’s account of the employments of the

women and men here, agree with Father Cantova’s, of the Caroline

Islanders!—“La principale occupation des hommes, est de construire des

barques, de pêcher, et de cultiver la terre. L’affaire des femmes est

de faire la cuisine, et de mettre en œuvre un espèce de plante

sauvage, et un arbre, pour en faire de la toile.”

_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 313.

Footnote 206:

Vol. III. p. 222, 223. The reader, by comparing that account, with

what Cantova says of the sea-boats of the Caroline Islands, will find,

in this instance, also, the greatest similarity. See _Lettres

Edifiantes et Curieuses_, p. 286.

Footnote 207:

Cantova says of his islanders, “Ils prennent leur repos dès que le

soleil est couché, et ils se levent avec l’aurore.” _Lettres

Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 314.

Footnote 208:

If, to the copious descriptions that occur in the preceding pages, of

the particular entertainments exhibited in Hapaee and Tongataboo, we

add the general view of the usual amusements of the inhabitants of

these islands, contained in this paragraph, and compare it with the

quotations from the Jesuit’s Letters, in a former note (p. 255.), we

shall be still more forcibly struck with the reasonableness of tracing

such singularly resembling customs to one common source. The argument,

in confirmation of this, drawn from identity of language, has been

already illustrated, by observing the remarkable coincidence of the

name by which the chiefs at the Caroline Islands, and those at Hamao,

one of the Friendly ones, are distinguished. But the argument does not

rest on a single instance, though that happens to be a very striking

one. Another of the very few specimens of the dialect of the North

Pacific islanders, preserved by father Cantova, furnishes an

additional proof. Immediately after the passage above referred to, he

proceeds thus: “Ce divertissement s’appelle, en leur langue, _tanger

ifaifil_; qui veut dire, la plainte des femmes.” _Lettres Edifiantes

et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 315. Now, it is very remarkable, that we

learn from Mr. Anderson’s collection of words, which will appear in

this chapter, that _la plainte des femmes_, or, in English, _the

mournful song of the women_, which the inhabitants of the Caroline

Islands express in their language _tanger ifaifil_, would, by those of

Tongataboo, be expressed _tangee vefaine_.

If any one should still doubt, in spite of this evidence, it may be

recommended to his consideration, that long separation and other

causes have introduced greater variations in the mode of pronouncing

these two words, at places confessedly inhabited by the same race,

than subsist in the specimen just given. It appears, from Mr.

Anderson’s vocabulary, printed in Captain Cook’s second voyage, that

what is pronounced _tangee_ at the Friendly Islands, is _taee_ at

Otaheite: and the _vefaine_ of the former, is the _waheine_ of the

latter.

Footnote 209:

Cantova says of his Caroline islanders, “La pluralité des femmes est

non seulement permise à tous ces insulaires, elle est encore une

marque d’honneur et de distinction. Le _Tamole_ de l’isle d’Huogoleu

en a neuf.”—_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 310.

Footnote 210:

At the Caroline Islands, “Ils ont horreur de l’adultère, comme d’un

grand péché.” _Ibid._ tom. xv. p. 310.

Footnote 211:

How the inhabitants of the Caroline Islands express their grief on

such occasions, may be seen, _Ibid._ tom. xv. p. 308.

Footnote 212:

Cantova’s account of the practice of the Caroline Islands is as

follows: “Lorsqu’il meurt, quelque personne d’un rang distingu, ou qui

leur est chère par d’autres endroits, ses obsèques se font avec pompe.

Il y en a qui renferment le corps du défunct dans un petit édifice de

pierre, qu’ils gardent au-dedans de leurs maisons. D’autres les

enterrent loin de leurs habitations.”

_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 308, 309.

Footnote 213:

See Vol. III. p. 228.

Footnote 214:

It may be proper to mention here, on the authority of Captain King,

that it is common for the inferior people to cut off a joint of their

little finger, on account of the sickness of the chiefs to whom they

belong.

Footnote 215:

This is peculiar to the men; the women always sitting with both legs

thrown a little on one side. We owe this remark to Captain King.

Footnote 216:

Cantova gives us the same account of the profound submission of the

Caroline Islanders to the orders of the _Tamole_. “Ils reçoivent ses

ordres avec le plus profond respect. Ses paroles sont autant d’oracles

qu’on révère.”

_Lettres Edifiantes et Curieuses_, tom. xv. p. 312.

Footnote 217:

The reader need not be reminded that _Tamoloa_, which signifies a

chief, in the dialect of Hamao and _Tammaha_, become the same word, by

the change of a single letter, the articulation of which is not very

strongly marked.

Footnote 218:

See this vocabulary, at the end of vol. ii. of Dalrymple’s Collection

of Voyages. And yet, though Tasman’s people used the words of this

vocabulary, in speaking to the natives of Tongataboo (his Amsterdam),

we are told in the accounts of his voyage, that they did not

understand one another; a circumstance worth observing, as it shows

how cautious we should be, upon the scanty evidence afforded by such

transient visits as Tasman’s, and, indeed, as those of most of the

subsequent navigators of the Pacific Ocean, to found any argument

about the affinity, or want of affinity, of the languages of the

different islands. No one now will venture to say, that a Cocos man,

and one of Tongataboo, could not understand each other. Some of the

words of Horn Island, another of Schouten’s discoveries, also belong

to the dialect of Tongataboo. See _Dalrymple_, as above.

Transcriber’s Note

This book uses inconsistent spelling and hyphenation, which were

retained in the ebook version. Some corrections have been made to the

text, including normalizing punctuation. Further corrections are noted

below:

p. iv: Specicimen of thier Language -> Specimen of their Language

p. 31: produce intermediate disovaries -> produce intermediate

discoveries

p. 32: in the the latitude of -> in the latitude of

p. 42: the fabric of inposture -> the fabric of imposture

p. 73: the name asumed by the inhabitants -> the name assumed by the

inhabitants

p. 95: the watch watch gave 1° -> the watch gave 1°

p. 112: China and japan -> China and Japan

p. 115: PRECAUTIONS AGANST THE RAIN -> PRECAUTIONS AGAINST THE RAIN

Footnote A p. 116: worth while to obseve here -> worth while o observe

here

p. 130: some artifical work -> some artificial work

p. 142: a prodigious sea runing -> a prodigious sea running

Footnote 91: not the orginal discoverer -> to the original discoverer

p. 155: which lie of Chrismas Harbour -> which lie of Christmas Harbour

Footnote 145: the most stiking difference -> the most striking

difference

Footnote 156: two tables of coresponding words -> two tables of

corresponding words

p. 183: gratification which they they have -> gratification which they

have

p. 217: which the New Zelanders distinguish -> which the New Zealanders

distinguish

p. 218: subsequent visiters from Europe -> subsequent visiors from

Europe

p. 229: and theirwork is often ornamented -> and their work is often

ornamented

p. 242: at day-dreak the next morning -> at day-break the next morning

p. 261: the busines we came upon -> the business we came upon

p. 263: victuals that that had been -> victuals that had been

p. 267: roots which they all _taro_ -> roots which they call _taro_

p. 269: the whole assemly -> the whole assembly

illustration facing p. 301: View at Anamooka -> View at Annamooka

p. 322: I applied to Fenou -> I applied to Feenou

p. 330: anchorage and a a passage -> anchorage and a passage

p. 332: fetch in with Fotooha -> fetch in with Footooha

p. 332; clear of the the shoals -> clear of the shoals

p. 348: Young Fattafaihe following -> Young Futtahaihe following

p. 357: had not danced defore -> had not danced before

p. 365: on our asking the reason, the said -> on our asking the reason,

they said

p. 408: it seems all of of them -> it seems all of them

p. 409: strong ripling and whirpools -> strong riplings and whirlpools

p. 443: EMPLOYMENTS OE THE WOMEN -> EMPLOYMENTS OF THE WOMEN

p. 447: unmaried men and women -> unmarried men and women