CHAPTER XI.

MADAME DE STAËL AND AUGUSTE SCHLEGEL AT ROME.

Madame de Staël sought to solace her grief for her father’s death by

writing “The Private Life of Necker,” a short sketch intended to serve

as preface to a volume of his fragmentary writings. Constant spoke very

feelingly of this sketch, and pronounced it to be a revelation of all

that was best in the writer’s head and heart. He said that all her gifts

of mind and feeling were here devoted to express and adorn a single

sentiment, one for which she claimed the sympathy of the world.

This is all quite true, but it is natural that the sketch should affect

us less than it did Madame de Staël’s contemporaries. Necker was a

good and intelligent man. He had varied talents of no common order,

and an incorruptibility of character which would be rare—given the

circumstances—in any age, and, by his admirers, was supposed to be

especially so in his. But joined to all these qualities in him were

just the foibles which spoil an image for posterity. He had a profound

compassion for what he considered the hardships of his lot. It is

touching to read the way—so simple, loving, and yet ingenuous—in which

Madame de Staël records such facts as the following:—“It was painful to

him to be old. His figure, which had grown very stout and made movement

irksome to him, gave him a feeling of shyness that prevented his going

into society. He hardly ever got into a carriage when anybody was looking

at him, and he did not walk where he could be seen. In a word, his

imagination loved grace and youth, and he would say to me sometimes, ‘I

do not know why I am humiliated by the infirmities of age, but I feel

that it is so.’ And it was thanks to this sentiment that he was loved

like a young man.”

For the rest, the sketch is one long impassioned elegy in prose. One

is astonished at the sudden creative force of expression in it. It is

graphic by mere power of words without any help from metaphor.

It was not in Madame de Staël’s nature to mourn in solitude, and we have

Bonstetten’s authority for the fact that the summer of 1804 was one of

the most delightful which he had ever passed at the Château. Schlegel,

Constant, Sismondi, were all there, as well as Bonstetten, himself, and

Madame Necker de Saussure, now more than ever devoted to her cousin.

Madame de Staël had also a new visitor, Müller, the historian, whose

learning was stupendous, and who wrangled from morning till night on

subjects of amazing erudition with Schlegel. The mistress of the house,

although far from being the equal of the two combatants in learning,

sometimes rushed between them with her fiery eloquence, like an angel

with a flaming sword; but most of the society were reduced to silence.

Sismondi felt a perfect ignoramus, and talked plaintively to Bonstetten

of going to Germany, there to drink in facts and theories at the source

of the new intellect. In short, the German “Revival” was beginning, and

Madame de Staël in bringing Auguste Schlegel to Switzerland had broken a

large piece off the mountain of learning, like somebody in the fairy tale

who carried away a slice from the Island of Jewels.

In October, 1804, Madame de Staël started with Schlegel and her three

children for Italy, and it is to this journey that the world owes

_Corinne_. It is said that Schlegel first taught Madame de Staël to

appreciate art—that is, painting, sculpture, and architecture. For

music she had always had a passion, and both sang and played agreeably.

But plastic beauty had as yet been a sealed book to her, and she had

not even any great appreciation of scenery. A spontaneous feeling for

all these she perhaps never acquired. Ste. Beuve, indeed, complains

that the spot on Misenum where she places Corinne on one occasion, was

the least picturesque of many beautiful points of view. Nevertheless,

Italy revived her. She found hope and thought and voice anew beneath

that magic sky. There was nothing but the still-abiding sense of loss

to mar the pleasure of her visit. The diplomatic agents of Napoleon

abstained from interference with her, and Joseph had given her letters

introducing her to all the best society in Rome. Unlike her own Corinne,

however, she found it very uninteresting, and wrote complainingly to

Bonstetten that Humboldt was her most congenial companion. The Roman

princes she found extremely dull, and preferred the cardinals, as being

more cultivated, or more probably more men of the world. For the rest,

she was received with the liveliest respect, and even enthusiasm; was

made a member of the Arcadian Academy, and had endless sonnets written

upon her. Unfortunately, her _Dix Années d’Exil_ does not speak of this

Italian journey, and so, for the impression she received, one has to

turn to _Corinne_, where, of course, everything reappears more or less

transfigured. One would have liked to know the genesis of that work,

on what occasion it took root, and how it grew, in Madame de Staël’s

mind. How much did she really know of that poor, lampooned, insulted,

and squint-eyed Corilla who was the origin of her enchanting Sibyl? How

far below the surface did she really see of that strange Roman world,

so cosmopolitan, so chaotic after the French invasion, so thrilled

with fugitive novel ideas, so steeped in time-worn apathy? It would be

delightful to know what was the impression which Madame de Staël herself

produced in the few salons where a little culture prevailed, and what

was the true notion concerning her in that motley and decaying society

of belated Arcadians, exhausted _cicisbei_ and _abatini_ lapsed forever

from the genial circles where their youth had passed in gossiping and

sonneteering.

Hers must have seemed a curious and forcible figure among all those

frivolous “survivals”; and great and strange, mad and merry as were the

many foreigners who found their way at various times to Rome, probably no

more striking couple ever appeared there than Madame de Staël and Auguste

Schlegel.

As soon as she returned to Switzerland she began _Corinne_. At Coppet

some of her old circle immediately gathered round her again: Madame

Necker de Saussure, of course, and Madame Rilliet-Hüber, Schlegel,

Constant, and Sismondi, assembled to enjoy her society once more. The

private theatricals in which she delighted were again resumed, and such

tragedies as _Zaire_ and _Phèdre_ performed, as well as slight comedies

composed by the châtelaine herself. Madame de Staël was fond of acting;

and although she had no special talent, her imposing presence, and the

earnestness with which she played, made her performance a pleasing one—at

any rate, to her admirers.

When _Corinne_ was drawing to an end, its authoress could no longer

resist her old and recurring temptation to return to France. She went

first to Auxerre; then, profiting by the indulgence of Fouché, who,

when it was possible (and politic), always shut one eye, she accepted

an invitation to Acosta, a property near Meulon belonging to Madame de

Castellane. Some of her old friends ventured there to visit her, and

in peace and reviving hope she completed _Corinne_. It was no sooner

published than it was hailed with universal applause.

All this success annoyed Napoleon, possibly because it revealed in his

enemy greater powers than he had hitherto suspected, hence a greater

influence with all enlightened minds. According to some, an article

which appeared in the _Moniteur_ attacking _Corinne_ was written by the

Imperial hand. And this first sign of ire was followed by a new decree

of banishment, which sent Madame de Staël back to Coppet. There a few

new figures came to join the usual set, among them Prince Auguste of

Prussia, who straightway fell a victim to Madame Récamier. For a few

weeks this love affair introduced a new element of romantic, yet very

human, interest into the intensely intellectual life of Coppet. The

Prince wished Madame Récamier to marry him; and for a short time, either

dazzled by the prospect of such splendor, or really attracted by her

royal wooer, she hesitated. But such a step would have involved a divorce

from M. Récamier. He was old; he had lately lost his fortune; he had

always been good to her; and Juliette made up her mind that it would be

too unkind to leave him.

Some other scenes not altogether literary were passing just then in the

Château. The relations between Madame de Staël and Constant, of late

much strained, had now become constantly stormy. Sismondi, some years

later, in writing to the Countess of Albany, referred to them as really

distressing, and apparently Madame Récamier was in the flattering but

uncomfortable position of having to listen to and, as well as she could,

soothe both parties.

Constant would have married Madame de Staël, but she desired a secret

marriage, and he would only hear of an open one. It was only in 1808

he finally put an end to his perplexities by marrying Charlotte von

Hardenberg. He carefully avoided telling Madame de Staël of his

intention beforehand, being still too much under her influence to bear

her criticisms and possible reproaches with equanimity.

About November, 1807, Madame de Staël had returned again to Germany,

accompanied by two of her children, by Constant, Sismondi, and Schlegel.

From Munich she wrote one of her characteristic letters to Madame

Récamier:—

“I have spent five days here, and I leave for Vienna in an hour. There

I shall be thirty leagues farther from you and from all who are dear to

me. All society here has received me in a charming manner, and has spoken

of my beautiful friend with admiration. You have an aerial reputation

which nothing common can touch. The bracelet you gave me [this bracelet

contained Madame Récamier’s portrait] has caused my hand to be kissed

rather oftener, and I send you all the homage which I receive.”

In another she significantly remarks:—

“The Prince de Ligne is really amiable and good above all things. He has

the manners of M. de Narbonne, and a heart. It is a pity he is old, but

all that generation fill me with an invincible tenderness.”

This is one of her touching allusions to her father, of whom all “good

gray heads” reminded her. But the Prince de Ligne and Necker were two

very different people. The former was the ideal of a _grand seigneur_,

clever, brave, handsome, all in a supreme degree; the descendant of a

chivalrous race, and as gallant and noble himself as any of them. He

was extremely witty, and quickly achieved the conquest of the Empress

Catherine when he was sent on a mission to Russia in 1782. He followed in

her suite through the Crimea on the occasion of her famous journey there

with Joseph II., and his amusing account of this expedition is one of his

claims to literary reputation. The last years of his brilliant life were

embittered by the loss of his property, consequent on the French invasion

of Belgium, and by the death in battle of his eldest and best-beloved son.

Madame de Staël probably enjoyed his society all the more that the

Viennese gentlemen appeared to her singularly uninteresting. She

complained of them in her letters to the Grand Duchess of Weimar, and

also to Madame Récamier, and declared that she felt the need of a summer

at Coppet to indemnify her for the frivolous monotony of the Austrian

capital. She seems to have been in an unusually depressed state of mind,

and recurred perpetually to the hardships of exile.

In April, 1808, shortly before starting again for Weimar, she addressed a

letter to her former friend, the ungrateful Talleyrand, begging him to

interest himself for the payment of the two millions left by her father

in the French Treasury. She alluded sadly, and at some length, to all her

sufferings again in this letter, and reminded him that he wrote thirteen

years previously to her from America, “If I must remain even one year

longer here I shall die.”

One is not much surprised to divine from subsequent circumstances that

this appeal produced no effect. Amiable, and even pathetic as it was,

Talleyrand was not the man to be moved by it. Like Napoleon, to whom he

perhaps showed it, he would be likely to think that Madame de Staël’s

“exile” was singularly mitigated. It is one thing to be proscribed and

banished, not only from one’s own country but from friends and fortune;

to wander, as so many illustrious refugees have done, a lonely stranger

in a foreign land, not daring to invoke the protection of any authority,

and constantly eking out a miserable existence by teaching or worse. It

is another thing to be wealthy, influential, admired; to be the guest of

sovereigns, and the honored friend of the greatest minds in Europe; to be

surrounded with sympathy, and followed at every step by the homage of a

brilliant and cultured crowd. Such was the existence of Madame de Staël.

Her sorrows were great because her fiery temperament rebelled against

her grief, at the same time that her great intellect fed it with lofty

and lyric thoughts. But her sorrows were of the affections exclusively.

She never felt the sting of the world’s scorn, nor knew the bitter days

and sleepless nights of poverty. If she ever “ate her bread with tears,”

they were not those saltest tears of all which are wrung from burning

eyes by unachieved hopes and frustrated endeavor. Every field of social

and intellectual activity was open to her except the salons of Paris, and

those were very different under the blight of Napoleonic bureaucracy from

what they had been even during the mingled vulgarity and ferment of the

Directory.

She returned to Weimar, and had a touching meeting with the Grand

Duchess, whose recent troubles, and the courage she displayed under them,

had not only endeared her to her subjects and her friends, but had won

the applause of the world. On her way thither she presumably delayed a

short while in Berlin, and it must have been to that period that Ticknor

refers when relating a very amusing anecdote in his _Life and Letters_.

She asked Fichte to give her in a quarter of an hour a summarized idea of

his famous _Ego_, professing to be, as she doubtless was, entirely in the

dark about it. Fichte’s consternation may be imagined, for he had been

all his life developing his system, and intended it to comprehend the

universe. Moreover he spoke very bad French, and even if Madame de Staël

were momentarily silent in speech, we may fancy how voluble she _looked_,

and how nervous the prescience of her imminent rapid speech must have

made the philosopher. However, he made up his mind to the attempt, and

began. In a very few moments Madame de Staël burst out:

“Ah! that is enough. I understand perfectly. Your system is illustrated

by a story in Munchausen’s travels.” Fichte’s expression at this

announcement was a study; but the lady went on: “He arrived once on the

banks of a wide river, where there was neither bridge nor ferry, neither

boat nor raft; and at first he was in despair. But an idea struck him,

and taking hold of his own sleeve, he jumped himself over to the other

side. Now, Monsieur Fichte, is not this exactly what you have done with

your _Ego_?”

This speech charmed everybody except Fichte himself, who never forgave

Madame de Staël, or at least so Ticknor’s informant said, and it is easy

to believe him.

During the remainder of 1808, and the whole of 1809 and 1810, Madame de

Staël remained alternately at Coppet and Geneva, working steadily at the

_Allemagne_. It was only about this time that she acquired habits of

sustained occupation. Her father had entertained so strong and singular

an objection to seeing her engaged in writing, that, rather than pain

him, she used to scribble at odd hours and in casual positions—sometimes,

for instance, standing by the chimney-piece. In this way she was able to

hide her work as soon as he appeared, and thus spare him the annoyance

of supposing that he had interrupted her. She talked so continually that

it was a marvel how she ever wrote at all; and her friends used often

to wonder where and how she planned her works. But the truth seems to

have been that they sprang full grown from her brain, after having been

unconsciously developed there by perpetual discussion.

During the years above mentioned society at Coppet, although normally

composed as of old by Schlegel, Sismondi, Constant (for a time), Madame

Récamier, and Bonstetten, was varied once more by new and interesting

visitors. Among these was Madame Le Brun, who not only painted a portrait

of Madame de Staël, but noted many things which now afford pleasant

glimpses of the life at the Château. Of course, like everybody else who

sojourned as a guest at Coppet, she fell under the spell of the hostess.

Byron himself some years later recorded how much more charming Madame

de Staël was in her own house than out of it; and she seems to have

possessed the art of dispensing her hospitality, which was royal, with

as much grace as cordiality.

Among the new figures in these years at Coppet were Werner and

Oehlenschläger. Both were poets and cursed with the irritability of the

genus, so that their mutual exasperation was great, and Madame de Staël

had some trouble to keep the peace between them. Sismondi in one of

his letters described Werner as a man of many intellectual gifts, who

considered himself the apostle of Love and bound to preach it in his

wanderings through the world. Occasionally his utterances were a little

puzzling to sober-minded people, who were too much taken aback by his

mystical mixtures of passion, sentiment, and piety to be always ready

with an answer.

Werner had had a _Sturm und Drang_ period of extreme dissipation, had

taken to Freemasonry, and imbibed, apparently, some of the ideas of the

Illuminati; and, besides his mysticism in religion, inclined to socialism

in politics. After all this vagueness of thought, joined to a highly

impressionable and very vivid temperament, it is not surprising to learn

that he eventually became a Roman Catholic priest and rose to great

renown as a preacher.

Oehlenschläger has left a spiteful picture of Werner, with his nose full

of snuff, discussing his esoteric doctrines in an execrable patois which

was intended for French. Both poets, however, united in admiring and

praising, almost worshipping, Madame de Staël, and she on her side seems

to have cared little for any peculiarity in their habits as long as there

was originality in their characters.

It was during this visit of the two poets at Coppet that Karl Ritter

appeared for a short time on the scene. He enjoyed a great reputation in

Germany, being considered as the inventor of the Science of Comparative

Geography. He was also a gentle, earnest man, and became extremely

religious in his old age. He records an animated, indeed perfervid and

amazingly eloquent, speech pronounced before him by Madame de Staël in

favor of the metaphysical origin of religion, and in answer to Sismondi

who maintained that its basis should be reasoned morality. Madame de

Staël declared that religion was the condition of virtue; and that

without it there could be no higher life, by which she meant no communion

with God. In support of this thesis she displayed the most surprising

power both of analysis and illustration, while her logic appearing to

Ritter unanswerable, caused the discussion, as he avers, to be an epoch

in his intellectual life. This new interest of Madame de Staël in such

questions was largely due to the ever-growing influence of Madame de

Krüdener, now irrevocably “regenerate” and rapidly rising to fame as a

priestess and prophetess, while leading a life of the utmost asceticism.

She had been in Coppet again, and had left there the trail of her

sacerdotal tendencies. Poor Bonstetten, daily growing younger in mind

and heart, was comically disgusted at the change which was coming over

the intellectual life at the Château. The confusion of dogmas prevailing

could not console him for the fact of there being any dogmas at all.

Between Catholics, Boehmists, Martinists and Mystics, he appeared at

times to be quite worn out, and attributed the whole revolution to

the influence of his pet aversion Schlegel. How he made this out is

not very clear, for the theological spirit was as cosmopolitan in its

representatives as varied in its forms. Mathieu de Montmorency was

a Catholic, somebody else a Quietist, a third an Illuminist, while

Rationalism was left to the doubtful prowess of Baron Voght, who was

reported by Bonstetten to be as gyratory in his opinions as a weathercock.

We now approach an event in Madame de Staël’s life so well known and so

often recounted, that it will not be necessary to relate it again in

detail. This was the suppression of her _Allemagne_, Napoleon’s crowning

act of meanness, and a deed which obtained for Madame de Staël the

entire and unquestioning sympathy of every enlightened mind and generous

heart.

Madame de Staël determined, after some hesitation, to publish the work

in Paris, after submitting it in the first instance to the approval of

the Imperial Censors. Why she took this unfortunate resolution it is

difficult to conceive; for she had been plentifully illuminated with

regard to Napoleon’s spite, and even if all her penetration did not

enable her to foresee the full lengths to which this would carry him,

she might, one would think, have guessed that the censors in Paris would

judge her work with the utmost severity.

However this may be, she took up her abode near Blois for the sake of

correcting the proofs as they issued from the press. She had, before

leaving Coppet, caused her passports to be made out for America, in which

country she had property, and whither, for the sake of her children she

said, she was gradually making up her mind to go. One cannot imagine

Madame de Staël in the New World such as it was in those days; and as she

entertained the project for a long while, put it off from month to month,

and finally abandoned it altogether, it is more than probable that she

never liked it sufficiently to have resolved upon it seriously.

At Blois she established herself first in the famous Château of

Chaumont-sur-Loire, haunted by such various memories as the Cardinal

d’Amboise, Diane de Poitiers, Catherine de Medici, and Nostradamus. But

the owner of the house shortly returning, she removed to another mansion

at Fossé, the home of a M. de Salaberry. She had addressed a letter

to Napoleon in which she presented her work to his notice, craved an

interview in very respectful terms, and urged on his notice the advantage

which it would be for her sons’ career and her daughter’s eventual

marriage (Albertine was then thirteen) if she were allowed to reside

again in the neighborhood of Paris.

While awaiting the answer to this, she gathered round her a group of

her usual friends, among them Madame Récamier, Adrien and Mathieu de

Montmorency, Prosper de Barante, and Benjamin Constant. This society

amused itself with music (an Italian musician, Albertine’s master, who

played the guitar, being of the company), and with a quaint invention

named _La petite poste_. This consisted in abolishing conversation and

substituting for it little notes, which were passed from one to the

other. A very innocent amusement; but either it, or the guitar-playing,

or “Corinne’s” famous name made some noise in the neighborhood.

Finally, one evening Madame de Staël went to the theatre at Blois,

and, on leaving it, was surrounded by a curious crowd. Some officious

person communicated this fact, probably with various others, some true,

some false, to the Minister of Police, who wrote to the Prefect of the

department to complain that his master’s celebrated foe was the centre

of a little court. In a short time the blow fell. No answer came from

Napoleon, but, instead of it, the announcement that her book had been

seized, that all copies of it were destroyed, and that the authoress was

to leave France within three days either for America or Coppet. At the

same time, the Prefect of Loir and Cher demanded the surrender of the MS.

of the work. Fortunately Madame de Staël possessed a rough copy, which

she gave him, while her son saved the real one.

She wrote to Savary, Duke of Rovigo (“permitted,” she says bitingly

“to hide his name under a title”), and represented to him that the

interval allowed her for her departure was insufficient. She received a

reply which has become classic for its baseness, its insolence, and its

ludicrous arrogance. All the littleness and none of the force of Napoleon

was reflected from the mind of his underling. He told her that she need

not seek for the cause of her exile in the silence regarding the Emperor

which she had observed in her work, for that no place in it could have

been found worthy of him! For the rest, the air of France did not suit

her, and as for its inhabitants, they were not yet reduced to taking as

models the nations whom she admired. Her last work was not French, and it

was he (this worthy official) who had forbidden it to be printed.

Savary thus claimed for himself, and not for his master, the glory of

this precious proceeding; but as nobody suspected him of acting except

under orders, he blew this trumpet to the desert air.

The blow to Madame de Staël was a terrible one. Her first impulse was to

go to America; but fearing the long sea-voyage for her daughter at that

season of the year (it was October), she once again set her face most

reluctantly towards Coppet. This place, which she henceforward describes

as a “prison,” was shortly afterwards made further distasteful to her by

a change of Prefect. Monsieur de Barante, who was a friend of hers, was

removed, and the successor appointed to him, M. Capelle, was one of the

functionaries now turned out by the gross from the Imperial mould. He

regarded Napoleon as a deity and himself as a prophet, and conceived the

brilliant idea of distinguishing himself by persuading Madame de Staël to

write something flattering of the Emperor. Naturally he failed; the mind

of a bureaucrat prostrate before the fetich of his own alarmed idolatry

alone could have conceived the possibility of success. And naturally,

again, his failure rankled, and caused him to visit his disappointment on

the creator of it by numerous small vexations.

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