initiation-shooting complex; that is, initiation associated with
shooting, the transference of the otter-skin bag and of a shell, plus
a number of incidental elements—occurs in the general ceremony. This
complex intervenes between the performance of the basic ritual by
the North and West Bands. There is absolutely nothing in the basic
ritual preceding or following the initiation that could possibly be
interpreted as a preparation for the latter. As it is found there,
the initiation seems quite out of place, and conveys forcibly the
impression of being intrusive. The general ceremony is by no means
terminated when initiation is over; but the West Band continues with
its performance of the basic ritual as though there had been no
interruption, even though the interval between North’s and West’s
performance of the basic ritual generally lasts a number of hours. The
initiation ritual is, on the whole, treated as an incidental feature.
It can certainly not be the main or most important ritual of the
general ceremony. As a matter of fact, it occurs only in the day ritual
of that ceremony. In the night ritual it is absent. A ritual of which
shooting is one of the essential features occurs in the latter, but, as
we shall see later, this has nothing to do with the initiation.
That the shell and the shooting are unquestionably considered necessary
and essential for initiation, is borne out conclusively by the numerous
references in the speeches. We must therefore not permit the position
of the initiation ritual in the general ceremony to interfere with its
interpretation as a real initiation into the society. However, this
position may have been due to secondary causes. It is quite impossible
to determine them definitely now; but it is possible, by studying the
significance and nature of the basic ritual, to explain to a very large
extent the reason for the position of the initiation ritual.
The basic ritual is a definite ceremonial complex, which constitutes
the most conspicuous unit of the Medicine Dance. Both in the night
and the day ritual of the general ceremony, each individual band
repeats it, and in both cases the ceremony terminates as soon as the
last band has finished it. A number of other rituals separate the
various performances of the basic ritual, and even intervene between
the separate constituent elements of the ritual itself. In each case,
nevertheless, the basic ritual is continued as soon as the disturbing
ritual has been removed. It is for these reasons that it seems to me
unquestionable that we are dealing here with the essential ritualistic
unit of the general ceremony. What strengthens this impression is
the fact that a ritualistic complex similar in its general nature,
although not in the component elements of which it is made up, is
found in almost all the other societies of the Winnebago. In the
Buffalo, Grizzly Bear, Ghost, and Night Societies, there is a basic
ritual of essentially the same functions and significance. In all
these societies, likewise, objects of specific value to the members
are passed from one individual to another; and this “passing” is
accompanied by songs, speeches, and ritualistic details. Although the
complex differs for each society, it nevertheless presents a definite
ritualistic unit, which must be repeated by each person, or each band
belonging to the society, as the case may be.
To judge from the general tenor of the speeches, the purpose of the
ritual in every one of these societies is the “strengthening” of
powers obtained in a vision. Now, the tenor of the speeches in the
basic ritual of the Medicine Dance is precisely of the same nature;
and as we have there, in addition, the characteristic passing of the
“blessing,”—that is, the passing of the drum, the gourds, and the
associate actions, speeches, songs, and dances; in other words, the
means of assuring the continuance and the strengthening of the specific
powers,—there can be little doubt that the basic ritual is essentially
the same for all these societies.
Of course, the demonstration that the basic ritual is at present the
main and most important ritual in the Medicine Dance, does not prove
that it is historically primary. There are, however, a number of facts
that speak in favor of this assumption. In the first place, it is
undoubtedly the characteristic ceremonial complex of all Winnebago
societies, and likewise of a large number of societies among other
Siouan tribes; and, secondly, it is associated with an organization
that is typical of other Winnebago societies. It differs from these
primarily in the fact that membership is purchased, and not obtained
through supernatural communication from some animal. Even the absence
of the customary manner of admission might perhaps be hypothetically
accounted for, for we have an interesting instance of the disappearance
of the “vision” qualification in the Night Dance. The Night Dance, now
known as the Sore-Eye Dance, previously required for admission a vision
from the night spirits. This qualification has now disappeared, and its
place has been taken by purchase, pure and simple, as in the case of
the Medicine Dance. Now, it is possible that the same development may
have taken place for the Medicine Dance. In the absence of any such
positive evidence, however, as has been adduced for the Night Dance,
this assumption can only be regarded as a possible explanation.
If the basic ritual is to be regarded as the principal and
characteristic feature of the Medicine Dance and as historically
primary, then the intrusive character of the initiation ritual may be
explained by regarding it as secondarily associated. We are of course
in no position to say in what way this association occurred, and we
are therefore not in a position to tell whether the initiation ritual
was associated from the very beginning in such a way as to perform the
functions of a normal initiation into a society, or whether it was at
first a purely adventitious addition with no special significance.
If it was regarded from the very beginning as an initiation, there
seems no reason why it should have been given the position in the
general ceremony that it now possesses. It consequently seems better to
regard its position as older than the references made in the speeches
to its functions as an initiation into this specific Winnebago society.
There can be little doubt that the initiation-complex of the Medicine
Dance was borrowed from the Central Algonkin Midewiwin. We may
consequently conclude that, notwithstanding the present interpretation
of the initiation as an initiation into the Medicine Dance, it is
historically really an initiation ritual of one ceremony that has
become secondarily associated with another. In support of this, it can
be pointed out that no initiation bearing the slightest resemblance
to this one, occurs in any other of the numerous Winnebago societies,
and that the Medicine Dance really possesses two initiations,—the one
being the purchase of membership; and the other, that mentioned above.
It might also be added that non-members never speak of the shooting as
an initiation. To them the shooting always appears as a shamanistic
practice associated with the “strengthening” of power. The esoteric
interpretation, however, regards this “secondary” initiation as primary.
Summing up briefly the results of the analysis of the three initiations
discussed, we must emphasize again the fact that we are dealing with
initiations essentially different in nature. In the Ojibwa-Menominee
it is evidently a formal transfer of shamanistic powers from one
individual to another, which has subsequently become synonymous with
admission into the social status of a mide and then with admission into
a society. In the Shell Society the transfer of powers is analogous to
the purchase of specific powers by one individual from another; and as
these have become associated with a society, the individual buying them
purchased at the same time admission into the society. In the Pebble
Society, initiation is synonymous with the acquisition of power through
supernatural communication from some animal. There is no transfer at
all, except in so far as the spirit animal transfers something to the
person fasting. Initiation is connected simply with the individual. No
initiation into the society exists. In the Winnebago Medicine Dance,
whatever may have been the primary method of initiation, we have to-day
a definite initiation like that found in the Midewiwin. This, however,
has been borrowed from another ceremony, and secondarily associated.
Even now it is not in its proper organic position in the general
ceremony, despite the fact that an esoteric re-interpretation has
transformed it into a specific initiation into the Medicine Dance.
Initiation is thus seen to be both a concept and a ritualistic complex,
varying considerably in different tribes. As a ritualistic complex, it
has entered freely into innumerable associations, which can only be
determined by a study of each specific ceremony. The same holds true
with regard to the concept of initiation. It is also apparent that
the concept has a marked influence in determining the nature of the
ritualistic complex connected with it, and _vice versa_. In both cases,
then, we have to examine not merely the nature of these two phenomena
in a given area, but likewise whether they represent historically
primary concepts and complexes, before we can make any attempt to
investigate what are the concepts that underlie all initiations.
V. THE GENERAL CEREMONY.—In the foregoing remarks we have dealt with
the nature and significance of those specific rituals that go to make
the larger complex we have called the “general ceremony.” We will now
proceed to examine the nature and significance of this general ceremony
itself.
1. _Ojibwa-Menominee._—The general ceremony of the Ojibwa-Menominee
Midewiwin is to all intents and purposes the initiation ritual
itself. There is really no other ritualistic complex with which it
is associated; nor is there any feature which interrupts in any way
the dramatic progress of events from the beginning, to the actual
initiation of the new member. In reality this general ceremony must be
looked upon solely as the completion of a long course of preparatory
instruction. Nothing, indeed, accentuates the minor part which the
actual “society” aspect of the Midewiwin plays than this slight
development of the general ceremony. The long course of preparatory
instruction, in which the shaman, as an individual, plays the major
part, seems practically to be the main feature.
2. _Shell Society._—In the Shell Society the general ceremony consists
of a large number of ritualistic complexes. The basic ritual runs
like a red line through the whole, and with this are associated the
following rituals: the passing of the invitation-sticks, the opening
of the pack by the keepers, the circling of the fire “by the four
children,” the filling of the wooden bowl with water, and finally the
shooting. Both the secret and the public ceremonies consist almost
exclusively of the shooting, and of the “passing” of the drum and the
ritualistic details associated with it. The meeting terminates as soon
as the last of the five ceremonial bands has finished this basic ritual.
3. _Pebble Society._—In the Pebble Society the characteristic passing
of the drum likewise occurs, and with it occur the details connected
with it, as well as the preparation for shooting and the actual
shooting. The number of ritualistic complexes is much smaller than in
the Shell Society. However, this may be due to the meagreness of our
information. As contrasted with the marked unity of action displayed
in the Shell Society, we find here a marked tendency for individual
development, that is perhaps to be expected, considering that the bond
of union (namely, the powers obtained through common visions) is a
rather vague one from the point of view of organization.
4. _Medicine Dance._—In the Medicine Dance the general ceremony
includes, in addition to the basic and initiation rituals, a secret
ceremony that takes place outside of the lodge itself. As in the Shell
and Pebble Societies, there are here also two sessions, but both seem
to be secret.
The significance of the general ceremony mentioned is the performance
of a ritual for a variety of purposes, the principal of which are,
first, purely the perpetuation of the ritual; and, secondly, the
“strengthening” and renewal of certain special powers. These two
seem to be pre-eminently the functions of those Omaha and Winnebago
societies that are based upon common visions. In the former the element
of initiation plays no part at all. The meetings of the society take
place at almost any convenient time of the year. For the Winnebago the
element of initiation is more pronounced. The meetings are called for
two reasons,—either for the purpose of initiating a member, or for the
purpose of acquiring additional powers.
In each case the general complexes are different, and in each case they
depend upon associations that are both historically and psychologically
determined by the specific cultural characteristics of the area in
question.
VI. THE COMPLETE CEREMONIAL COMPLEXES.—The general ceremony is only one
element in an extremely elaborate complex. Its position in this complex
has been touched upon before. We have now, however, to examine this
complex itself, and to see what are the ritualistic elements that form
it. And in this final complex we have again to see whether there is a
tendency for certain elements to be associated in a definite manner;
and, if this proves to be the case, how this definite association is to
be interpreted.
1. _Ojibwa._—The Ojibwa Midewiwin consists of a long course of
preparation, and a formal public initiation into a society containing
four degrees. We have seen that the preparation is entirely shamanistic
in character, and that the general public ceremony is to all intents
and purposes as much an initiation into the status of a mide as it
is into a society. This interpretation is again strengthened by the
marked association of the general ceremony with shamanistic tricks.
Among the Cree it appears that this function of the Midewiwin is of
prime importance.[21] In the “degrees” we have another confirmation
of its shamanistic character. The four degrees are merely the four
instalments in which an old shaman sells his knowledge and power. The
number 4 has no especial significance, except in so far as it is the
sacred number of the tribe. Miss Densmore[22] found eight degrees
among another division of the Ojibwa; and the number will doubtless
be found to vary from division to division. The requirements for
admission into the second, third, and fourth degrees, are greater
payments, and greater evidences of religious fitness. The possessors
of the various degrees do not form distinct classes. Those of the
first degree alone, possess one degree only. There is no passing from
one to another degree, but simply an addition of degrees, so that an
individual with the fourth degree possesses all the other degrees; in
other words, degrees are merely marks of increased power. It is for
this reason that an initiation practically the same as that for the
first degree is necessary for the other degrees. The fact that a new
initiation into the society is necessary for each degree, and that the
distinctions represented by the degrees are merely transferences of
increased shamanistic powers, differing accordingly as they have been
obtained from one or another shaman, emphasizes strongly the specific
shamanistic nature of the Midewiwin.
As we have said before, the Midewiwin is a society, not so much because
it is an association of mide, but because there have come to be
associated with it certain functions of a religious and social nature,
setting it off as a unit. The fact that the members are mide will, of
course, have an enormous influence on some of the functions that the
society is supposed to possess.
The powers of the individual mide are those connected with the healing
of wounds, the curing of disease, the ability to transform one’s
self into any animal or object at will, the performance of seemingly
impossible tricks, and lastly the practice of evil magic. In the
teachings of the individual mide in his rôle as a member of the
Midewiwin, all these elements are present; but there are, in addition,
two other powers which are specifically Midewiwin functions,—namely,
the power to prolong life, and the power to assure a successful passage
to the future world. The power of prolonging life is not supposed to
be an effect of the shooting. The belief is, that membership in the
society, and the proper observance of the ritual and precepts, will
enable an individual to surmount successfully the crises of life and
the evil designs of his enemies. Just as the proper observance of
ritual and precepts prolongs life, so it will likewise insure the safe
passage of a soul from this to a future world. According to William
Jones, “it was believed that the soul followed a path to go to the
spirit world, and that the path was beset with dangers to oppose
the passage of the soul; but that it was possible to overcome the
obstacles by the use of the formulas which could be learned only in the
Midewiwin.”[23]
To assert dogmatically that these two powers do not come within the
scope of the individual mide, may perhaps be unwarranted; but at
present the evidence among the Ojibwa is certainly negative. However,
the Midewiwin is considered to be intimately associated with these
specific functions. They are not associated with the specific powers of
the mide. In reality, they are the general religio-magical possessions
of the tribe, that have been secondarily associated with the Midewiwin.
2. _Menominee._—Practically all that has been said of the Ojibwa
applies in equal degree to the Menominee Midewiwin. But two important
differences are noticeable,—first, a member is always succeeded by
a near relative; and, secondly, not only is the Midewiwin connected
with the function of insuring the safe passage to the future world,
but the ceremony itself begins at the grave of the deceased member as
soon as the mortuary rites are over. They may even be regarded as a
continuation of the same.
3. _Shell Society._—In the Shell Society the organization, in
contradistinction to the Ojibwa-Menominee Midewiwin, is not based on
individuals as such, but on definite ceremonial group units. There are
five to-day, but there seem to have been more formerly.
We find a fourfold designation for the lodges. They are known to-day as
those of the eldest son or sun, second son or stars, daughter or moon,
and youngest son or earth. Sometimes, however, these same are known in
order as Black-Bear, Elk, Buffalo, and Deer Lodge. The first “old man’s
lodge” (_uju_) is also known as that of the Eagle.
The general ceremony has been described before, and we will therefore
proceed to discuss what appears to be the purpose of the society, what
powers its members possessed, and with what functions it was associated.
The definite purpose of the society seems to be the performance of
a certain ritual. That in addition there is likewise the desire to
increase or at least strengthen the powers received at purchase, is
extremely probable, but this cannot be definitely stated. What can be
definitely stated, however, is the fact that an absolutely essential
condition for efficacy of the powers obtained is the performance of
the ritual; and in this it is radically distinct from the Midewiwin,
for there the powers obtained from the shaman have no relation to the
ritual. The efficacy then, of the powers, remains always what it was
when taught to the new member.
In discussing what the powers of the members are, it is again essential
to distinguish what they possess by virtue of membership, and what they
possess as individuals. We should most naturally expect that certain
conceptions, certain cultural possessions, belong to a large body of
Omaha. If, then, we find them in a certain society, it is most natural
to assume that they have not been obtained by reason of membership
therein, but that this society will reflect general Omaha ideas. This
or that society may emphasize certain ideas, and may develop them
along certain lines, but it certainly does not originate them. They
have no relation of cause and effect to any particular society. This
has sometimes been assumed to be the case, and such a view comes out
clearly in Miss Fletcher’s[24] statement that all secret societies
among the Omaha dealt more or less with magic as well as with healing
by means of herbs and roots. It is palpably not because they are
secret societies that their members have developed any such tendencies,
but because, as secret societies, they reflected Omaha customs and
modes of thought. For the same reason Miss Fletcher’s conclusion, that
because in both the Shell and Pebble Societies shamanistic tricks are
performed, they may possibly be historically connected, is unwarranted.
The observance of shamanistic tricks is so general a phenomenon, that
all that can be said, when two societies are found emphasizing them, is
that two societies emphasized or developed one or many Omaha customs.
There is no need of assuming any historical connection unless this has
been shown to be the case.
Let us now return to what is distinctive in the powers of a member of
the Shell Society.
The name of the society is “Those-who-have-the-Shell.” It is the
possession of the shell that separates them from other societies. In
the ideas clustering around the powers of this object we are most
likely to find one of the important specific advantages of membership.
As far as can be gathered from Miss Fletcher’s account, the shell is
connected with certain magical qualities. It is difficult to say what
specific magical qualities are meant. However, to judge from the nature
of the general ceremony and the songs, we are really dealing with magic
in its most general sense, but connected in this case with a specific
object, a shell; that is, we might imagine hypothetically that the
society originated in connection with the vision of an individual, in
which the magical power was associated with a shell. The same power
might, in the case of another individual, be associated with a drum,
a flute, a gourd, a stone, or what not. Apart from difference in
ritualistic detail, and in the nature of some of the elements that go
to make up the general ritualistic complex, it is this association
of magical powers with one object in one case, and with another in
another case, that constitutes the difference between the various Omaha
societies.
To illustrate how general is the magical power of the shell in the
Shell Society, and how essential is the specific object possessing
the magic, we will give the following instances. In the origin myth,
shooting is supposed to kill the “children;” in the general ceremony it
probably serves to strengthen powers already acquired; in the ceremony
for punishing offenders, of which we shall speak later, it is merely an
example of sympathetic magic.
Together with the magic specifically associated with the shell, the
members exercised individual magic; as, for example, killing a horse
because its owner had offended him, or killing another member by
magically having a snake hidden near the place where the other was
accustomed to work. These instances of the exercise of magic must not,
however, be considered as specific of the society.
In addition to the association of the Shell Society with magic in its
more general aspect, and also in its application to some specific
object, we find it associated with general shamanistic practices, with
conceptions relating to life after death, and with a magical ceremony
for punishing offenders. The shamanistic practices have been dwelt
on before. All that can be said about the connection of the society
with ceremonies performed upon the death of a member is, that the
deceased is carried to a tent in which the regular ceremonial is gone
through.[25] Whether this ceremony has any definite connection with
ideas relating to the journey of the soul to the future world, is not
known.